One of the saddest features of the Wilderness struggle was the fire

kindled by exploding shells and which raged unchecked over much of the

fighting area, enveloping in its destroying embrace with equal fury the

blue and the gray, whether living or dead, and we can never know how

many among the missing were thus ushered into eternity. In Northern

burial grounds, no unusual sight is that of a cenotaph or memorial to

the memory of a departed soldier whose body was cremated or burned

beyond recognition in the Wilderness. Save for the industry displayed

in the building of rifle-pits, and the fruitless rebel assault on the

Sixth Corps at our right, the night connecting the 6th and 7th of May

was a quiet one; both sides were weary to the pitch of exhaustion, and

both had learned that breastworks had wonderfully preserving qualities

and, while Sheridan makes something of a stir at our left, as far away

as Todd's Tavern, the day is relatively a peaceful one. Very likely

the respective heads of the two great armies are taking inventories

of their losses and gain, if any of the latter were observable. Both

leaders had suffered sufficiently in the Wilderness, yet each one

is perfectly willing that the other should attack, and when Grant's

tentative skirmish line fails to draw the men in gray from their

intrenchments, the Union commander knows that the time for him to

continue his march towards Richmond has come. There appears to be a

general agreement among those keeping diaries that the Thirty-ninth,

with the other regiments of the brigade remained in or near the

intrenchments till well along in the afternoon, when it was withdrawn,

and in the rear had the privilege of preparing something to eat. Davis,

in his story of the Thirteenth Massachusetts, says fresh meat rations

were drawn and cooked and coffee was boiled, a most grateful relief, if

only a brief one.

Of this day General Warren says that the army took up defensive

positions and spent the time getting together the several commands

which had been detached to defend parts of the field in the varying

emergencies of the previous days' battles. Of himself he remarks that

he had received, on the 6th, eighteen orders to send reinforcements

to other parts of the line. It is nine o'clock in the evening of the

7th that the Fifth Corps takes up its line of march towards the left.

Men of other corps are seen asleep as we pass by, and it is no craven

thought for us to wish that we might slumber also, but "Forward" is the

word. Lieutenant Schaff, more than forty years later to produce one of

the most remarkable battle descriptions ever given, his story of the

Wilderness, an officer on Warren's staff, says this of the scene:--

"Here comes the head of Warren's Corps with banners afloat. What calm

serenity, what unquenchable spirit are in the battle-flags! On they

go. Good-by, old fields, deep woods, and lonesome roads. And murmuring

runs, Wilderness, and Caton, you too farewell. The head of Warren's

column has reached the Brook Road and is turning South. At once the

men catch what it means. Oh, the Old Army of the Potomac is not

retreating, and, in the dusky light, as Grant and Meade pass by, they

give them high, ringing cheers.

"Now we are passing Hancock's lines and never, never shall I forget

the scene. Dimly visible, but almost within reach of our horses,

the gallant men of the Second Corps are resting against the charred

parapets, from which they hurled Field. Here and there is a weird

little fire, groups of mounted officers stand undistinguishable in

the darkness, and up in the towering tree tops of the thick woods

beyond the intrenchments, tongues of yellow flame are pulsing from

dead limbs, lapping the face of night. All, all is deathly still. We

pass on, cross the unfinished railway, then Poplar Run and then up a

shouldered hill. Our horses are walking slowly. We are in dismal pine

woods, the habitation of thousands of whippoorwills uttering their

desolate notes unceasingly. Now and then a sabre clanks and close

behind us the men are toiling on.

"It is midnight. Tood's Tavern is two or three miles away. Deep, deep

is the silence. Jehovah reigns; Spottsylvania and Cold Harbor are

waiting for us and here The Wilderness ends."

SPOTTSYLVANIA

[Sidenote: MAY 7, '64]

Of this same day and evening, our own Colonel Peirson has also given a

vivid picture; after quoting Grant's words to Colonel Theodore Wyman,

sitting under a pine tree, on the 7th, "To-night Lee will be retreating

south" he says, in his Loyal Legion paper:--

"Lee did retreat south, but only for the purpose of intercepting the

onward movement of Grant, and he retreated so rapidly that we found

him at Spottsylvania when we emerged from The Wilderness. Nightfall

of the 7th saw our whole army on the march for Spottsylvania--Warren

leading with Robinson's division by the most direct route, which was

by the Brock Road, via Todd's Tavern,--leaving on the field all our

dead and wounded Grant remarked that if Lee thought he was going

to stop to bury his dead he was mistaken, but a few days later he

sent a cavalry force back with ambulances, who succeeded in saving

some of the wounded men.... The 7th was hot and dusty, and as it was

necessary in order to clear the roads of trains by daylight, the

movement was discovered by the enemy. The Fifth Corps in the advance,

preceded by cavalry and followed by the Second Corps, took the Brock

Road. The Sixth Corps moved by the Plank and Turnpike roads via

Chancellorsville, preceded by the train, and followed by the Ninth

Corps, who were the rear guard.... The Fifth Corps, led by Robinson's

division, marched all night and about six on the morning of the 8th

emerged from the wilderness near Todd's Tavern, and after marching a

mile or two came up with our cavalry, who, as evidenced by several

dead cavalrymen by the roadside, had recently been engaged with the

enemy."

General F. A. Walker, in his history of the Second Corps, accounts for

the presence of the Confederates at Spottsylvania on the arrival of the

Union army in a very interesting manner. He says that Lee, convinced

of the intention on Grant's part of moving towards Fredericksburg,

ordered Anderson, who had succeeded to Longstreet's position, to move

in the morning of the 8th to Spottsylvania. We remember that the whole

battle section had been overrun with fire and that it was still burning

when the orders came. Anxious to escape its unpleasant nearness,

he determined to set out in the evening of the 7th and so make a

night-march of the fifteen miles intervening. By what Southern pietists

might call this Providential procedure on the part of the Confederate

leader, he got there ahead of Warren.

Resuming Colonel Peirson's excellent paper bearing on this campaign, we

find him recording as follows:--

"As soon as the cavalry got out of the way Robinson's division at once

deployed, with Lyle's brigade on the left and leading, the Maryland

brigade (Third) coming upon his right, and Baxter's brigade (Second)

supporting still further on the right. In this way they advanced,

driving the skirmishers before them by and beyond Alsop's house, and,

reaching a wooded knoll, reformed the line, which had become somewhat

disordered, casting off their knapsacks in order to move more quickly,

and because the heat made them almost unsupportable. Pushing forward

again, they came in sight of a part of a light battery of the enemy,

which was firing down the Brock Road, and breaking into a run nearly

captured the two guns, driving them well to the rear. The leading

brigade had now advanced some two miles since its deployment, and

had reached a heavily wooded rise of ground, where they halted for a

moment to get breath and some alignment; and having run much of the

distance, had left the rest of the division far behind. The men were

very much blown, and many had fallen from the way from sunstroke and

fatigue. General Warren here rode up and, saying to General Robinson

that his orders were to go to Spottsylvania Court House, ordered him

forward. Robinson asked for time to get up his other brigades, but

after a few moments of waiting Warren became impatient, and General

Robinson ordered an immediate charge upon the enemy's line, then in

plain sight behind some rude breastworks, saying, 'We must drive them

from there, or they will get some artillery in position.'

"The enemy's line was formed on a ridge across the Brock Road, near

its junction with a road leading to the Block House, and was protected

by an incomplete breastwork, with small pine-trees felled for abatis

and a rail fence parallel with the line to the front. The enemy was

hard at work finishing their breastworks. They were two brigades of

Kershaw's division of Longstreet's corps.

[Sidenote: MAY 8, '64]

"Lyle's brigade, in which my regiment was, charged over 500 yards

of open, badly gullied ground under a rapid fire from the enemy's

muskets and from the artillery we had so nearly captured. The troops

went over the rail fence, into the abatis, and up to within 30 feet

of the works, getting shelter then from the hill and the felled pine

trees. Here they lay to recover their wind, easily keeping down the

fire of the enemy in their front, who fired hurriedly and aimlessly,

and while waiting saw the Third Brigade (Marylanders) advancing

gallantly across the field to their support. The latter, however,

after getting halfway to the rebel works, broke under the enemy's fire

from the right and retreated in confusion, General Robinson being

shot in the knee while trying to rally them. The remaining brigade

was too far to the right and rear to assist in this assault. Lyle's

brigade, having rested these few minutes, started to go over the

works, and would have gone over, but at this moment, discovering a

fresh brigade of the enemy advancing in line of battle upon our left,

I (a lieutenant-colonel, upon whom the command had devolved, so few

were the men to reach this spot) reluctantly gave the order to retire,

and the command fell back in some confusion, but reformed when clear

of the flanking fire, and taking advantage of the accidents of ground

checked the advance of the enemy. The sun was so hot, and the men so

exhausted from the long run as well as from the five days and nights

of fighting and marching, that this retreat, though disorderly, was

exceedingly slow, and we lost heavily in consequence from the enemy's

fire. My own experience was that, while wishing very much to run,

I could only limp along, using my sword as a cane. My color-bearer

(Cottrell) was shot by my side, and unheeding his appeal to save

him, I could only pass the colors to the nearest man, and leave the

brave fellow to die in a rebel prison. The flanking brigade of the

enemy, which so nearly succeeded in surrounding us, was part of

Longstreet's corps (now under command of General R. H. Anderson) and

it was his line we had so nearly broken.... That Longstreet's corps

had but just arrived at the line of our assault is evident from the

incomplete nature of the breast works, and from the fact that they had

no artillery in position. Had there been any support for the brigade

which got up to the rebel works, the enemy's line would have been

broken, and our army would have been between Lee's army and Richmond;

but as we have seen the only supporting brigade was far behind, and

the rest of the Fifth Corps not yet up....

"The delay in Robinson's movement caused by the cavalry was

unfortunate, and gave rise to a good deal of feeling at the time.

General Meade, who was always for giving the infantry a free foot,

had sent orders to General Sheridan, on the night of the 7th, to have

his cavalry out of the Brock Road, but Sheridan, not receiving them,

obstructed the road with a brigade, and as the cavalry and infantry

became unavoidably mixed up, this delayed the advance.... It is known

that in an interview at this time, General Meade was very indignant

with General Sheridan, until he learned from him personally that he

had never received the orders to clear the road, when Meade frankly

apologized for what must have been harsh censure. In this interview

which was described to me by Colonel Theodore Lyman, who was present,

General Sheridan, being much chagrined by the censure of his superior

officer, stated there was no force worth speaking of in front of the

advance of the Fifth Corps; but he seems to have withdrawn this view,

when in his cooler moments he came to write his report. Perhaps the

feeling which caused Warren's unjustifiable removal from the command

of the Fifth Corps at Five Forks began here.... The advanced troops

fell back to the line which had been taken up by the Fifth Corps,

intrenched, and waited for the Sixth Corps to come up, which they did

in the afternoon, going into position on Warren's left. Crawford's

division of the Fifth Corps made an attack in the afternoon, but with

little result beyond capturing some seventy prisoners and losing

considerably in killed and wounded."

In the preceding pages General Peirson refers to the fact of the

command of the Regiment devolving on himself; it might have been stated

that Colonel Davis, a very large and stout man, though doing his best

to lead his men whose pace was more than double-quick, was completely

overcome by the heat and mounted upon one of the Rebel Battery horses,

cut out by Milton F. Roberts of "C," was carried to the rear. Modesty

no doubt influenced General Peirson not to state that he was, himself,

hit by a portion of a buckshot-cartridge, three of the missiles lodging

in his right arm or shoulder, his sword-cane giving place to the

stalwart shoulders of Isaac H. Mitchell of "A." Two of the bits of lead

were picked out by the surgeon, the other is there yet. The wound did

not keep the resolute officer long from his post.

Here is the story as told by I. H. Mitchell, Company A, and transcribed

by Channing Whittaker, Company B.:--

[Sidenote: MAY 8, '64]

"It must have been very near to where the Johnnies were that

Lieutenant Colonel Peirson received three buck-shot in his right arm

above the elbow, on May 8th, 1864. It was after we had been ordered to

fall back that I first saw him after he was wounded. He was conscious,

but perfectly helpless. He was trying to get back. I took him right

upon my shoulder and carried him quite a distance into and part way

through the woods, where we had formed line just before the last

charge in which he was wounded. I had carried him 100 yards sure, and

was still carrying him to the rear, when we met a man with a horse who

was looking for some officer. I told him that I had got to have the

horse to carry the Lieutenant Colonel. He did not object, because he

could not find his man, and the bullets were whistling about pretty

thick at that time. He then led the horse and I held the Lieutenant

Colonel on his back, while I walked by his side. We followed the

general direction of those who were going to the rear. I was not sure

whether we were going in the right direction, and fearing that we

might get into the hands of the Johnnies, I stopped, took him from

the horse and carried him a little distance from the road into the

woods. If I remember rightly, I made some coffee for him there waiting

perhaps two hours, before we could get a stretcher for him. While we

were there General Robinson was carried by. He had been wounded and

he was saying things. In the meantime they had established a division

hospital in the rear, and I then hailed some stretchers bearers, who

took the Lieutenant Colonel there and I returned to my place in the

Regiment. He came back to the Regiment very soon and was in our next

fight."

As the day advanced the other corps came into their respective

positions, the Second being massed at Todd's Tavern, protecting the

rear of the army and the Ninth was at the extreme Union left, and there

was more or less fighting along the whole line at some time in the day.

A melancholy train was that made up of ambulances and baggage wagons

which on the 8th set out for Fredericksburg, bearing 12,000 wounded

men, thence via Belle Plain Landing and the Potomac to be distributed

to the great hospitals of Washington and points further North.

Sheridan and his troopers also received orders to set out upon their

famous raid which would flank Lee's army, reach the outer defenses of

Richmond, slay J. E. B. Stuart, the most remarkable cavalryman of the

Confederacy, and leave a gruesome token of its venturesome trip by a

trail of decaying horseflesh and freshly made graves for considerably

more than a hundred and fifty miles. The magnitude of this adventure,

which began Monday morning, May 9th, may be seen when we know that it

comprised 10,000 horsemen, riding in fours and well closed up, yet

constituting a column thirteen miles long requiring, according to a

rebel authority, four hours at a brisk pace to pass a given point;

what an eye opener such a force must have been to the Confederates at

home, who had little notion of the resources of the North. Rejoining

the Federal army at Chesterfield Station, on the 25th, its results

were summed up in having deprived Lee's forces of their "Eyes and

Ears" (cavalry) since all of the mounted rebels started in pursuit, as

soon as the move was understood; it had damaged Lee's communications,

liberated nearly four hundred Union prisoners, destroyed an immense

quantity of supplies, killed the leader of his cavalry, saved the Union

Government the subsistence of ten thousand horses and men for more than

two weeks, perfected the morale of the cavalry corps and produced a

moral effect of incalculable good to the Union cause.

Returning to the incident of the artillery referred to by Colonel

Peirson in his paper, it is interesting to find the same affair

recounted by one of the leading Confederates, General Fitzhugh Lee, in

one of his war sketches. After alluding to the ubiquity of the cavalry

and the work it had done in preparing the way for the arrival of R. H.

Anderson's (Longstreet's) Corps, he says:--

[Sidenote: MAY 8, '64]

"Major James Breathed, commanding my horse artillery, remained

behind and by my order placed a single gun in position on a little

knoll. We knew the enemy's infantry was marching in column through

a piece of woods, and the object was to fire upon the head of the

column, as it debouched, to give the idea that a further advance

would again be contested, and to compel them to develop a line of

battle with skirmishers thrown out, etc. The delay which it was

hoped to occasion by such demonstration was desirable. Under Major

Breathed's personal superintendence shells were thrown, and burst

exactly in the head of the column as it debouched. The desired

effect was obtained; the leading troops were scattered, and it was

only with some difficulty a line of battle with skirmishers in its

front was formed to continue the advance. I was sitting on my horse

near Breathed, and directed him to withdraw his gun, but he was so

much elated with his success that he begged to be allowed to give

the enemy some more rounds. He fired until their line got so close

that you could hear them calling out: 'Surrender that gun, you rebel

scoundrel.' Breathed's own horse had just been shot. The cannoneers

jumped on their horses, expecting of course the gun to be captured,

and retreated rapidly down the hill. Breathed was left alone. He

limbered up the gun and jumped on the lead horse. It was shot from

under him. Quick as lightning he drew his knife, cut the leaders out

of the harness and sprang upon a swing or middle horse. It was also

shot under him just as he was turning to get into the road. He then

severed the harness of the swing horses, jumped upon one of the wheel

horses, and again made a desperate attempt to save his gun. The ground

was open between the piece and woods; the enemy had a full view of

the exploit; and Breathed at last dashed off unharmed, miraculously

escaping through a shower of bullets."

In confirmation of the foregoing, is the statement of Sergt. Wm. A.

Mentzer, Company A, as follows: "After advancing about two and one-half

miles we came to a piece of artillery on a knoll. While the Rebs fired

at us, to our pleasure as well as surprise, they fired over our heads.

We drove them from their position about half-a-mile, when they opened

on us again. We in the front rank gave them a Yankee yell and charged

for the gun. We shot one horse and drove away all the men but one, who

dismounted, cut the traces of the dead horse, remounted in a hurry and

got away with the gun just as we thought it was ours."

Battle scenes and incidents, we think, are indelibly impressed upon the

memory. Sometimes they are; more often many of the prominent features

disappear entirely, so that when the locality is revisited, difficulty

is found in reconciling the past impressions with those of the present.

Thus many of the Thirty-ninth who made that exhausting charge under

fire, in the morning of the 8th of May, would find themselves at fault

at many points, and would wonder at the changes in the face of nature,

had they the opportunity to go over the route followed under such

adverse circumstances. Channing Whittaker of "B," however, is sure he

could recognize the spot where the Regiment reformed and momentarily

rested; the place where Colonel Peirson and General Robinson were

wounded; the road cut through the hill which Grant's army did not

pass over on May 8th or 9th, the hillside on which he was wounded and

where he spent the night after the fight; the point whence he saw

three mounted Confederate Generals and where he saw Sergt. Major Conn,

hacking away with his short Sergeant Major sword at a multitude of

Confederates who had set upon him and finally carried him away captive

and, above all, just where Breathed's rebel battery was dislodged.

[Sidenote: MAY 8, '64]

Of the exactions of this day, M. H. Mentzer, "A," says, "Many were

exhausted but an officer begged us to cross over one field more. We had

been advancing and under fire from early morning, but we started again,

a very thin blue line, through a valley, up a rise, when a terrible

hail of bullets met us; we lay down and hugged the dirt; a lull, and

then distinctly from the enemy came the order, "Now rally ---- North

Carolina and give them H--ll!" Over they came, taking many prisoners

from our little line. I started to run as others did but tripped and

fell headlong down the hill lying still until they had pushed our

boys well back, when I crawled a short distance to cover, several

shells bursting in my path as I got away. Out of the way, covered with

sweat, dirt and ashes, for the cinders of the Wilderness were yet on

us, I fell asleep, and remained here till about four o'clock in the

afternoon. I fell in with a Natick boy, Company I, who had a bullet

hole in his wrist; I washed out the wound, tore a piece from my shirt

and bandaged it as well as I could, washed his face and hands, made

some coffee to cheer him up and then took him to a hospital on the

field. Then I set out to find my Brigade and Regiment and found them

at twilight; my brother, Sergt. Mentzer, had reported me as dead with

a bullet-hole through my forehead; those who saw me trip and plunge

forward must have mixed me up with someone that looked like me. It was

in the work of this forenoon that General Robinson was wounded and

Jeff. Cottrell, of "A," Color Sergeant, was wounded and was carried

part way off the field by Charles Goodwin, only to die at last in a

rebel prison. My brother, Sergt. W. A. Mentzer, then took the colors

and carried them until Major Tremlett reorganized the color-guard."

The Thirty-Ninth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865 · 第 15 / 40 段