CHAPTER L.

THE GREAT LORD CHANCELLOR.

But the Prince of Orange had already landed.

We learned this news next day, and you may be sure that we were in

the saddle again and riding to Exeter, there to join his standard.

This we did with the full consent of Madam and of Alice. Much as we

had suffered already, they would not deter us, because this thing

would have been approved by Sir Christopher and Dr. Eykin. Therefore

we went. As all the world knows, this expedition was successful. Yet

was not Barnaby made an Admiral, nor was I made a Court physician;

we got, in fact, no reward at all, except that for Barnaby was

procured a full pardon on account of the homicide of his late master.

My second campaign, as everybody knows, was bloodless. To begin

with, we had an army, not of raw country lads armed indifferently

and untrained, but of veteran troops, fifteen thousand strong, all

well equipped, and with the best General in Europe at their head.

At first, indeed, such was the dread in men's minds caused by Lord

Jeffreys' cruelties, few came in; yet this was presently made up

by what followed, when, without any fighting at all, the King's

regiments melted away, his priests fled, and his friends deserted

him. This was a very different business from that other, when we

followed one whom I now know to have been a mere tawdry pretender,

no better fitted to be a King than a vagabond actor at a fair is fit

to be a Lord. Alas! what blood was wasted in that mad attempt!--of

which I was myself one of the most eager promoters. I was then

young, and I believed all that I was told by the conspirators in

Holland; I took their list of well-wishers for insurgents already

armed and waiting only for a signal; I thought that the roll of

noble names set down for sturdy Protestants was that of men already

pledged to the Cause; I believed that the whole nation would rise at

the first opportunity to turn out the priests; I even believed in

the legitimacy of the Duke, and that against the express statement

of his father (if King Charles was in reality his father); and I

believed what they told me of his princely virtues, his knowledge

of the art of war, and his heroic valour. I say that I believed all

these things and that I became a willing and zealous tool in their

hands. As for what those who planned the expedition believed, I

know not; nor will any one now ever learn what promises were made

to the Duke, what were broken, and why he was, from the outset,

save for a few days at Taunton, so dejected and disappointed. As

for me, I shall always believe that the unhappy man--unwise and

soft-hearted--was betrayed by those whom he trusted.

It is now an old tale, though King Monmouth will not speedily be

forgotten in the West Country, nor will the memory of the Bloody

Assize. The brave lads who followed him are dead and buried; some

in unhonoured graves hard by the place where they were hanged, some

under the burning sun of the West Indies. The Duke himself hath long

since paid the penalty of his rash attempt. All is over and ended,

except the memory of it.

It is now common history, known to everybody, how the Prince of

Orange lingered in the West Country, his army inactive, as if he

knew (doubtless he was well informed upon this particular) that

the longer he remained idle the more likely was the King's Cause

to fall to pieces. There are some who think that if King James

had risked an action he could not but have gained, whatsoever

its event--I mean that, the blood of his soldiers once roused,

they would have remained steadfast to him, and would have fought

for him. But this he dared not to risk; wherefore the Prince did

nothing, while the King's regiments fell to pieces and his friends

deserted him. It was in December when the Prince came to Windsor,

and I with him, once more Chyrurgeon in a rebel army. While there

I rode to London--partly with the intention of judging for myself

as to the temper of the people; partly because, after so long an

absence, I wished once more to visit a place where there are books

and pictures; and partly because there were certain notes and

herbs which I desired to communicate to the College of Physicians

in Warwick Lane. It happened to be the very day when the King's

first flight--that, namely, when he was taken in the Isle of

Sheppey--became known. The streets in the City of London I found

crowded with people hurrying to and fro, running in bands and

companies, shouting and crying, as if in the presence of some great

and imminent danger. It was reported and currently believed that

the disbanded Irish soldiers had begun to massacre the Protestants.

There was no truth at all in the report; but yet the bells were

ringing from all the towers, the crowds were exhorting each other to

tear down and destroy the Romish chapels, to hunt for and to hang

the priests, and especially Jesuits (I know not whether they found

any), and to shout for the Prince of Orange. I stood aside to let

the crowds (thus religiously disposed) run past, but there seemed no

end to them. Presently, however (this was in front of the new Royal

Exchange), there drew near another kind of crowd. There marched six

or eight sturdy fellows bearing stout cudgels and haling along a

prisoner. Round them there ran, shrieking, hooting, and cursing,

a mob of a hundred men and more; they continually made attacks

upon the guard, fighting them with sticks and fists; but they were

always thrust back. I thought at first that they had caught some

poor, wretched priest whom they desired to murder. But it proved

to be a prize worth many priests. As they drew nearer, I discerned

the prisoner. He was dressed in the garb of a common sailor, with

short petticoats (which they call slops), and a jacket; his cap had

been torn off, leaving the bare skull, which showed that he was no

sailor, because common sailors do not wear wigs; blood was flowing

down his cheek from a fresh wound; his eyes rolled hither and

thither in an extremity of terror; I could not hear what he said for

the shouting of those around him, but his lips moved, and I think he

was praying his guards to close in and protect him. Never, surely,

was seen a more terror-stricken creature.

I knew his face. Once seen (I had seen it once) it could never be

forgotten. The red and bloated cheeks, which even his fear could

not make pale; the eyes, more terrible than have been given to any

other human creature: these I could not forget--in dreams I see them

still. I saw that face at Exeter, when the cruel Judge exulted over

our misery and rejoiced over the sentence which he pronounced. Yea,

he laughed when he told us how we should swing, but not till we were

dead, and then the knife--delivering his sentence so that no single

point of its horror should be lost to us. Yes; it was the face

of Judge Jeffreys--none other--this abject wretch was that great

Judge. Why, when we went back to our prison there were some who cast

themselves upon the ground, and, for terror of what was to come,

fell into mere _dementia_. And now I saw him thus humbled, thus

disgraced, thus threatened, thus in the last extremity and agony of

terror.

They had discovered him, thus disguised and in hiding, at a tavern

in Wapping, and were dragging him to the presence of the Lord Mayor.

It is a long distance from Wapping to Guildhall, and they went but

slowly, because they were beset and surrounded by these wolves who

howled to have his blood. And all the way he shrieked and trembled

for fear!

Sure and certain is the vengeance of the Lord!

This Haman, this unjust Judge, was thus suffering, at the hands

of the savage mob, pangs far worse than those endured by the poor

rustics whom he had delivered to the executioner. I say worse,

because I have not only read, but have myself proved, that the rich

and the learned--those, that is, who live luxuriously and those who

have power to imagine and to feel beforehand--do suffer far more in

disease than the common, ignorant folk. The scholar dies of terror

before ever he feels the surgeon's knife, while the rustic bares his

limb, insensible and callous, however deep the cut or keen the pain.

I make no doubt, therefore, that the great Lord Chancellor, while

they haled him all the way from Wapping to Guildhall, suffered as

much as fifty ploughboys flogged at the cart-tail.

Many thousands there were who desired revenge upon him--I know not

what revenge would satisfy the implacable; because revenge can do no

more than kill the body, but his worst enemy should be satisfied

with this, his dreadful fate. Even Barnaby, who was sad because he

could get no revenge on his own account (he wanted a bloody battle,

with the rout of the King's armies and the pursuit of a flying

enemy, such as had happened at Sedgemoor), was satisfied with the

justice which was done to that miserable man. It is wonderful that

he was not killed amidst so many threatening cudgels; but his guards

prevented that, not from any love they bore him; but quite the

contrary (more unforgiving faces one never saw); for they intended

to hand him over to the Lord Mayor, and that he should be tried for

all his cruelties and treacheries, and, perhaps, experience himself

that punishment of hanging and disembowelling which he had inflicted

on so many ignorant and misled men.

How he was committed to the Tower, where he shortly died in the

greatest torture of body as well as mind, everybody knows.

For Faith and Freedom · 第 50 / 51 章