were formed all over Germany among the students and the athletes. These
were called the _Burschenschaften_ and the Turners. On October 17,
1818, several hundred of these young fellows met at the Wartburg (the
ancient castle which had sheltered Luther after he had defied the pope
and the emperor). That evening they gathered about a bonfire and fed it
with various symbols of despotism and with the effigies of reactionary
books, while, hard by, the Turners did exuberant gymnastic “stunts.”
This float could be made most realistic with a genuine bonfire and a
couple of Turners in the rear performing, perhaps, on a horizontal bar.
The decorations should be in black, red and yellow, the colors of German
liberty.
VI. GREECE. The float might merely show a group of the picturesquely
costumed leaders of the Revolution of 1821. There would be General
Kolokotrones, Marco Botzaris (the Suliote chieftain immortalized in
Fitz-Greene Halleck’s poem), Admiral Miaoulis, Kanaris of fire-ship fame,
Karaiskakis, the daring guerilla, and Lord Byron, the poet of revolt, who
gave his life for the cause, and without whom there might have been no
Greek independence.
A more dramatic subject would be found in the Greeks’ welcome of Byron
when he arrived at Missolonghi in the fall of 1823. The costumes of this
float would be particularly effective.
VII. HUNGARY. One turns naturally to the events of April 14, 1849, when,
on Kossuth’s motion, the diet proclaimed the independence of Hungary.
This ought to be as practicable as to give the signing of our own
Declaration.
As an alternative scheme, General Görgei could be shown, surrounded by
the evidences of some of his victories, such as Szólnok, Isaszeg, Vácz,
and Nagysarló.
VIII. ITALY. Italian liberty might well be epitomized in the spectacle of
a red-shirted Garibaldi leaning from the balcony of the Foresteria (the
balcony could be made out of two packing boxes and a bit of railing) and
addressing the jubilant Neapolitans on Sept. 7, 1860, at the close of his
conquest of the Two Sicilies.
IX. PERSIA. This unique float would show a handful of the Mujteheds, or
higher Mohammedan priests, taking refuge, or “bast” before the shrine of
Shah Abdul Azim near Teheran, as they did in 1905. The taking of “bast”
in some sanctuary or other place of protection is an old Persian method
of political protest. In this case it inaugurated the recent revolution
which won Persia a constitution.
X. LIBERTY. The final float would be devoted to displaying the charms of
the most statuesquely beautiful young woman in the community,—who would
be dressed and accoutered rather like the Statue of Liberty in New York
harbor, only, one hopes, with somewhat better taste.
In this order the procession would parade the principal streets. Then,
finally it would march to the stadium (or athletic field) for the
dramatic part of the pageant, if this part were found desirable.
But before passing to the masque, a few more suggestions must be offered
about the parade.
The idea already outlined is capable of almost infinite expansion. For
most of the immigrant nations in our country have undergone struggles
that were inspired, directly or indirectly, by 1776.
Suppose a town wishes to celebrate its next Fourth with a Liberty
Pageant;—it has merely to select an Independence Day Committee as
Springfield did. This committee prepares a list of the different local
nationalities, and decides on the most important modern struggle for
liberty in the history of each, and finally, on the characters or events
that will most simply and effectively epitomize that struggle in float
form.
A few picturesque Tyrolese, for instance, could make a thrilling picture
of the gallant rising of Andreas Hofer in 1809. The Croatians have a
spirited picture in the 1849 proclamation of their independence of
Hungary. The Poles would find a spirited subject in the rebellion of
1830, which began with a band of brave students trying to seize the
Grand Duke Constantine at his palace near Warsaw. Cuba could recall
her Declaration of Independence of Oct. 10, 1868, or some event of the
late war. Spain could have a Ferrer float. Norway might remind us of
her recent bloodless separation from Sweden. Russia, of one of the many
dramatic incidents in that long, bitter fight for liberty whose end is
not yet in sight.
Not alone by increasing the number of participating nations is this idea
capable of almost endless development, but also by increasing the number
of floats for each nation. The history of most of the struggles already
alluded to contains dozens of alluring subjects. The number need be
limited only by the resources and the enthusiasm of the community.
Behind the national floats international ones might follow, representing
such world-movements as those for:
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY
FREEDOM OF SPEECH
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY
EXTENSION OF THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE
POPULARIZATION OF GOVERNMENT
DESTRUCTION OF SPECIAL PRIVILEGE
EMANCIPATION OF WOMAN
ABOLITION OF MOB RULE
ABOLITION OF CHILD LABOR
ETC., ETC.
So much, then, for the possibilities of expanding the idea. On the other
hand it is capable of just as extreme contraction and simplification for
use in the smaller, less wealthy communities.
By taking a little more care in costuming the marching escorts an
effective pageant could be arranged with only five or six floats.
Indeed, it is not absolutely essential to have floats at all. Nearly
all of the situations suggested above could be adequately represented
by appropriately costumed groups on foot; and there would even be this
positive advantage, that leaders like Garibaldi and Kolokotrones and
Black George might appear at the head of a more realistically adequate
body of troops than could be assembled upon a float.
According to this plan the various foes of liberty might also appear in
force, and sham battles could be fought in various outskirts of town
earlier in the day (let us hope, with noiseless as well as smokeless
arms!) before the various units unite in procession.
If the parade is combined with the performance of a specially written
masque, the combination would obviate many of the usual objections to
the ordinary “safe and sane” Fourth. The masque would provide a most
desirable dramatic and educative element. And, by charging a small
admission fee, this performance would ordinarily pay the entire expense
of the celebration, including the expense of engaging a competent pageant
master. Now a pay performance without the free parade might, under the
circumstances, be considered an undemocratic way of celebrating what
should be our most democratic holiday. But in combination with a free
parade the admission fee would be unobjectionable, and the masque would,
more than anything else, stimulate that deep, thoughtful patriotism whose
lack to-day is as grave a defect in our barbarous Fourth as its cruelty.
The idea of the masque has as yet been worked out only tentatively. Its
development is the business of a dramatic poet. Roughly speaking it would
proceed somewhat as follows.
When the procession arrives at the stadium the floats would enter in
their historical order, each accompanied however, by only the small,
specially trained nucleus of its marching escort. The floats would circle
the inclosure once or twice, and then divide into two files, forming a
lane of honor through which the Liberty float would move slowly and take
up a position in the center of the inclosure.
Its escort would then sing a chorus which ought to be as eloquent and
beautiful and suggestive an exposition of the nature of abstract liberty
as Swinburne’s “Hertha” is of the soul.
When this is finished the Americans would approach this central figure
of Liberty and recount, with music and dramatic action, perhaps, their
struggle in her honor, ending with America sung with full chorus and
band. Then the Americans would take up their position in the secondary
place of honor opposite.
Hereupon, keeping to their historic order, each nation would advance
and after greeting the American float as the pioneer of liberty, would
approach the goddess and briefly recite their deeds in her behalf, each
particularly emphasizing the unique qualities which it brought to its own
struggle, and which it is ready (by application) to bring to any further
struggles in the same general cause.
These national recitals might be managed in various ways. Dependent upon
the size of the stadium and the available creative talent among the
organizers, they might be spoken or sung, solo or in chorus, in prose
or verse, or both. Of course it is desirable that the masque should be
composed entirely by the best poet and set to music by the most inspired
composer obtainable. But it is quite conceivable that local amateurs
might rise to very satisfactory heights in an emergency.
Even in case of rain it might still be possible for the leading
characters to present this masque upon the stage of the largest local
theater concert hall.
After each nation has separately recounted its prowess, and all are
grouped effectively around the central figure, Liberty reminds them
that though they have done heroic deeds in the past, much remains
to accomplish in the present, even in this land of the free. She
then proceeds to describe what foes still menace our real freedom in
America, such foes as special privilege, mob rule, political corruption,
white slavery, treatment of the feeble-minded as common criminals, a
capitalistic press, and so on.
Then in the final grand chorus the united nations would join together in
proclaiming that, strengthened by their separate struggles overseas, they
here and now unite their efforts to make this land, in deed as in name,
the land of liberty.
Could anything make more swiftly and surely for national solidarity
than in some such way to stimulate each national element in our forming
civilization to bring the best it has to the service of the future
America? And what more patriotic and fitting deed could be accomplished
than to transform the birthday of modern liberty from a day of
meaningless destruction into a day of construction fraught with profound
and beautiful significance?
FOOTNOTES
[1] _In “The Seven Ages of Washington.”_
[2] _In the Introduction to “The True History of the American
Revolution.” For the most modern and unvarnished presentation of the
inner history of the period see also his larger work, “The Struggle for
American Independence.” (Lippincott.)_
[3] _From Chambers’ “Book of Days.”_
[4] _In “Curiosities of Popular Customs.”_
[5] _Let your hearts rise upward!_
[6] _From “The Struggle for American Independence,” by Sydney George
Fisher, J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publishers, 1908._
[7] _From “The Chautauquan,” 1900._
[8] _From “The North American Review,” 1896._
[9] _By permission of the publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Co._
[10] _The Century Co., N. Y., publishers._
[11] _The origin of the words of the patriotic hymn, “America,” has been
somewhat recently celebrated by an anniversary. The air, as is well
known, is that of the national anthem of England, “God Save the King.” As
such it has been in use, in one form or another, since the middle of the
last century._
_In 1832, Dr. S. F. Smith came upon it in a “book of German music,”
and on the spur of the moment, as it appears, wrote for it the hymn
“America.” This was in Andover, Mass., in February, 1832. The hymn was
first sung publicly at a children’s celebration at the Park Street
Church, Boston, on July 4th of that year._
_“If I had anticipated the future of it, doubtless, I should have taken
more pains with it,” wrote Doctor Smith, in 1872. “Such as it is, I am
glad to have contributed this mite to the cause of American freedom.”_
[12] _From “The Youth’s Companion.”_
[13] _Reprinted from “The Independent.”_
[14] _By permission of the publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Co._
[15] _By permission of the publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Co._
[16] _By permission of the publishers, Houghton, Mifflin Co._
[17] _The following is an instance of this: Last Fourth of July, a police
court magistrate, wishing to know how many of the prisoners before him,
charged with shooting in the streets, could possibly plead patriotic
motives, asked each in turn to state his nationality. Of the twenty in
line, only two were American-born._
[18] _I may here say, in passing, that our Police Commissioner,
recognising the humane necessity of properly safeguarding the sick, sent
out officers with orders to prevent disturbances in the vicinity of
hospitals. Thanks to his action, the city’s sick had a day of comparative
peace, and the reports which I received that night were unanimous
in stating that the hospitals had never had such a quiet Fourth. A
letter written by Mother Celso, Mother-Superior of St. Elizabeth’s
Hospital, will show how gratefully General Bingham’s thoughtfulness was
appreciated: “It seems as if we were in Paradise. The patients, the
doctors, and the sisters all appreciate the quietness of the day.”_
THE END