While this is strictly a story of the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, of

any happening in the camp of our near neighbors and good friends,

the men of the Sixteenth Maine, passing mention is due here. Colonel

Charles W. Tilden had been captured at Gettysburg and had been held

prisoner in Richmond until the 10th of February, when with others he

got away from Libby through General A. D. Streight's famous tunnel

and on the 28th of March, at four o'clock in the afternoon, he was

received by his old boys with a heartiness which only old soldiers

can give to the tried and true; in the evening followed a feast in

the regimental chapel, attended by the officers of the Sixteenth and

the field officers of the brigade, all uniting in the most fervent

expressions of respect and admiration; the history of the Sixteenth

has this concerning the words of our esteemed Commander, "Colonel

Davis, whose encampment is a paragon of neatness and comfort, replied

in his calm and witty way to a toast complimentary to the Thirty-ninth

Massachusetts." The next day several hundred men from other regiments

in the brigade assembled at 9 a. m. to witness the presentation to

Colonel Tilden by his regiment of a magnificent black stallion duly

caparisoned; evidently the officer was greatly admired. The remainder

of the day was one of diversion for the men of the Sixteenth and their

friends.

[Sidenote: APR. 8, '64]

The One Hundred and Seventh Pennsylvania, a member of our brigade,

whose Colonel, Thos. F. McCoy, at times commanded the brigade, pretty

generally enlisted in the month of February, but its re-enlistment

home-going did not begin until this day; surely no April Fool's

occasion for the happy men who crowded aboard the train which was to

carry them hence, all intent on the happiness in store for them; the

"battle summer" will be well under way before the regiment rejoins us;

a considerable part of the One Hundred and Fourth New York also started

away on a similar errand. On the 3rd, the Ninetieth Pennsylvania came

over from the Second Brigade and occupied the camp of the One Hundred

and Seventh. The general harshness of the season marked early April,

rain and snow, and not till the seventh day did the weather clear

up effectually and, even then, as matters shaped themselves, there

were those who claimed that there was an improvement, not so much on

our account as that there might be a bright day for General Grant's

inspection. It was Fast Day, too, at home, but we were eating all we

could get. We were out early and active on the 8th, doing very thorough

policing. We were in line at 11 a. m. and before noon, the hero of

Vicksburg, accompanied by his staff and General Robinson, appeared,

receiving three cheers from the men as he rode by us; he took a look at

our camp and highly complimented its appearance. Evidently the General

had heard of our camp for he went down through the company streets

which were spick and span as usual. Then he went out to the picket-line

and thence to the signal station on the hill, Colonel Davis going with

him. Everyone was sizing him up and making some sort of a mental entry

concerning him, and one man wrote this, "He has a good, resolute look."

There seemed to be a general opinion that he was no great talker, but

that, as a doer, he would probably be all right.

Stormy weather was resumed on the 9th and continued almost every day

until the excess of water washed away bridges between us and Washington

to the extent of stopping trains on the 11th, with consequent lack

of mails and other inconveniences; so efficient, however, were the

artificers of the army, the very next day trains resumed running and

letters from home made glad the hearts of men. During these days we

were packing all superfluous articles, preparatory to sending to

Alexandria, at the same time all were enjoined from writing about

this to the friends at home. The new management did not believe in

the utmost publicity. Saddened reflections followed the departure of

the sutler, on the 16th, since thereafter, it would be necessary to

forego luxuries altogether. The 19th saw seven discouraged rebels come

into our lines, saying that there were many more waiting a chance to

get through. Notwithstanding this, we could see that the enemy was

working hard on making breastworks, evidently expecting us to march

directly upon them; nobody knows just what way we shall advance, but it

probably will not be by the line surmised by the Confederates. Everyone

felt better on account of the serenade that the band of the Sixteenth

Maine favored us with in the evening of the 20th. The 21st marked the

departure of thirteen men from the Thirty-ninth, transferred to the

Navy, many of whom, being familiar with nautical duties, fancied that

service afloat would be preferable to that ashore.

The Cavalry had been even more active, if possible, than the Infantry

during the winter and General Sheridan commented on the lean and

hungry look of the horses when he reached the army, but in spite of

leanness, this branch was the first to move--some said it had not

stopped moving,-and on the 23rd, one man wrote, "The Cavalry moved

out to-day" and, could he have foreseen the service that the restless

"Little Phil" was to exact from the horsemen, doubtless he had written

more at length. He also entered in that same journal, "The covering of

our chapel was taken off to-day, so I suppose our meetings are over."

Dismantling was the order of Sunday, the 24th, and unroofed cabins

lost their homelike look. The move of the 26th looked much like an

abandonment of our long time camp and the beginning of active warfare,

for the whole brigade, leaving the old camp behind, crossed Cedar Run

and, at a point a mile away from the former stopping place, pitched its

shelter tents in column by companies, the thirty-ninth Regiment being

on the right. Some went back to their old quarters to bring thence

boards to help out their sleeping facilities. By this change of camp,

it was expected to free the men from all surplus stuff and, at the same

time, to re-inure them to the hardships of active campaigning. The

remaining days of April were uneventful, given to parades, inspections

and drills, wherein knapsacks figured largely, thus testing the

endurance of the soldiers and on the 30th, Saturday, the Regiment was

mustered for two months' pay, March and April.

[Sidenote: APR. 30, '64]

No month in the year among dwellers in northern regions prompts to

brighter, happier thoughts than May; in distant Massachusetts, children

who had sought the fragrant arbutus through the daylight hours, were

repining that Sunday made it impracticable for them to hang May-baskets

when the evening shades appeared, a pleasure deferred however only

till the following night. To the men and boys, afar from familiar

scenes and cherished friends, the pleasures of peace were denied, and

being on the eve of departure, much of regular camp life was omitted.

Their neighbors, the Sixteenth Maine, formed in hollow square and had

religious services, but letter writing was the most serious employment

for the men of the Thirty-ninth. Could they have known the horrors

through which they were to pass before another Lord's Day returned,

with what eloquence had those messages teemed which carried simply the

usual words of love and fealty. Hands that wrote tender words on this

May day, ere another week had passed, were folded on soldierly breasts,

asleep in battle-made graves. For nearly an entire year, with no long

rest in winterquarters, no respite from the noise of combat, the men of

the North and their brothers from the South are about to engage in a

death grapple, and a baptism of blood awaits the tyros of the Lynnfield

camp, the cadets of Edward's Ferry and Poolesville, the Capital

guardians of Washington, and the admirably equipped soldiers of Colonel

Davis' pride.

Though it is the 2d day of May and we are in the supposedly "Sunny

South," snow is plainly visible on the tips of the Blue Ridge and where

the mountains are high enough, anywhere snow may be found the whole

year round. Company E, Somerville, is taking the least bit of pride to

itself in that its Captain Kinsley, the senior officer of that rank,

commands in the battalion-drill. Keen observers of signs are these

soldier boys and, when they learn that the cars have come up for the

last time, and when they hear, at dress parade, a letter of praise

and patriotic prompting from General George G. Meade, all this on the

3rd, they know full well that the days of winterquarters are all but

ended; certainty is added to surety when, at 10 p. m., three days'

rations are issued with the not over cheerful information that they

must last us six; at midnight, we are awakened and told to be ready to

move in fifteen minutes. How many glances are cast towards the Rapidan,

during the nearly three hours' wait before the start is made, not of

apprehension but of wonder as to what the outcome will be when "brave

Northmen shall the Southern meet in bold, defiant manner?" We know full

well that our faces are soon to be set towards the south, that once

more the stream, so often crossed and recrossed, will soon greet us

again as we pass over or through it; remembering the mettle of the man

who is now leading, one who never made provisions for retreat, because

he never retreated, we realize that in our progress southward there

will be no backward turning, that, while "few shall part where many

meet," some of our numbers will survive to carry forward the Flag, and

everyone had a perfect conviction of the righteousness of his cause and

absolute confidence in its eventual triumph.

[Sidenote: MAY 4, '64]

The main incidents of these days in early May are writing themselves

deep in the hearts of America; as long as he lives will every

participant, whether in blue or gray, recall the impressions that were

his as he realized the immensity of the struggle that is impending.

Of it, Grant has said in his Memoirs, "The capture of the Confederate

capital and the army defending it was not to be accomplished without

as desperate fighting as the world has ever witnessed." Lee left no

memoirs but his biographer wrote, "He divined Grant's plans, and

cutting the latter from the object of his desires, threw himself upon

him in a contest whose fury may be gauged by the fact that the musketry

fire continued in one unbroken roar for seventeen hours, and trees

were shorn down by the musket balls." The outlines of the movement

which began with the start of the Second Corps, at 11 p. m. of the

3rd, crossing at Ely's Ford at six o'clock in the morning of the 4th,

followed at Germanna's in turn by that of the Fifth and Sixth Corps

in order, have been told in hundreds of places by both tongue and pen;

they form the a, b, c of 1864 military history, so we must content

ourselves with the fact that when, at three o'clock of the 4th of May,

the Thirty-ninth hears that ever significant command, "Forward, March!"

the Second Corps, under the lead of Hancock the Superb, is nearing

Ely's Ford in its all night's march; and the ever-vigilant Sixth Corps,

under glorious "Uncle John" Sedgwick, is only awaiting the advance of

our Fifth Corps, led by Warren, around whose head must ever wreathe

the halo of Little Round Top, before following to take position at our

right in the forthcoming battle-line.

[Illustration:

JOHN C. ROBINSON

B'v't Major-General

Second Div. Fifth Corps

GOVERNEUR K. WARREN

Major-General

Fifth Corps

PETER LYLE

B'v't Brig.-General

First Brig., Second Div. Fifth Corps]

FOOTNOTES:

[I] John Newton, like Winfield Scott and George H. Thomas, was a

native of Virginia, and was appointed thence to West Point, where he

was graduated in 1842, No. 2, in a class that included Rosecrans,

Pope, Seth Williams, Doubleday, Sykes and other noted Federal leaders

and Longstreet, D. H. Hill, Gustavus W. Smith, McLaws and Van Dorn

of the Confederates. In continuous service in the Engineer Corps, he

had attained the rank of captain when the war began. He was assistant

engineer in the construction of the defenses of Washington; served

through the Peninsular campaign; was at Antietam, Fredericksburg,

Chancellorsville and at Gettysburg and followed Reynolds as commander

of the First Corps. After leaving the Army of the Potomac, he commanded

a division in the Fourth Corps, under O. O. Howard, in the army of

the Cumberland having a part in the campaign which culminated in

the capture of Atlanta, September 1864. Later he commanded various

districts in Florida until his muster-out from the volunteer service,

January 1866. His subsequent life was devoted to engineering, among his

most notable deeds being the removal of obstructions in Hell Gate, the

narrow passage of East River, between Long Island Sound and New York

Harbor. Subsequent to his resignation from the army in 1884, he became

Commissioner of Public Works in New York City; at the time of his death

in his seventy-second year, May 1, 1895, he was president of the Panama

Railroad and of the Panama and Columbian Steamship Companies.

THE WILDERNESS

At first our own course is northward, toward Culpeper, then we bear off

to the right, passing the headquarters of the Sixth Corps, and those of

the Army of the Potomac skirting the base of Pony Mountain and on to

Germanna, remembered well in our Mine Run campaign. Though nominally,

for several days a part of the Fifth Corps, we do not actually meet

any part of the Corps itself till just before reaching the ford. We

cross the river at about 11 a. m., nowhere encountering any opposition

from the enemy, who evidently is endeavoring to ascertain what Grant's

objective may be, catching up with the other portions of the Corps late

in the afternoon. After an arduous march of considerably more than

twenty miles, burdened by heavy knapsacks, filled in winter quarters,

our division bivouaced near the Wilderness Tavern.[J] From this point

the almost countless campfires of our army could be seen, always an

impressive sight, and never were the soldiers of the Potomac Army in a

more impressible mood than after their long period in winter quarters.

Of the troop thus in bivouac, Lieut. Porter of Company A wrote, "The

men were in the best of spirits. They believed that the supreme effort

to bring the rebellion to a close was being made. There were enthusiasm

and determination in the minds of everyone." A year ago the word

"Wilderness" was frequently heard as the events of Chancellorsville

were discussed and now it is to gain even wider mention; it seems a

name quite out of place in the midst of the Old Dominion, not so far

from the very first settlements in British North America.

General Morris Schaff in his story of the great battle says this of

the section, "What is known as the Wilderness begins near Orange Court

House on the west and extends almost to Fredericksburg, twenty-five or

thirty miles to the east. Its northern bounds are the Rapidan and the

Rappahannock and, owing to the winding channels, its width is somewhat

irregular. At Spottsylvania, its extreme southern limit, it is some

ten miles wide." Considerably more than a hundred years before, there

were extensive iron mines worked in this region under the directions of

Alexander Spottswood, then governor of Virginia. To feed the furnaces

the section was quite denuded of trees and the irregular growth of

subsequent years, upon the thin soil, of low-limbed and scraggy pines,

stiff and bristling chinkapins, scrub-oaks and hazel bushes gave rise

to the appellation so often applied. Hooker and Chancellorsville are

already involved in memories of the region and coming days will give

equal associations with Grant and Meade, while the Confederates,

remembering that within its mazes their own shots killed their peerless

leader, Jackson, ere many hours have passed will lament a similar

misfortune to Longstreet.

[Sidenote: MAY 4, '64]

Within this tangled thicket, artillery will be of no avail and the vast

array of thunderers will stand silent as artillerymen hear the roar

of musketry; cavalry will be equally out of the question, but within

firing distance more than two hundred thousand men will consume vast

quantities of gunpowder in their efforts to destroy each other. It is

generally understood that General Grant did not expect an encounter

with Lee within the Wilderness itself, as is evident in Meade's orders

to Hancock and the Second Corps; indeed on the 5th the latter was

recalled from Chancellorsville to the Brock Road at the left of the

Fifth Corps, the Confederates having displayed a disposition to attack

much earlier than the Union Commanders had thought probable; how

Sedgwick and the Sixth Corps held the Union right, Warren and his Fifth

the centre and Hancock with the Second were at the left are figures

from the past well remembered by participant and student. While every

movement of the Union Army has a southern tendency, a disposition to

get nearer to Richmond, yet in the Wilderness all of the fighting was

along a north and south line, the enemy exhibiting an unwillingness

to be outflanked as easily as the new leader of the Potomac Army had

evidently expected.

In the morning of the 5th of May, General Richard S. Ewell commands

the Confederate left with "Stonewall" Jackson's old army or what may

be left of it; next to him, at his right, is A. P. Hill with the

divisions of Wilcox, Heth, Scales and Lane; Longstreet has not arrived

as yet, the morning finding him as far away as Gordonville, but he is

making all the speed possible towards the scene of conflict, and when

he arrives his station will be on the rebel right, his lieutenants

being Anderson, Mahone, Wofford and Davis. The intricacies of this

jungle-infested region are much better known to the Southern soldiers

than to those from the North, and this knowledge is a full compensation

for any disparity in numbers known to exist. Burnside and the Ninth

Corps of the Federal forces are just crossing the Rapidan after a

forced march from Rappahannock Station and when they reach the battle

line, it will be to occupy some of the thinly covered interval between

Warren and Hancock. All of the amenities of the long winter months are

now forgotten, and war to the death is confronting every combatant,

whether in blue or gray.

In coming days, these men will recount the events of May, 1864, and

while the roar of musketry will play a veritable diapason of war

for them, they will not forget how readily they dropped the musket

and, grasping axe or shovel, felled the trees and, weaving them into

earth-covered breastworks, interposed thus much protection from the

cruel missiles of the enemy. If the survivors of the Potomac Army in

the battle summer had chosen to wear subsequently as under-guards or

supports of their respective Corps-badges, whether, trefoil, Greek or

Maltese Cross or shield, the semblance of musket and shovel crossed, no

one would have questioned its oppositeness. However averse men may have

been to the regular use of pick and shovel, experience soon told them

that an old fence rail, a small sapling or a shovelful of earth might

ward off a hostile bullet and, lacking the intrenching tools, they were

known to throw up, in an incredibly brief time, serviceable defenses,

using no more effective utensils than their bayonets, case-knives and

tin plates. Future archaeologists, in the Wilderness region, will

have difficulty in distinguishing between the works of the Eighteenth

century miners and their soldier successors more than a hundred years

later. Deeply scarred was the battle-riven surface of the Old Dominion

and, centuries hence, poets and historians will wax as eloquent over

some of these fiercely contested places as did Charles Dickens over

the bloody field of Shrewsbury where "the stream ran red, the trodden

earth became a quagmire and fertile spots marked the places where heaps

of men and horses lay buried indiscriminately, enriching the ground."

Macaulay, too, never wrote with more brilliant pen than when he

described the poppy-strewn plain of Neerwinden, "fertilized with twenty

thousand corpses."

[Sidenote: MAY 5, '64]

If Grant had known as definitely the mind of Lee as the latter

appeared to divine the intentions of the Union General, the story

of the Wilderness might have been very different. The orders for

the morning of the 5th were for Warren to move to Parker's store,

towards the southwest; Sedgwick was to follow Warren, ranging up at

his right; Hancock with the Second Corps was to advance, also towards

the southwest, his left to reach to Shady Grove Church. The enemy was

discovered before Warren reached Parker's store and he was ordered to

attack; Getty and the Second Division of the Sixth Corps were sent

to defend Warren's left flank and Wright with the First Division of

the Sixth Corps was ordered up to Warren's right, and at nine o'clock

Hancock was ordered to come to the support of Getty, all this happening

where Grant had expected, at least had hoped for, an unopposed passage.

Instead of a retreating enemy, Warren opened the great battle of the

Wilderness by an attack upon a foe ready for the fray; but let the

Fifth Corps Commander tell his own story:--

"Set out according to orders, 6. a. m., towards Parker's

store--Crawford, Wadsworth, Robinson; enemy reported close at hand in

force, and when Crawford had nearly reached Parker's, Generals Meade

and Grant arrived and determined to attack the force on the road near

Griffin (Warren's right division). Wadsworth was gotten into line

immediately on the left of Griffin with one brigade of Crawford,

Robinson in support. We attacked with this force impetuously, carried

the enemy's line, but being flanked by a whole division of the enemy

were compelled to fall back to our first position, leaving two guns on

the road between the lines that had been advanced to take advantage of

the first success. The horses were shot and the guns removed between

our lines. The attack failed because Wright's (Third) division of the

Sixth Corps was unable on account of the woods to get up on our right

flank and meet the division (Johnson's Ewell's Corps) that had flanked

us. Wright became engaged some time afterward. We lost heavily in this

attack, and the thick woods caused much confusion in our lines. The

enemy did not pursue us in the least. We had encountered the whole of

Ewell's Corps. The enemy that moved on past Parker's along the Plank

Road was Hill's corps. General Getty's division of the Sixth Corps

was sent to the intersection of the Brock Road to check the column,

which it did, and General Hancock was ordered up from Todd's tavern,

and also engaged Hill's corps. At this time I sent Wadsworth with his

division and Baxter's (Second) Brigade (Second Division) to attack

Hill's left flank as he engaged Hancock. It was late when this was

done, but the attack produced considerable impression. Wadsworth's

men slept on their arms where night overtook them. During the night,

I sent instructions to Wadsworth to form in line northeast and

southwest, and go straight through, and orders were given to attack

next morning at 4.30 with the whole army, Burnside being expected up

by that time to take part. With the rest of my force I prepared to

attack Ewell in conjunction with a part of the Sixth Corps."

During the day, General Alexander Hays, commanding a brigade in the

Second Corps was killed, a contemporary of Grant at West Point, he

was one of the bravest of the brave; Generals Getty and Carroll were

wounded, but remained on the field. The report of General Robinson,

commanding the division, does not add any essentials to the report

of General Warren. Unfortunately no report of our Brigade nor of the

regiments composing it are found. Comrade Beck of Company C has this to

say of his observations during the day:--

"Turned out at three o'clock and started at about light; after some

delay found the rebels in force; the advance forces of our Corps drove

the enemy from his first line of works; we were in reserve till about

12 m., when we were ordered into line-of-battle on the right of the

Plank Road; dead and wounded are in evidence and there is hot work

ahead. The Rebs have a strong position across a ravine; our artillery

could not be placed in position; volley after volley was fired all

day from all along, both left and right; we had to lay low, the balls

whistled thick around us; at six o'clock were ordered to charge but

were ordered back; it would have been madness, since the enemy had

a cross fire on us. We lay in line-of-battle all night; many of our

wounded could not be reached, and it was awful to hear their cries;

when the stretcher-bearers tried to get them, the Rebs opened a

battery on them."

[Sidenote: MAY 5, '64]

The Thirty-Ninth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865 · 第 13 / 40 段