By order of the king, in consideration of the rebellious proceedings in
Edinburgh, ‘the session sat down in Stirling. Ye may guess if the town
of Edinburgh was angry or not.’--_Chron. Perth._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: FEB. 28.]
[Sidenote: 1633.]
This day commenced at Edinburgh the signing of that NATIONAL COVENANT
which for some years exercised so strong an influence over the affairs
of Scotland. Public feeling, as far as the great bulk of the people
was concerned, had been wrought up to a paroxysm of anxiety and
enthusiasm regarding the preservation of the Presbyterian model. An
eternal interest was supposed to depend on their not allowing their
religion to be assimilated to that of England, and, weighed against
this, everything else looked mean and of no account. After the document
had been subscribed by the congregation at the Greyfriars’ Church,
before whom it was first presented, it went through the city, every one
contesting who might be first, many blindly following the example of
others--not only men, but ‘women, young people, and servants did swear
and hold up their hands to the Covenant.’ Many copies, written out on
parchment, and signed by the leading nobles, were carried into the
country, and laid before the people of the several towns and districts.
‘The greater that the number of subscribents grew,’ says the parson
of Rothiemay, ‘the more imperious they were in exacting subscriptions
from others who refused to subscribe; so that by degrees they proceeded
to contumelies, and exposing of many to injuries and reproaches,
and some were threatened and beaten who durst refuse, especially in
greatest cities.... Gentlemen and noblemen carried copies of it about
in their portmantles and pockets, requiring subscriptions thereto, and
using their utmost endeavours with their friends in private for to
subscribe.... All had power to take the oath, and were licensed and
welcome to come in.... Such was the zeal of many subscribents, that,
for a while, many subscribed with tears on their cheeks; and it is
constantly reported that some did draw their own blood, and used it in
place of ink to underwrite their names. Such ministers as spoke for it
were heard so passionately and with such frequency, that churches could
not contain their hearers in cities; some of the devouter sex (as if
they had kept vigils) keeping their seats from Friday to Sunday, to get
the communion given them sitting; some sitting alway let before such
sermons in the churches, for fear of losing a room or place of hearing;
or at the least some of their handmaids sitting constantly there all
night till their mistresses came to take up their places and to relieve
them; so that several (as I heard from very sober and credible men)
under that religious confinement, were----These things will scarce be
believed, but I relate them upon the credit of such as knew this to be
truth.’
The Rev. John Livingstone says: ‘I was present at Lanark, and at
several other parishes, when, on a Sabbath, after the forenoon sermon,
the Covenant was read and sworn, and may truly say that in all my
lifetime, except one day at the Kirk of Shotts, I never saw such
motions from the Spirit of God; all the people generally and most
willingly concurring; where I have seen more than a thousand persons
all at once lifting up their hands, and the tears falling down from
their eyes.’
Maitland, describing the Edinburgh copy of the Covenant, says: ‘It is
written on a parchment of the length of four feet, and the depth of
three feet eight inches, and is so crowded with names on both sides,
that there is not the smallest space left for more. It appears that,
when there was little room left to sign on, the subscriptions were
shortened by only inserting the initials of the Covenanters’ names;
which the margin and other parts are so full of, and the subscriptions
so close, that it were a difficult task to number them. However, by a
cursory view, I take them to be about five thousand in number.--_Hist.
Ed._
[Sidenote: APR.]
The household book of the Dowager-countess of Mar[80] commencing at
this time, and running on for several years, affords a few rays of
scattered light regarding the domestic life of the aristocracy of the
period.[81] They are not susceptible of being worked up to any general
effect, and the reader must therefore take them as they occur.
[Sidenote: 1638.]
‘April 21, to ane little boy for two buiks of the Covenant, 12_s._[82]
May 4, for pressing ane red scarlet riding-coat for John the Bairn
[a grandson of the countess], 12_s._ May 16, to ane blind singer who
sang the time of dinner, 12_s._ May 17, ane quire paper, 5_s._ May
18, to ane of the nourices who dwells at the Muir, who came to thig
[beg], 29_s._ May 25, for ane belt to Lord James [an elder grandson of
the countess], 18_s._; for ane powder-horn to him, 4_s._ 6_d._; for
raisins to Lord James and Charles, 10_s._ June, to William Shearer his
wife for ane pair hose to Lord James, £3. Paid for contribution to
the Confederat Lords, £4. To ane old blind man as my lady came from
prayers, 4_s._ Edinburgh, July 18, for a periwig to Lord James, £8,
2_s._ July 19, ane pound and ane half pound of candles, 6_s._ July
21, ane pound raisins to keep the fasting Sunday, 6_s._ 8_d._ July
27, given to the kirk brodd [board], as my lady went to sermon in the
High Kirk, 6_s._ Stirling, August 17, to my lady to give to the French
lacquey that served my Lord Erskine when he went back to France, 4_s._
August 25, sent to my lady, to play with the Lady Glenurchy after
supper, 4_s._ September 1, for making a chest [coffin] to Katherine
Ramsay, who deceased the night before, 20_s._; for two half pounds
tobacco ane eighteen pipes to spend at her lykewake, 21_s._; to the
bellman that went through the town to warn to her burial, 12_s._; to
the makers of the graff, 12_s._ 4_d._ September 8, to twa Highland
singing-women, at my lady’s command, 6_s._ September 23, to ane lame
man callit Ross, who plays the plaisant, 3_s._ Paid for ane golf-club
to John the Bairn, 5_s._ 9th November, to Andrew Erskine, to give to
the poor at my lady’s onlouping, 12_s._ December, paid to John, that he
gave to ane woman who brought ane dwarf by my lady, 12_s._ [Edinburgh],
January 23, 1639, to my lady as she went to Lord Belhaven his burial,
and to visit my Lady Hume, £5, 8_s._ February, to Charles [son of
the countess], the night he was married, to give the poor, £5, 8_s._
3_d._ February 23, paid for ane pound of raisins to my lady again’ the
fasting Sunday, 8_s._ June 11, to Thom Eld, sent to Alloa for horses
to take my lady’s children ane servants to the army then lying at the
Border, 2_s._ Paid to the Lady Glenurchy for aqua-vitæ that she bought
to my lady, 6_s._ Paid for carrying down the silver wark to the Council
house, to be weighed ane delivered to the town-treasurer of Edinburgh,
10_s._[83] August 23, paid for twa pair sweet gloves to Lord James and
Mr Will. Erskine, £3. September 9, to Lord James to play at the totum
with John Hamilton, 1_s._ 4_d._ To my lady as she went to dine with
my Lord Haddington [for vails to the servants?], ane dollar and four
shillings. Paid in contribution to Edward the fool, 12_s._ Paid to
Gilbert Somerville, for making ane suit clothes to Lord James of red
lined with satin, £7, 10_s._ November 29, paid to the Lady Glenurchy
her man, for ane little barrel of aqua-vitæ, £3. May 27, 1640, to ane
man who brought the parroquet her cage, 4_s._ June 15, to ane poor
woman as my lady sat at the fishing, 6_d._ August, for tobacco to my
lady’s use, 1_s._ March 4, 1641, to Blind Wat the piper that day, as
my lady went to the Exercise, 4_s._ March 6, given to John Erskine to
buy a cock to fight on Fasten’s Even [Shrovetide], 6_s._ June 8, to ane
masterful beggar who did knock at the gate, my lady being at table,
2_s._ [It was then customary to lock the outer door during dinner.]
November 15, [the countess having visited Edinburgh to see the king],
given for two torches to lighten in my lady to court, to take her leave
of the king, 24_s._ February 21, 1642, sent to Sir Charles Erskine
to buy escorse de sidrone and marmolat, £5, 6_s._ 8_d._ March 21, to
ane woman clairshocher [harper] who usit the house in my lord his
time, 12_s._ August 10, to John Erskine to buy a bladder for trying a
mathematical conclusion. December 7, paid for three white night-mutches
[caps] to my Lord of Buchan, £3, 12_s._ January 13, 1643, for ane
Prognostication [an almanac], 8_d._ February 17, for dressing ane red
four-tailed coat of Mr William’s, 1_s._ 8_d._ February 13, to my lady
in her own chamber, when the Valentines were a-drawing, £10, 12_s._
4_d._ April 13, to Mr William Erskine, to go to the dwarf’s marriage,
7_s._ 6_d._’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JULY 20.]
While the generality of the Lowland people of Scotland were wrought
up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm in favour of Presbyterianism,
the inhabitants of Aberdeen and the surrounding district remained
faithful to a moderate Episcopacy, and therefore disinclined to accept
the Covenant. It was a crisis to make men impatient of dissent in
a milder age than the seventeenth century. As men then felt about
religion--perfectly assured that they themselves were right, and that
dissent was perdition--this Aberdonian recusancy could look for no
gentle treatment; and it met with none. The first assault, however, was
not of a very deadly character.
[Sidenote: 1638.]
It was under the leadership of the young Earl of Montrose--afterwards
so energetic on the other side--that a Covenanting deputation came to
Aberdeen with the bond into which most of the nation had entered.
‘The provost and bailies courteously salute them at their lodging,
offers them wine and comfits, according to their laudable custom,
for their welcome; but this their courteous offer was disdainfully
refused, saying they would drink none with them while [till] first the
Covenant was subscribed; whereat the provost and bailies were somewhat
offended. Always they took their leave, [and] suddenly cause deal the
wine in the Bede-house amang the puir men, whilk they so disdainfully
had refused; whereof the like was never done to Aberdeen in no man’s
memory.’--_Spal._
This discourteous party included, besides the Earl of Montrose, Lord
Arbuthnot, the Lairds of Morphy and Dun, and three ministers, Cant,
Dickson, and Henderson. ‘Because they could not get entres to our
church to preach, they went to the Earl of Marischal his close in the
Castle Gate, and preached three sermons on Sunday, where they had
such enticing sermons for the common people, that after ages will
not believe it. I was both an eye and ear witness to them. At that
time, they were [sae] cried up and doated upon, that the Laird of
Leys (otherwise ane wise man) did carry Mr Andrew Cant his books. Yet
at that time there was but very few that subscribed, only fourteen
men, [including] Provost Lesly, ane ringleader, but afterwards he did
repent it ... Alexander Jaffray, Alexander Burnet ... and some others,
but not of great quality; for at this time, good reader, thou shalt
understand that there was worthy preachers in Aberdeen, as Britain
could afford.... Thir men had many disputes with the Covenanters,
for they wrote against other plies, replies, duplies, thriplies, and
quadruplies; but in all these disputes the Covenanters came as short to
the ministers of Aberdeen as are grammarian to a divine.’--_Ab. Re._
[Sidenote: 1638.]
The Aberdeen doctors, as they were called, formed a remarkable body
of men, learned much above Scotch divines in general, of that or
any subsequent age. Dr John Forbes of Corse, professor of divinity;
Dr William Leslie, principal and professor of divinity in King’s
College; Dr Robert Barron, principal and professor of divinity in
Marischal College; and Drs Scroggie, Sibbald, and Ross, ministers;
were all prepared to defend the moderate Episcopacy against which the
Covenanters were waging war; and there exists an unchallenged and
uniform report of their having had the superiority in the argument,
though all incompetent to stem the torrent of enthusiasm which had set
in against them. It was under the dignified patronage and care of the
late Bishop Patrick Forbes, that these men had grown up in Aberdeen,
‘a society more learned and accomplished than Scotland had hitherto
known.’[84] Connected with them in locality were other men of talents
and accomplishment--Arthur Johnston, John Leech, and David Wedderburn,
all writers of elegant Latin poetry--thus adding to the reputation
which Aberdeen enjoyed as a seat of learning, that of a favourite seat
of the Muses. For some years this system of things had flourished at
the northern city, amidst handsome collegiate buildings, tasteful
churches, and scenes of elegant domestic life. One cannot reflect
without a pang on the wreck it was destined to sustain under the rude
shocks imparted by a religious enthusiasm which regarded nothing but
its own dogmas, and for these sacrificed everything. The university
sustained a visitation from the Presbyterian Assembly of 1640, and
was thenceforth much changed. ‘The Assembly’s errand,’ says Gordon of
Rothiemay, ‘was thoroughly done; these eminent divines of Aberdeen
either dead, deposed, or banished; in whom fell more learning than was
left in all Scotland beside at that time. Nor has that city, nor any
city in Scotland, ever since seen so many learned divines and scholars
at one time together as were immediately before this in Aberdeen. From
that time forwards, learning began to be discountenanced; and such as
were knowing in antiquity and in the writings of the fathers, were had
in suspicion as men who smelled of popery; and he was most esteemed
of, who affected novelism and singularity most; and the very form of
preaching, as weel as the materials, was changed for the most part.
Learning was nicknamed human learning, and some ministers so far cried
it down in their pulpits, as they were heard to say: “Down doctrine,
and up Christ!”’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AUG. 8.]
[Sidenote: 1638.]
As a characteristic incident of the period--an outlaw of the Macgregor
clan, named John Dhu Ger, came this day with his associates to the
lands of Stuart, Laird of Corse, in the upper vales of Aberdeenshire,
and began to despoil them, pretending to be the king’s man, and that
what he did was only justice, as against a rebellious Covenanter.
‘Wherever he came in Strylay and other places, he would take their
horse, kine, and oxen, and cause the owners compound and pay for
their own geir.... He took out of the Laird of Corse’s bounds a brave
gentleman-tenant dwelling there, and carried him with him, and sent
word to the laird, desiring him to send him a thousand pounds, whilk
the lords of Council had given his name [the Stuarts of Athole] for
taking of Gilderoy, or then he would send this man’s head to him. The
Laird of Corse rode shortly to Strathbogie, and told the marquis, who
quickly wrote to Macgregor, to send back Mr George Forbes again, or
then he would come himself for him. But he was obeyed, and [Forbes]
came to Strathbogie, haill and sound upon the 15th of August, but
[without] payment of any ransom.’--_Altered from Spalding._
* * * * *
‘This year was ane very dry year, for about the end of August all the
corns was within the yards.’--_Ab. Re._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT.]
[Sidenote: 1638.]
Amidst the excitement of the time, a young woman named Mitchelson,
who had been subject to fits, attracted attention in Edinburgh by
becoming a sort of prophetess or Pythoness of the Covenant. ‘She was
acquainted with the Scripture, and much taken with the Covenant, and
in her fits spoke much to its advantage, and much ill to its opposers,
that would, or at least that she wished to befall them. Great numbers
of all ranks of people were her daily hearers; and many of the devouter
sex prayed and wept, with joy and wonder, to hear her speak. When her
fits came upon her, she was ordinarily thrown upon a down bed, and
there prostrate, with her face downwards, spoke such words as were
for a while carefully taken from her mouth by such as were skilful
in brachygraphy. She had intermissions of her discourses for days
and weeks; and before she began to speak, it was made known through
Edinburgh. Mr Harry Rollock [one of the clergymen of Edinburgh], who
often came to see her, said that he thought it was not good manners
to speak while his Master was speaking, and that he acknowledged his
Master’s voice in her. Some misconstered her to be suborned by the
Covenanters, and at least that she had nothing that savoured of a
rapture, but only of memory, and that still she knew what she spoke,
and, being interrupted in her discourse, answered pertinently to the
purpose. Her language signified little: she spoke of Christ, and called
him Covenanting Jesus; that the Covenant was approved from heaven;
that the king’s covenant was Satan’s invention; that the Covenant
should prosper, but the adherents to the king’s covenant should be
confounded; and much other stuff of this nature, which savoured at
best of senseless simplicity. The Earl of Airth, upon a time, getting
a paper of her prophecies, which was inscribed, “that, such a day and
such a year, Mrs Mitchelson awoke and spoke gloriously,” in place of
the word “gloriously,” which he blotted out, writt over it the word
“gowkedly” or foolishly, [and] was so much distested for a while among
the superstitious admirers of this maid, that he had like to have
run the fate of one of the bishops, by a charge with stones upon the
street. But this blazing star quickly vanished....’[85]
There seems no reason to doubt that Mrs Mitchelson was a sincere young
woman, but in an unsound nervous condition. Ecstatics like her are
common in the Romish Church, in which case there is much tendency to
visions of St Catherine, instead of ravings about the Covenant. From
analogous cases of persons under hallucinations, the giving pertinent
answers to ordinary questions, which Gordon adduces as a ground of
doubt, does not necessarily infer that Mrs Mitchelson was a cunning
woman playing a part.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1639.