"The Testament is short. It was written on the fly-leaf of a 'History of

Spain.' In it Condorcet directs that his daughter, in case of his wife's

death, shall be brought up by Madame Vernet, whom she is to call her

second mother, and who is to see her so educated as to have means of

independent support either from painting or engraving. 'Should it be

necessary for my child to quit France, she may count on protection in

England from my Lord Stanhope and my Lord Daer. In America, reliance

may be placed on Jefferson and Bache, the grandson of Franklin. She is,

therefore, to make the English language her first study.'"

Such was the last epistle ever written by Condorcet. Notwithstanding

the precautions taken by his friends, he escaped into the streets--from

thence having appealed in vain to friends for assistance, he visited

some quarries. Here he remained from the 5th to the evening of the 7th

of April, 1794. Hunger drove him to the village of Clamait, when he

applied at an hostelry for refreshment. He described himself as a

carpenter out of employment, and ordered an omelet. This was an age

of suspicion, and the landlord of the house soon discovered that the

wanderer's hands were white and undisfigured with labor, while his

conversation bore no resemblance to that of a common artificer. The

good dame of the house inquired how many eggs he would have in his dish.

Twelve, was the answer. Twelve eggs for a joiner's supper! This was

heresy against the equality of man. They demanded his passport--he had

not got one--the only appearance of anything of the sort was a scrap of

paper, scrawled over with Latin epigrams. This was conclusive evidence

to the village Dogberries that he was a traitor and an aristocrat. The

authorities signed the warrant for his removal to Paris. Ironed to two

officers they started on the march. The first evening they arrived at

Bourg-la-Reine, where they deposited their prisoner in the gaol of

that town. In the morning the gaoler found him a corpse. He had taken a

poison of great force, which he habitually carried in a ring. Thus

ended the life of the great Encyclopædist--a man great by his many

virtues--who reflected honor on France by his science, his literary

triumphs, and his moral heroism. He had not the towering energy

of Marat, nor the gushing eloquence of Danton, neither had he the

superstitious devotion to abstract ideas which characterized the whole

course of Robespierre's life. The oratory of Danton, like that of Marat,

only excited the people to dissatisfaction; they struck down effete

institutions, but they were not the men to inaugurate a new society. It

is seldom we find the pioneers of civilization the best mechanics. They

strike down the forest--they turn the undergrowth--they throw a log over

the stream, but they seldom rear factories, or invent tubular bridges.

Amongst the whole of the heroes of the French Revolution, we must admire

the Girondists, as being the most daring, and, at the same time, the

most constructive of all who met either in the Constituent Assembly or

the Convention. The Jacobin faction dealt simply with politics through

the abstract notions of Rousseau: but of what use are "human rights" if

we have to begin _de novo_ to put into operation?--rather let us unite

the conservative educationalism of Socialism with the wild democracy of

ignorance. Politics never can be successful unless married to Socialism.

It was not long after Condorcet's death, before the Committee of Public

Instruction undertook the charge of publishing the whole of his works.

For this they have been censured on many grounds. We consider that it

was one of the few good things accomplished by that Committee. There is

nothing in the works of this writer which have a distinctive peculiarity

to us; few great writers who direct opinion at the time they write,

appear to posterity in the same light as they did to a public inflamed

by passion, and trembling under reiterated wrongs. When we look at the

works of D'Holbach, we find a standard treatise, which is a land-mark to

the present day; but at the time the "System of Nature" was written, it

had not one tithe the popularity which it now enjoys; it did not produce

an effect superior to a new sarcasm of Voltaire, or an epigram of

Diderot. Condorcet was rather the co-laborer and _literateur_ of the

party, than the prophet of the new school. Voltaire was the Christ,

and Condorcet the St. Paul of the new faith. In political economy, the

doctrines of the English and Scotch schools were elaborated to their

fullest extent. Retrenchment in pensions and salaries, diminution of

armies, equal taxation, the resumption by the State of all the Church

lands, the development of the agricultural and mechanical resources,

the abolition of the monopolies, total free trade, local government, and

national education; such-were the doctrines for which Turgot fought, and

Condorcet popularized. If they had been taken in time, France would

have escaped a revolution, and Europe would have been ruled by peace

and freedom. It may be asked, who brought about the advocacy of those

doctrines, for they were not known before the middle of the eighteenth

century? They were introduced as a novelty, and defended as a paradox.

France had been exhausted by wars, annoyed by _ennui_, brilliant above

all by her genius, she was struck with lassitude for her licentious

crimes. There was an occasion for a new school. Without it, France, like

Carthage, would have bled to death on the hecatomb of her own lust. Her

leading men cast their eyes to England; it was then the most progressive

nation in existence. The leading men of that country were intimate with

the rulers of the French; the books of each land were read with avidity

by their neighbors; a difference was observable between the two: but how

that difference was to be reconciled was past the skill of the wisest to

unravel. England had liberal institutions, and a people with part of the

substance, and many of the forms of Liberalism, along with a degree of

education which kept them in comparative ignorance, yet did not offer

any obstacles to raising themselves in the social sphere. Before France

could compete with England, she had to rid herself of the feudal system,

and obtain a Magna Charta. She was above four centuries behind-hand

here. She had to win her spurs through revolutions, like those of

Cromwell's and that of 1688, and the still greater ones of Parliament.

The Freethinkers of England prepared the Whig revolution of William, by

advocating the only scheme which was at the time practicable, for of the

two--the Protestant and the Catholic religion--the former is far more

conducive to the liberties of a people than the latter, and at the time,

and we may also say, nearer the present, the people were not prepared

for any organic change. This being the case, it is not to be wondered

at that the French Revolution was a failure as a constructive effort;

it was a success as a grand outbreak of power; showing politicians where

(in the future) to rely for success. The men who undertook to bring

about this Revolution are not to be censured for its non-success. They

wished to copy English institutions, and adapt them to those of the

French; for this purpose, the Continental League was formed, each member

of which pledged himself to uproot, as far as lay in his power,

the Catholic Church in France. A secret name was given to

it--_L'Infame_--and an organized attack was speedily commenced. The

men at the head of the movement, besides Voltaire and Frederick, were

D'Alembert, Diderot, Grim, St. Lambert, Condillac, Helvetius, Jordan,

Lalande, Montesquieu, and a host of others of less note. Con-dorcet,

being secretary of the Academy, corresponded with, and directed the

movements of all, in the absence of his chief. Every new book was

criticised--refutations were published to the leading theological works

of the age; but by far the roost effective progress was made by the

means of poems, essays, romances, epigrams, and scientific papers. The

songs of France at this era were written by the philosophers; and this

spirit was diffused among the people. In a country so volatile and

excitable as the French, it is difficult to estimate too highly the

power of a ballad warfare. The morality of Abbots and Nuns were sung in

strains as rhapsodical, and couplets as voluptuous as the vagaries of

the Songs of Solomon.

Much discretion was required, that no separate species of warfare should

be overdone, lest a nausea of sentiment should revert upon the authors,

and thus lead to a reaction more sanguinary than the force of the

philosophers could control. In all those cases Condorcet was the prime

mover and the agent concerned. He communicated with Voltaire on every

new theory, and advised him when and how to strike, and when to _rest_.

In all those matters Condorcet was obeyed. There was a smaller section

of the more serious philosophers who sympathized with, yet did not

labor simultaneously for the common cause--those men, the extreme

Atheists--clever but cautious--men who risked nothing--Mirabeau and

D'Holbach were the types of this class. It is well known that both

Frederick, Voltaire, and Condorcet opposed those sections, as likely to

be aiming at too much for the time.

When it was considered prudent to take a more decided step, the

Encyclopædia was formed. Condorcet had a principal part in this

work, which shook priestcraft on its throne; it spread consternation

where-ever it appeared, and was one of the main causes of the great

outbreak. No one can sufficiently praise a work of such magnitude; nor

can any one predicate when its effects will cease.

In the "Life of Condorcet," by Arago, there is a curious extract copied

from a collection of anecdotes, said to be compiled from his note-books,

and dignified with the title of "Mémoires de Condorcet." It relates to

a conversation between the Abbe Galiana and Diderot, in which it is said

Condorcet acquiesced. The subject is the fair sex:--

Diderot.--How do you define woman?

Galiana.--An animal naturally feeble and sick.

Diderot.--Feeble? Has she not as much courage as man?

Galiana.--Do you know what courage is? It is the effect of terror. You

let your leg be cut off, because you are afraid of dying. Wise people

are never courageous--they are prudent--that is to say, poltroons.

Diderot.--Why call you woman naturally sick!

Galiana.--Like all animals, she is sick until she attains her perfect

growth. Then she has a peculiar symptom which takes up the fifth part

of her time. Then come breeding and nursing, two long and troublesome

complaints. In short, they have only intervals of health, until

they turn a certain corner, and then _elles ne sont plus de malades

peut-être--elles ne sont que des reilles_.

Diderot.--Observe her at a ball, no vigor, then, M. l'Abbe?

Galiana.--Stop the fiddles! put out the lights! she will scarcely crawl

to her coach.

Diderot.--See her in love.

Galiana.--It is painful to see anybody in a fever.

Diderot.--M. l'Abbe, have you no faith in education?

Galiana.--Not so much as in instinct. A woman is habitually ill. She is

affectionate, engaging, irritable, capricious, easily offended, easily

appeased, a trifle amuses her. The imagination is always in play. Fear,

hope, joy, despair, and disgust, follow each other more rapidly, are

manifested more strongly, effaced more quickly, than with us. They like

a plentiful repose, at intervals company; anything for excitement. Ask

the doctor if it is not the same with his patients. But ask yourself,

do we not all treat them as we do sick people, lavish attention, soothe,

flatter, caress, and get tired of them?

Condorcet, in a letter, remarking on the above conversation, says:--"I

do not insist upon it as probable that woman will ever be Euler

or Voltaire; but I am satisfied that she may one day be Pascal or

Rousseau." This very qualification, we consider, is sufficient to

absolve Condorcet from, the charge of being a "woman hater." His

opponents, when driven from every other source, have fallen back on

this, and alleged that he viewed the sexes as unequal, and that the

stronger had a right to lord it over the weaker. But which is the

weaker? Euler and Voltaire were masculine men. A woman to be masculine,

in the true sense of the word, is an anomaly, to be witnessed with pain.

She is not in a normal condition. She is a monster. Women should live in

society fully educated and developed in their physical frame, and then

they would be more feminine in proportion as they approach the character

of Mary Wollstonecraft. They have no right to domineer as tyrants, and

then fall into the most abject of slaves. In each of the characters of

Pascal and Rousseau, was an excess of sensibility, which overbalanced

their other qualities, and rendered their otherwise great talents

wayward, and, to a certain extent, fruitless. The peculiarity of man

is physical power, and intellectual force; that of woman is an acute

sensibility. Condorcet, then, was justified in expressing the opinions

he avowed upon the subject.

In a paper, in the year 1766, read before the "Academy," on "Ought

Popular Errors to be Eradicated!" Condorcet says, "If the people

are often tempted to commit crimes in order that they may obtain the

necessaries of life, it is the fault of the laws; and, as bad laws are

the product of errors, it would be more simple to abolish those errors

than to add others for the correction of their natural effects. Error,

no doubt, may do some good; it may prevent some crimes, but it will

occasion mischiefs greater than these. By putting nonsense into the

heads of the people, you make them stupid; and from stupidity to

ferocity there is but a step. Consider--if the motives you suggest

for being just make but a slight impression on the mind, that will not

direct the conduct--if the impressions be lively, they will produce

enthusiasm, and enthusiasm for error. Now, the ignorant enthusiast is

no longer a man; he is the most terrible of wild beasts. In fact, the

number of criminals among the men with prejudices (Christians) is in

greater proportion to the total number of our population, than the

number of criminals in the class above prejudices (Freethinkers) is to

the total of that class. I am not ignorant that, in the actual state of

Europe, the people are not, perhaps, at all prepared for a true

doctrine of morals; but this degraded obtuseness is the work of social

institutions and of superstitions. Men are not born blockheads; they

become such. By speaking reason to the people, even in the little time

they give to the cultivation of their intellect, we might easily teach

them the little that it is necessary for them to know. Even the idea of

the respect that they should have for the property of the rich, is

only difficult to be insinuated among them--first, because they look

on riches as a sort of usurpation, of theft perpetrated upon them, and

unhappily this opinion is in great part true--secondly, because their

excessive poverty makes them always consider themselves in the case of

absolute necessity--a case in which even very severe moralists have been

of their mind--thirdly, because they are as much despised and maltreated

for being poor, as they would be after they had lowered themselves by

larcenies. It is merely, therefore, because institutions are bad, that

the people are so commonly a little thievish upon principle."

We should have much liked to have given some extended quotations from

the works of Condorcet; but, owing to their general character, we cannot

extract any philosophic formula which would be generally interesting.

His "Lettres d'un Théologien" are well deserving of a reprint; they

created an astounding sensation when they appeared, being taken for the

work of Voltaire--the light, easy, graceful style, with deeply concealed

irony, the crushing retort and the fiery sarcasm. They made even priests

laugh by their Attic wit and incongruous similes. But it was in the

"Academy" where Condorcet's influence was supreme. He immortalized the

heroes as they fell, and pushed the cause on by his professional duties.

He was always awake to the call of duty, and nobly did he work his

battery. He is now in the last grand sleep of man--the flowers of poesy

are woven in amarynth wreaths over his tomb.

A.C.

SPINOZA.

Baruch Spinoza, or Espinoza, better known under the name of Benedict

Spinoza (as rendered by himself in the Latin language,) was born at

Amsterdam, in Holland, on the 24th of November, 1632. There is some

uncertainty as to this date, as there are several dates fixed by

different authors, both for his birth and death, but we have adopted the

biography given by Dr. C. H. Bruder, in the preface to his edition

of Spinoza's works. His parents were Jews of the middle, or, perhaps,

somewhat humbler class. His father was originally a Spanish merchant,

who, to escape persecution, had emigrated to Holland. Although the

life of our great philosopher is one full of interesting incidents,

and deserves to be treated fully, we have but room to give a very brief

sketch, referring our readers, who may wish to learn more of Spinoza's

life, to Lewes's "Biographical History of Philosophy," _Westminster

Review_, No. 77, and "Encyclopædia Brittannica." p. 144. His doctrines

we will let speak for themselves in his own words, trusting thereby to

give the reader an opportunity of knowing who and what Spinoza really

was. One man shrinks with horror from him as an Atheist. Voltaire

says, that he was an Atheist, and taught Atheism. Another calls him "a

God-intoxicated man." We present him a mighty thinker, a master mind,

a noble, fearless utterer of free and noble thoughts, a hard-working,

honest, independent man; as one who, two centuries ago, gave forth to

the world a series of thinkings which have crushed, with resistless

force, the theological shell in the centre of which the priests hide

the kernel "truth."

Spinoza appears in his boyhood to have been an apt scholar, and to have

rapidly mastered the tasks set him by his teachers. Full of rabbinical

lore he won the admiration of the Rabbi Moses Mortira, but the pupil

rose higher than his master, and attempted to solve problems which the

learned rabbis were content to reverence as mysteries not capable

of solution. First they remonstrated, then threatened; still Spinoza

persevered in his studies, and in making known the result to those

around him. He was threatened with excommunication, and withdrew himself

from the synagogue. One more effort was made by the rabbis, who offered

Spinoza a pension of about £100 a-year if he would attend the

synagogue more frequently, and consent to be silent with regard to

his philosophical thinkings. This offer he indignantly refused. Reason

failing, threats proving futile, and gold being treated with scorn,

one was found sufficiently fanatic to try a further experiment, which

resulted in an attempt on Spinoza's life; the knife, however, luckily

missed its aim, and our hero escaped. At last, in the year 1660,

Spinoza, being then twenty-eight years of age, was solemnly

excommunicated from the synagogue. His friends and relations shut their

doors against him. An outcast from the home of his youth, he gained

a humble livelihood by polishing glasses for microscopes, telescopes,

etc., at which he was very expert. While thus acquiring, by his own

handiwork, the means of subsistence, he was studying hard, devoting

every possible hour to philosophical research. Spinoza became master of

the Dutch, Hebrew, German, Spanish, Portuguese, and Latin languages, the

latter of which he acquired in the house of one Francis Van den Ende,

from whom it is more than probable he received as much instruction in

Atheism as in Latin. Spinoza only appears to have once fallen in love,

and this was with Van den Ende's daughter, who was herself a good

linguist, and who gave Spinoza instruction in Latin. She, however,

although willing to be his instructress and companion in a philogical

path, declined to accept his love, and thus Spinoza was left to

philosophy alone. After his excommunication he retired to Rhynsburg,

near the City of Leyden, in Holland, and there studied the works of

Descartes. Three years afterwards he published an abridgment of the

"Meditations" of the great father of philosophy, which created a

profound sensation. In an appendix to this abridgment were contained the

germs of those thinkings in which the pupil outdid the master, and the

student progressed beyond the philosopher. In the month of June, 1664,

Spinoza removed to Woorburg, a small village near the Hague, where he

was visited by persons from different parts, attracted by his fame as a

philosopher; and at last, after many solicitations he came to the

Hague, and resided there altogether. In 1670 he published his "Tractatus

Theologico-Politicus." This raised him a host of opponents; many writers

rushed eager for the fray, to tilt with the poor Dutch Jew. His book was

officially condemned and forbidden, and a host of refutations (?) were

circulated against it. In spite of the condemnation it has outlived the

refutations.

Spinoza died on the 21st or 22nd of February, 1677, in his forty-fifth

year, and was buried on the 25th of February at the Hague. He was frugal

in his habits, subsisting independently on the earnings of his own

hands. Honorable in all things, he refused to accept the chair of

Professor of Philosophy, offered to him by the Elector, and this because

he did not wish to be circumscribed in his thinking, or in the freedom

of utterance of his thoughts. He also refused a pension offered to him

by Louis XIV, saying that he had no intention of dedicating

anything to that monarch. The following is a list of Spinoza's

works:--"Principiorum Philosophise Renati Descartes;" "Tractatus

Theologico-Politicus;" "Ethica;" "Tractatus Politi-cus;" "De Emandatione

Intellectus;" "Epistolæ;" "Grammaticus Hebracæ," etc. There are also

several spurious works ascribed to Spinoza. The "Tractatus Politicus"

has been translated into English by William Maccall, who seems fully to

appreciate the greatness of the philosopher, although he will not admit

the usefulness of Spinoza's logic. Maccall does not see the utility of

that very logic which compelled him to admit Spinoza's truth. We are not

aware of any other translation of Spinoza's works except that of a

small portion of his "Ethica," by Lewes. This work, which was originally

published in 1677, commenced with eight definitions, which, together

with the following axioms and propositions, were reprinted from the

_Westminster Review_ in the _Library of Reason_:--

DEFINITIONS.

I. By cause of itself I understand that, the essence of which involves

existence: or that, the nature of which can only be considered as

existent.

II. A thing finite is that which can be limited (terminari potest)

by another thing of the same nature--_ergo_, body is said to be finite

because it can always be conceived as larger. So thought is limited by

other thoughts. But body does not limit thought, nor thought limit body.

III. By substance I understand that which is in itself, and is conceived

_per se_--that is, the conception of which does not require the

conception of anything else as antecedent to it.

IV. By attribute I understand that which the mind perceives as

constituting the very essence of substance.

V. By modes I understand the accidents (affectiones) of substance; or

that which is in something else, through which also it is conceived.

VI. By God I understand the being absolutely infinite; that is, the

substance consisting of infinite attributes, each of which expresses an

infinite and eternal essence.

_Explication_, I say absolutely infinite, but not in _suo genere_; for

to whatever is infinite, but not in _suo genere_, we can deny infinite

attributes; but that which is absolutely infinite, to its essence

pertains everything which implies essence, and involves no negation.

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