CHAPTER LXXXVII.

NEW ZEALAND--_Concluded_.

FUNERAL CEREMONIES AND ARCHITECTURE.

THE MOURNING OVER THE DEAD CHIEF -- THE TANGI, AND THE SCARS WHICH

IT LEAVES -- FIRST BURIAL OF THE CHIEF -- THE WAHI TAPU -- THE

SECOND BURIAL, OR “HAHUNGA” -- REMOVAL OF THE TAPU, AND INSTALLATION

OF THE SUCCESSOR -- E’ HONGI’S DEATHBED -- A DECAYING PAH -- CANOE

TOMBS -- MONUMENT TO E’ TOKI -- TOMB OF TE WHERO-WHERO’S DAUGHTER --

SAVAGE SENTIMENT -- MAORI ARCHITECTURE -- MATERIAL, SHAPE, AND SIZE

OF THE HOUSES -- A CROWDED SLEEPING PLACE -- THE EAT MAN HOUSE --

RANGIHAEATA’S REVENGE -- PUATIA’S WAR-HOUSE AND ITS SCULPTURES --

INTERIOR VIEW OF A PAH -- TOOLS USED IN HOUSE-BUILDING -- THE AXE AND

THE CHISEL -- THE TOKO-TOKO, OR WALKING STICK.

We now come to the ceremonies that belong to funerals.

When a chief, or indeed any Rangatira, dies, his friends and relations

deck the body in the finest clothes which the deceased had possessed

in his lifetime, lay it out, and assemble round it for the customary

mourning. The women are the chief mourners, and indulge in the most

demonstrative, not to say ostentatious, ebullitions of grief. Sometimes

they squat upon the ground, their bodies and faces wrapped in their

mantles, as if utterly overpowered by grief. Sometimes they wave

their arms in the air, shaking their hands with expressive gestures

of sorrow; and all the while they utter loud wailing cries, while the

tears stream down their cheeks.

Much of this extravagant sorrow is necessarily feigned, according

to the custom of New Zealand life, which demands tears on so many

occasions; but there is no doubt that much is real and truly felt. The

women cut themselves severely with shells, making incisions in the skin

several inches in length. These incisions are filled with charcoal,

as if they had been part of the regular moko or tattoo, and become

indelible, being, in fact, perpetual records of sorrow. Some of these

women cut themselves with such severity, that in their old age they are

covered with the thin blue lines of the “tangi,” their faces, limbs,

and bodies being traversed by them in rather a ludicrous manner. The

tangi lines might be mistaken for regular tattooing, except for one

point. They have no pattern, and instead of being curved, as is always

the case with the moko, they are straight, about two inches in length,

and run parallel to each other.

They address long speeches to the dead man, enumerating his many

virtues, his courage, his liberality, the strength of his tapu, and

so forth, mixed with reproaches to him for dying and going away from

them when they stood in such need of him. Indeed, the whole of the

proceedings, with the exception of cutting the skin, are very like

those of an Irish wake.

In the illustration No. 1, on the 872nd page, are shown these various

ceremonies. The dead body of the chief is lying under the shed, wrapped

in the best mantle, and with a coronal of feathers in the hair. In

the front sits a chief, whose rank is denoted by his hani, or staff

of office, that lies by him, and by the elaborate mantle in which he

has wrapped himself. Standing near the corpse is one of the mourners,

with arms upraised and hands quivering, while others are seen sitting

in various attitudes of woe. The fence of the pah is shown in the

background, with its grotesque images and curious architecture.

When the old people attend a funeral, they usually paint themselves

freely with red ochre, and wear wreaths of green leaves upon their

heads. The house in which the death took place is rendered tapu until

the body is finally disposed of--an event which does not take place for

some time.

After the mourning ceremonies have been completed, the body is placed

in a sort of coffin and allowed to decay, the green jade merai, the

tiki, the hani, and other emblems of rank being placed with the corpse.

In some parts of the country this coffin is canoe-shaped, and suspended

to the branches of a tree, certain places being kept sacred for this

purpose. There existed, for example, several graves belonging to the

Nga-pui tribe, which had been preserved on account of the sacred

character which belonged to them. The natives had long abandoned the

custom of hanging the coffins of the dead on the trees, but the sacred

character still clung to them, and, though the woods in that part of

the country had been felled, the sacred groves were allowed to flourish

unharmed.

Sometimes the body of a very great chief was placed in a wooden

receptacle in the midst of the pah, called the waki-tapu, and there

allowed to decay. As might be expected, a most horrible odor is

disseminated through the pah during the process of decomposition; but

the inhabitants do not seem to trouble themselves, their nostrils not

being easily offended. For example, when a whale is thrown ashore, the

stench of the huge mass of decomposition is so overpowering that an

European cannot endure it. The natives, however, say that they are used

to it, and do not notice it. Indeed, people who can eat the horrible

messes of putrid maize of which they are so fond must be so obtuse of

scent as to be indifferent to any ill odor.

Be it as it may, in time the process of decay is supposed to be

complete,--seven or eight months being the usual time. A curious

ceremony, called the “hahunga,” then takes place. The friends and

relatives of the deceased chief are again assembled, and the bones are

solemnly taken from their receptacle and cleaned. The person who cleans

them is necessarily tapu, but is rendered “noa,” or common again, by

the eldest son and daughter of the deceased chief eating of the sacred

food offered to the dead. Should the eldest girl happen to be dead, the

food is placed in a calabash, and laid in the now empty coffin, the

spirit of the girl being called by name, and the food offered to her.

The spirit is supposed to partake of the food; and the tapu is thus

removed as effectually as if she were alive, and had visibly eaten the

provisions. Should the chief have had no daughter, the nearest female

relative takes the office. The usual orations are made in honor of the

deceased and the merai, tiki, and other ornaments of the dead chief are

then handed over to his eldest son, who thus takes possession of the

post which his father had vacated, the ceremony being analogous to a

coronation among Europeans.

When the celebrated chief E’ Hongi, the “Scourge of New Zealand,” as

he has been called, died, his children were so afraid that they would

be attacked by those whom the terror of his name had kept quiet, that

they wanted to omit the preliminary orations and “tangi,” and to lay

his body in the “waki-tapu,” or sacred place, on the day after his

death. This intention was, however, overruled, chiefly in consequence

of the foresight of the dying chief.

Feeling that his end was close at hand, he rallied his sons round

him, sent for all his warlike stores, the merais, patus, muskets,

ammunition, and, above all, the armor which he had received from George

IV., and bequeathed them to his children. He was asked what “utu,” or

satisfaction, should be exacted for his death, but replied that the

only utu which his spirit would desire was, that his tribe should be

valiant, and repel any attack that might be made upon them. But for

this really noble sentiment, there would have been great slaughter at

his death, in order to furnish attendants for him.

That his tribe should for the future be valiant, and repel the attacks

of their enemies, was the ruling idea in E’ Hongi’s mind; and on March

6, 1828, he died, continually repeating the words, “Kia toa! kia

toa!”--_i. e._ “Be valiant! be valiant!”

After the ceremony of cleaning the bones is over, they are taken by the

principal tohunga, or priest, who generally disposes of them in some

secret spot sacred to the remains of dead chiefs, and known only to

himself. Sometimes, however, they are laid in beautifully carved boxes,

which are supported on posts in the middle of the pah.

Sometimes the waki-tapu, or sacred place in which the body of a chief

is placed while it undergoes decomposition, is marked in a very curious

manner, and the entire village deserted for a time. For example, at

the pah of Huriwenua, the chief had died about six weeks before Mr.

Angas arrived at the place, which he found deserted. “Not far from

this island pah stood the village of Huriwenua, the gaily-ornamented

tomb of the late chief forming a conspicuous object in the centre.

Here, although everything was in a state of perfect preservation, not a

living soul was to be seen; the village, with its neat houses made of

raupo, and its courtyards and provision boxes, was entirely deserted.

From the moment the chief was laid beneath the upright canoe, on which

were inscribed his name and rank, the whole village became strictly

tapu, or sacred, and not a native, on pain of death, was permitted to

trespass near the spot. The houses were all fastened up, and on most of

the doors were inscriptions denoting that the property of such an one

remained there.

“An utter silence pervaded the place. After ascertaining that no

natives were in the vicinity of the forbidden spot, I landed, and trod

the sacred ground; and my footsteps were probably the first, since

the desertion of the village, that had echoed along its palisaded

passages.

[Illustration: (1.) MOURNING OVER A DEAD CHIEF. (See page 869.)]

[Illustration: (2.) TOMB OF E’ TOKI. (See page 873.)]

“On arriving at the tomb, I was struck with the contrast between the

monument of the savage and that of the civilized European. In the

erection of the latter, marble and stone and the most durable of metals

are employed, while rapidly decaying wood, red ochre, and feathers

form the decorations of the Maori tomb. Huriwenua having been buried

only six weeks, the ornaments of the _waki-tapu_, or sacred place,

as those erections are called, were fresh and uninjured. The central

upright canoe was richly painted with black and red, and at the top

was written the name of the chief; above which there hung in clusters,

bunches of _kaka_ feathers, forming a large mass at the summit of the

canoe. A double fence of high palings, also painted red, and ornamented

with devices in arabesque work, extended round the grave, and at every

fastening of flax, where the horizontal rails were attached to the

upright fencing, were stuck two feathers of the albatross, the sunny

whiteness of which contrasted beautifully with the sombre black and red

of the remainder of the monument.”

One of these tombs may be seen in the background of illustration No.

1, on p. 860, containing the portrait of an old priest, and another is

shown in the view of a village which will be given on a future page.

Within the pah is often erected a monument or mausoleum of the dead. A

very beautiful example of this kind of tomb was erected in the pah of

Rangihaeta to the memory of E’ Toki, the mother of Raupahara.

It was nearly semi-circular in shape, and the body was placed in it

in an upright position. It was covered with a roof, squared at the

corners, and projecting like a verandah all round, and sloping toward

the back. The central tomb, the roof, and the posts which supported it,

were all covered with the most elaborate arabesque pattern, mostly of a

spiral character. Paint was liberally used on it, that on the central

tomb or coffin being red and white, while that which decorated the roof

and posts was red and black. In front of the projecting roof was hung

the beautifully woven kaitaka mat of the deceased woman, and tufts of

the white feathers of the albatross were arranged at regular intervals

upon it.

Even when Mr. Angas saw this beautiful example of Maori art, it was

beginning to decay, the climate being damp, and the natives never

repairing a decaying tomb. It was, of course, strictly tapu. No native

liked to go close to it, and for a slave, or even a free man of

inferior rank, to go within a certain distance of it would have been a

crime punishable with instant death.

I have much pleasure in presenting on the preceding page an

illustration of this beautiful monument of Maori art, taken from a

drawing made by Mr. Angas in 1844, while the perishable materials of

which the tomb was made were yet in tolerable preservation. Under the

carved and decorated roof may be seen the semicircular coffin in which

the body had been placed, distinguished from the outer portion of the

tomb by the red and white colors with which it was painted, in contrast

to the red and black of the outer portions. The reader will notice

that red is the prevalent color in all tombs, because red is the hue

of mourning as well as of war among the Maories. Immediately under the

eaves of the front may be seen the highly ornamented border of the

kaitaka mat once worn by the deceased, and now left to decay upon her

tomb.

Round the tomb itself runs a slight and low fence. This palisade, small

as it might appear, afforded ample protection to the tomb, inasmuch as

the whole space within it was rendered sacred by a tapu laid upon it by

Raupahara, so that not even the highest chief would venture to enter

the forbidden enclosure.

One of the finest specimens of carving in New Zealand--perhaps the

finest in the whole country--is, or rather was, a mausoleum erected by

Te Whero-Whero to his favorite daughter. It was upon the death of this

daughter that Te Whero-Whero gave such dire offence to the other chiefs

by threatening to throw their scalps into his daughter’s grave, for

which offence he had to give up the celebrated armor of E’Hongi by way

of fine.

The monument was erected in Raroera, formerly one of the largest and

finest pahs in New Zealand, but rendered desolate by the act of the

headstrong and determined chief. He had this wonderful tomb built

for his daughter, and, as soon as her body was placed within it, he

pronounced the whole pah to be tapu. It was at once deserted: old and

young quitted the place, leaving everything behind them, the provisions

to moulder and the weapons to decay. Solid houses that had occupied

many years in building and carving were allowed to fall into mere

shapeless heaps of ruins; and even in 1844 the rank vegetation had so

completely overrun the place that many of the best pieces of native

work were covered by the foliage.

The tomb is about twelve feet high, and consists of the usual box for

the reception of the body, covered by a projecting roof, which is

supported by pillars. Were it as graceful in form as the monument to

E’ Toki, this would be by far the finest specimen of native art; but

unfortunately it does not possess the bold outline and contrast of the

curve and the straight line which are so characteristic of E’ Toki’s

tomb.

The elaboration of the carving on this monument is so great that it

almost baffles the skill of the draughtsman. Mr. Angas succeeded

in copying it, and when the drawing was shown to the artist who had

executed the work he was astounded, and pronounced the white man to

be a great tohunga. The roof is supported by pillars, each pillar

consisting of two human figures, the upper standing on the head of

the lower. The upper figure is about seven feet in height, and has a

gigantic head, with an enormous protruding tongue that reaches to the

breast.

The whole of the tomb is covered with human heads. Exclusive of those

upon the posts, the front alone of the tomb contains fourteen faces,

each differing from the other in expression and pattern of the moko,

but all wearing the same defiant air. Their enormous eyes are made

peculiarly conspicuous by being carved out of haliotis shell, carrying

out on a large scale the plan adopted in the chiefs’ hanis and other

sculptures. The whole of the space between the figures is covered

with the most elaborate arabesques, intertwining with each other in

a bewildering manner, but each running its own boldly curved course.

Between the various pieces that compose this tomb are set bunches and

tufts of white and green feathers, which serve to adorn as well as

disguise the necessary seams of the woodwork.

This wonderful monument was entirely carved by one man, named Paranui.

He was lame, and in consequence had expended his energies in art, in

which he had so greatly distinguished himself that he took rank as

a tohunga. He was equally celebrated as a tattooer; and it may well

be imagined that a man who could design so extraordinary a piece

of workmanship must be skilful in inventing the endless variety of

patterns needful in the decoration of chief’s faces. In performing this

work, Paranui had but one tool, the head of an old bayonet.

The loss of such specimens of native art as those which have been

described carries out my former remarks on the necessity for removing

to our own country every memorial of savage life that we can secure. We

inflict no real injury upon the savages, and we secure an invaluable

relic of vanishing customs. These monuments, for example, were simply

carved and then left to decay. Had they been removed to this country,

where they would have been guarded from the power of the elements and

the encroachments of vegetation, we should have seen them in complete

preservation at the present day, and likely to last as long as the

building which contained them.

Of course the sentimental argument may be pleaded against this view of

the case; but in matters which are of vital importance in the grand

study of anthropology mere sentiment ought to have no place. Neither

has it such place as some often imagine. The savage, finding that the

white man yields to him on this point, is only too glad to find any

vantage ground, and always presses on as fast as the other yields--just

as has been done in India with the question of caste. We cannot measure

their mental sensibilities any more than their physical by our own. A

savage endures with stoicism tortures which would kill an European,

simply because he does not feel them as much. And the mental and

physical sensibilities are very much on a par.

The Maori is perhaps the finest savage race on the face of the earth,

and yet we cannot think that he is exactly an estimable being, whose

ambition is murder, and whose reward is to eat the body of his victim,

who never does a stroke of work that he can avoid, and who leads a life

of dissipation as far as his capabilities go. Of all savage nations,

the New Zealander displays most sorrow for the loss of a friend or

relation. Tears flow profusely from his eyes, and every tone of his

voice and every gesture of his body convey the impression that he is

borne down by unendurable woe. Yet we have seen that this effusion of

sorrow is mostly premeditated, and merely a conventional mode of acting

required by the etiquette of the country.

When two people can be bathed in tears, speak only in sobbing accents,

utter heart-rending cries, and sink to the ground as overwhelmed by

grief, we cannot but compassionate their sorrow and admire their

sensibility. But if, in the middle of all these touching demonstrations

of grief, we see them suddenly cease from their sobs and cries, enter

into a little lively conversation, enjoy a hearty laugh, and then

betake themselves afresh to their tears and sobs, we may take the

liberty of doubting their sincerity.

So with those beautiful houses and monuments that are left to perish

by neglect. The builder did in all probability feel very keenly at the

time, though the feeling of grief seems sometimes to take a curious

turn, and be metamorphosed into vengeance and an excuse for war; but it

is very much to be doubted whether grief for the departed is a feeling

that is really permanent in the savage mind. The Maori chief may lay

his tapu on an entire village when a relative dies, and if, after

the lapse of years, any one be rash enough to invade the forbidden

precincts, he will visit the offence with instant punishment. But it

must be remembered that the infringement of the tapu in question is

not an insult to the dead but to the living, and that when the chief

punishes the offender, he does not avenge an affront offered to his

dead relative, but a direct insult to himself.

In spite of his sentiment, I think that the Maori might have been

induced to sell such specimens of art, and even if he refused to yield

to such a proposition, he would have respected us none the less if,

when we had captured a pah, we exercised the right of conquest, and

took that which we could not buy. Or even supposing that the first idea

had proved impracticable, and the second unadvisable, it would not

have been very difficult to have induced a native artist to execute a

duplicate which he could sell for a price which would enrich him for

life.

Such sentiments are, I know, unpopular with the mass of those who only

see the savage at a distance, which certainly, in the case of savage

life, lends the only enchantment to the view that it can possess. But

I believe them to be just and true, and know that the closer is our

acquaintance with savage life, the more reason we have to be thankful

for civilization. The savage knows this himself, and bitterly feels

his inferiority. He hates and fears the white man, but always ends by

trying to imitate him.

To return to these monuments. In former times they existed in great

numbers, and even in more recent days those which survive are so

characteristic of a style of art that may have taken its rise from

ancient Mexico, that I should have been glad to transfer to these pages

several more of Mr. Angas’ sketches.

* * * * *

It will be seen from several of the previous illustrations that

the New Zealanders must possess much skill in architecture. The

observant reader must have remarked that the art of house-building is

practically wanting in Australia; and that such should be the case

is most extraordinary, seeing that architectural skill is singularly

developed among the great Polynesian families. The New Zealander, whose

country has much in common with Australia, is remarkable for the skill

and taste which he displays in architecture; and a short space will

therefore be devoted to this subject.

As is the case throughout Polynesia in general, the material used in

house-building is wood, and the various pieces of which a house is

composed are fastened together not by nails, but by ropes and strings,

which in many cases are applied in a most elaborate and artistic

manner, beauty being studied not only in the forms of the houses and in

the carved patterns with which they are adorned, but in the complicated

lashings with which they are bound together. As, however, this branch

of ornamental architecture is carried to a greater extent in Fiji than

in New Zealand, I shall reserve the details for the description of the

Fiji Islands.

The size of some of these edifices is very great. For example, in

1843 the Maori converts built for themselves a place of worship large

enough to contain a thousand persons, and measuring eighty-six feet in

length by forty-two in width. The size of this edifice was evidently

determined by the length of the ridge-pole. This was cut from a single

tree, and was dragged by the natives a distance of three miles. The

cross-lashings of the building were all ornamental, giving to it a

peculiar richness of finish.

We are, however, chiefly concerned with the domestic architecture

of the Maories. Within each pah or enclosed village are a number of

houses, each representing a family, and separated from each other

by fences, several houses generally standing near each other in one

enclosure. A full-sized house is about forty feet long by twenty

wide, and is built on precisely the same principle as the tombs which

have been just described, the actual house taking the position of the

coffin, and being sheltered from the weather by a gable roof, which

extends far beyond the walls, so as to form a sort of verandah. The

roof is supported on separate posts, and does not, as with ourselves,

rest upon the walls of the house. The roof always projects greatly at

the principal end of the house, in which the door is situated, so that

it forms a sort of shed, under which the members of the family can

shelter themselves from the sun or rain without going into the house.

A genuine New Zealander has a great love for fresh air, and, as we

have seen, will composedly sit for a whole day on the wet ground in a

pouring rain, although a house may be within easy reach. Yet at night,

when he retires to rest, he is equally fond of shutting himself up, and

of excluding every breath of fresh air.

Indeed, the native does not look upon a house as a place wherein to

live, but merely as a convenient shelter from the elements by day and

a comfortable sleeping-place by night. As soon as evening is near,

a fire is lighted in the middle of the house, which fills it with

smoke, as there is no chimney. The New Zealander, however, seems to

be smoke-proof, and sits composedly in a place which would drive an

European half mad with smarting eyes. Indeed, before the natives become

inured to the acrid vapor, their eyes have much to endure, and it is to

the habit of sitting in the smoke that the bleared look so prevalent in

old people is chiefly due.

Not only do the natives thus surround themselves with a smoky

atmosphere, but they limit its quantity as well as its quality. The

number of men and women that will pack themselves into one house at

night is almost incredible, each person lying down on a simple mat,

and retaining the same clothes that have been worn during the day. As,

however, the heat becomes excessive, the inmates generally contrive to

throw off their clothing during the night. By daybreak the heat and

closeness are almost stifling to an European, and it is rather an

amusing sight to see a hut give up its inmates on the morning of a cold

day, the whole party being enveloped in steam as they come into the

cold air.

At the principal end of the house, under the verandah, is the entrance.

This strangely resembles the gate of an Egyptian temple, being made of

three large beams, the two side posts slightly inclining to each other,

and the third laid upon them. The aperture is closed by a sliding door,

and at the side of the door is generally a square window, which can be

closed in the same manner. In some large houses there were two of these

windows, one on either side of the door.

As the roof is made with a considerable slant, the walls are seldom

more than two or three feet high where the roof touches them, though

in the middle the house is lofty enough. The roof is supported on the

inside by one or two posts, which are always carved elaborately, and

almost invariably have the human figure as one of the ornaments upon

them. The ridge-pole is flattened and boardlike, and in good houses

is carved and painted in patterns, usually of the spiral character.

This board, as well as those which are used in different parts of the

building, is made by hacking the trunk of a tree on both sides, until

it is reduced to the required thickness, the native Maories having no

tool which can answer the purpose of a saw.

At the end of the ridge-pole, over the door, is carved a distorted

human figure, intended to represent the owner of the house, and

recognized as such by the lines of the moko or tattoo on its face, and

generally having the tongue thrust out to an inordinate extent.

An illustration on page 877 represents the most celebrated of all Maori

houses, namely, the war house of the ruthless chief Rangihaeta, an

edifice which fully expresses the ferocious character of the builder.

These houses are designed by chiefs in honor of some great victory,

and are surrounded with wooden figures, which either represent in

derision the leading warriors of the enemy who have been killed, or

the victorious chief and his own warriors in the act of defying and

insulting the enemy by thrusting out their tongues at them. This house

bears the ominous name of Kai-tangata, or Eat-man.

The illustration is taken from a sketch made by Mr. Angas, who

describes the building as follows: “Kai-tangata, or Eat-man House, is

a wooden edifice in the primitive Maori style, of large dimensions,

with the door-posts and the boards forming the portico curiously and

elaborately carved in grotesque shapes, representing human figures,

frequently in the most indecent attitudes. The eyes are inlaid with

pawa shell, and the tattooing of the faces is carefully cut. The

tongues of all these figures are monstrously large, and protrude out

of the mouth, as a mark of defiance toward their enemies who may

approach the house. The whole of the carved work, as well as the wooden

parts of the building, are colored red with _kokowai_, an ochre found

principally on the side of the volcano of Taranaki.

“The portico or verandah of Rangihaeta’s house is about twelve feet

deep, and the ridge-pole and frame boards of the roof are richly

painted in spiral arabesques of black and red; the margin of each

spiral being dotted with white spots, which add richness to the effect.

The spaces between the woodwork are filled up with variegated reeds,

beautifully arranged with great skill, and fastened together with

strips of flax dyed red, and tied crosswise, so as to present the

appearance of ornamental basketwork.

“Above the centre of the gable-roofed portico is fixed a large wooden

head, elaborately tattooed, with hair and a beard fastened on, composed

of dogs’ tails. Within the house is a carved image of most hideous

aspect, that supports the ridge-pole of the roof. This is intended to

represent the proprietor, and is said by the natives to be entirely the

work of Rangihaeta’s own hand.”

This figure, together with the pole that issues from the head, may

be seen in illustration No. 1, on page 809, which represents the

interior of the house. On account of the circumstance recorded in the

beginning of this description, the artist has been unable to draw a

vast number of carvings which decorated this house, so that much of the

extraordinary elaboration is necessarily omitted.

Rangihaeta displayed his merciless disposition in one of the

unfortunate skirmishes which often took place between the Maories

and the English, and which have afterward been equally regretted by

both parties, the white men having generally offered an unintentional

insult to the natives, and the latter having resented it in the heat of

passion. On this occasion, a number of the white men had been captured

by the Maories under the two chiefs Rangihaeta and Raupahara, who were

related to each other by marriage, the former having married a daughter

of the latter. Some time previously, this woman had been accidentally

killed by a chance shot, which, as a matter of course, her relations

insisted on considering as intentional.

[Illustration: (1.) RANGIHAETA’S WAR HOUSE. (See page 876.)]

[Illustration: (2.) INTERIOR OF A PAH OR VILLAGE. (See page 879.)]

While the prisoners and their capturers were standing together, another

chief named Puatia tried to make peace, saying that the slain on both

sides were about equal. His proposition was accepted, the lately

opposing parties shook hands, and all would have gone well had they

not been joined by Rangihaeta, who had been employing himself in the

congenial task of killing all the wounded. He immediately demanded the

lives of the prisoners, and when Raupahara refused to accede to his

demand, Rangihaeta told him to remember his daughter. The bereaved

chief was silent at this implied reproach, and, before he had time to

collect his thoughts, Rangihaeta glided round the party, getting behind

each of the captives as they stood among the Maories, and killed them

successively with his merai. The ubiquitous land question was at the

bottom of this sad business.

Houses like the Kai-tangata were formerly common, answering the purpose

of the ancient trophies. A war house nearly as celebrated as that which

has just been described was erected by Puatia, the chief of Otawhao

Pah, in order to commemorate the capture of Maketu on the east coast.

Since Puatia died, the whole of this splendid pah was rendered tapu,

and, in consequence, the buildings within it were given up to decay.

Mr. Angas was fortunate enough to secure a sketch of the war house

before, like the rest of the buildings in the pah, it had entirely

decayed.

The house itself is perhaps scarcely so neatly made as the Kai-tangata,

but it derives great interest from the number of figures with which

the beams, rafters, and posts are decorated. On either side of the

verandah stand two huge wooden figures, which are intended to represent

two chiefs who fell in battle, but who, as belonging to the victorious

side, are represented with their tongues defiantly menacing the beaten

enemy.

The figure that supports the central pole represents a chief who was

one of the principal warriors at the capture of Maketu. At the height

of six and ten feet respectively, on the same pole, are carvings which

represent two other warriors, their moko, or tattoo, doing duty for the

whole of the person. Still higher are a couple of figures representing

warriors, the upper figure appearing to stand on the roof itself.

Just within the upper part of the gable is the figure of Pokana, a

warrior who was living at the time when the house was built, and who

is represented with a pipe in his mouth. Around the house are numbers

of similar figures, each representing some well-known individual,

and having a signification which is perfectly well understood by the

natives.

It was in this ruined pah of Otawhao that the disused wooden war-bell

was found. The former owner, Puatia, was converted to Christianity

before his death, and, while he lay sick within his pah, he had a

school established for the purpose of disseminating Christianity, and

used to call his people round him for the morning and evening prayers.

It has been mentioned that, owing to the contempt with which the

Maories regard everything that pertains to the preparation of food,

cooking is never carried on in the dwelling-houses. If possible, it

is conducted in the open air; but when the weather is too wet or too

windy, a shed is employed. These cooking sheds are built expressly for

the purpose, and no one with any claims to rank ever enters within

them. Were no shelter but a cooking shed to be found within miles, the

Maori chief would not enter it, no matter how severe the weather might

be.

The cooking sheds are built very simply, the sides or walls being

purposely made with considerable interstices, so that the wind may pass

freely between them. They are roofed with beams, over which is placed a

thatch of the raupo rush. As, among other articles of diet, the putrid

maize is prepared in these sheds, the European traveller is often glad

to find that the abominable mess will be cooked at a distance from him.

Some of the larger pahs contain a great number of houses, and several

of them are inhabited by at least two thousand people. Civilization

has at the present day exercised great influence upon the pahs, and

reduced them, as a rule, to fortresses rather than villages. In many

districts the use of the pah has been practically abandoned, those

natives who wish to be at peace devoting themselves to the cultivation

of the ground and living in scattered houses, without caring for the

protection of the fence.

The illustration No. 2, on page 877, is taken from a sketch by Mr.

Angas, representing the interior of a pah as seen by him in 1844.

One or two of the houses are seen scattered about, adorned with the

grotesque figures of which the Maori is so fond, and having several of

the inmates sitting under the shelter of the deep verandah. Rather in

the background are one or two of the ingenious and beautifully carved

storehouses, in which food is protected from the rats, and on one side

is a great wooden tiki projecting from the ground. Just behind the

large storehouse is seen the curious monument that marks the waki-tapu,

or sacred burial-place of a chief, a half canoe being planted in the

ground and painted with elaborate patterns in red, the color for

mourning and war among the New Zealanders.

Groups of the natives may be seen scattered about, conspicuous among

whom is the council that is sitting in the foreground, under the

presidency of the seated chief, whose hani, or staff of office, marks

his dignity. A slave woman is seen working at her task of beating

the flax leaves; and wandering promiscuously about the pah, or lying

comfortably asleep, are the pigs, with which every village swarms.

* * * * *

We now come to the tools with which the Maori performs all this

wonderful amount of carpentering and carving.

Looking at the results, we might naturally fancy that the dusky

architect possessed a goodly array of tools; but, in fact, his tools

are as few and simple as his weapons, and may be practically considered

as two, the adze and the chisel. On the next page an example of each

is drawn, the artist having taken care to select the best and most

valuable specimens; the blades being formed from the precious green

jade, and the handles carved elaborately, so as to be worthy of the

valuable material from which the blades are shaped.

As may be imagined, these tools cannot have very sharp edges given to

them, as the brittleness of the stone would cause it to chip into an

edge like that of a bad saw, and in consequence the worst iron axe is a

far better tool than the best specimen of green stonework that a Maori

ever made.

At No. 3 may be seen one of the common “tokis,” or stone axes, that

were formerly so much used in building canoes. The specimen from

which it is drawn is in my collection, and I have selected it for

illustration because it gives so excellent an idea of the structure of

the tool, and the mode of fastening the blade to the handle. This is

achieved in a very ingenious manner, and although it scarcely seems

possible to secure the requisite firmness by a mere lashing of string,

the Maori workman has contrived to attach the blade as firmly as if it

had been socketed.

This mode of fastening the blade to the handle prevails over the

greater part of the Polynesian group, and, although the elaboration of

the lashings varies considerably, the principle is exactly the same

throughout. The same plan prevails even in Borneo, and there is in my

collection a boat-builder’s adze, the iron blade of which is lashed to

the socket in precisely the same manner, the only difference being that

split rattan is employed instead of string. The reader will notice the

peculiar shape of the adze-edge, which is exactly that of the incisor

tooth of any rodent animal. Whether the maker intentionally copied the

tooth is doubtful, but that he has done so is evident.

Tools such as these are necessarily imperfect; yet with these the

Maories patiently executed the elaborate and really artistic designs

which they once lavished on their dwellings, their canoes, their

weapons, and their tools. They could not even make a walking stick but

they must needs cover it with carvings. There is in my collection, and

illustrated at fig. 4, a remarkably fine example of such a walking

stick, called in the Maori tongue “toko-toko,” which was presented to

me by Stiverd Vores, Esq. As the reader may see from the illustration

it is ornamented with six complete human figures, and a human face on

the knob of the handle. The portions of the stick that come between the

figures are completely covered with carving, and the only plain surface

is that which is intended to be grasped by the hand.

The six figures are in three pairs, set back to back, and those of each

pair exactly resemble one another. A distinct gradation is observed in

them, the uppermost pair having their faces most elaborately tattooed,

the middle pair being less ornamented, and the lowermost pair having

a comparatively simple tattoo. In the position of the heads there is

also a distinction, which I believe to have some signification known to

the carver. The upper pair have the left hand laid on the breast, and

the right hand pressed to the lips; the middle pair have the left hand

still on the breast, and the right fingers touching the throat; while

the lower figures have both hands clasped on the breast.

All the figures are separated, except at the backs of the heads, the

hips, and the heels, where they touch each other; so that the labor

expended on this stick has been very great.

* * * * *

We now take farewell of this interesting race--a race which is fast

waning away, and will soon perish altogether. No New Zealander will

ever sit on the broken arches of London Bridge, and contemplate

the ruins of St. Paul’s. The Maori is fast disappearing, and in a

comparatively few years it is certain that not a Maori of pure blood

will be found in the islands; and before a century has elapsed, even

the characteristic tattoo will be a remembrance of the past, of which

the only memorials will be the dried heads that have been preserved

in European museums. It is pitiful that such a race should be passing

away; but its decadence cannot be arrested, and in a short time the

Maories will be as completely extinct as the people of the stone age,

leaving nothing but their manufactures as memorials of their existence.

Such memorials, therefore, ought to be sedulously preserved. Every

piece of genuine native carving that can be found in New Zealand ought

to be secured and brought to England, where it can be preserved for

future ages, and, with the isolated specimens that are scattered in

private houses throughout the country, ought to be gathered together in

some central museum, where they can be accessible to all who interest

themselves in the grand science of anthropology.

[Illustration: (1.) MAORI PADDLES. (See page 854.)]

[Illustration: (2.) GREEN JADE ADZE AND CHISEL. (See page 880.)]

[Illustration: (3.) COMMON STONE ADZE. (See page 880.)]

[Illustration: (4.) TOKO-TOKO. (See page 880.)]

The uncivilized races of men in all countries of the world; vol. 2 of 2 Being a comprehensive account of their manners and customs, and of their physical, social, mental, moral and religious characteristics · 第 12 / 69 章