the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state
which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the
colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture
was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively
speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men
who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect
was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now
been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries
which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging
to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to
profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left
to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from
without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of
the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the
country should have made very little progress. However the similarity
of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of
Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to
think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country,
although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus
much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.
[148] Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at
Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found
it to be rather brackish; “_d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre
brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en
tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de
réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c.
tom. iii. p.71.
[149] Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the
following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons,
and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue
in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become
thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh
plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.
[150] A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was
brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.
[151] The passages in this chapter which are marked as being
quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I
mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.
[152] The author of the _Nouveau Voyage &c._ _tom._ iii. p. 218.
mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the
property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw
this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not
commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says,
that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind
of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality,
Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of
the coco and of other palms are generally used.
Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for
planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score
of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The
same opinion is general in Pernambuco.
[153] Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “_Il faut
donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de
perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge_,” _&c._—Nouveau Voyage,
&c. tom. iii. p. 353.
But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to
attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the
cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut
until after the proper time.
[154] The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was
in his time a _chasseur de rats_ upon every estate. He says that he
made his _chasseur_ bring the rats that were caught to him; and he
desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came,
the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as
he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the
negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not
see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they
feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing
the following statement: “_Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que
le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une
mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble
et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter
de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en
peine de tendre les attrapes._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.
[155] “_Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho_,”—as sleepy as the negro of
a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.
[156] In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in
the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from
England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the
advantage of being turned by water.
[157] Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “_Ce
qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit_;”
he also mentions the necessity of having “_sur le bout de la table une
serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin_.”—Nouveau
Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.
[158] The author of the _Noveau Voyage, &c._ says, the Portugueze,
when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at
the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding
the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “_pour briser les pommes
à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers,
pour écraser les olives_.”—tom iii. p. 428.
I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present
day, excepting that which is in general use.
[159] In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when
conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find
no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.
[160] In the _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c._ I
find that “_le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible
d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve_.” tom.
iii. p. 205.
In the fourth volume of the _Nouveau Voyage_, p. 106 to 110, is
a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be
interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse
insertion before a British public.
[161] The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians
islands, are beginning to be introduced.
[162] The following method of preparing the _temper_ will be useful
in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be
permitted to insert it, although it is long.
“_Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on
en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés
quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir
broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées._
“_Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui
est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup.
On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite._
“_La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite
de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze
à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de
l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble
entiérement au fer d’une pique._
“_La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine
et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres._
“_On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques
feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une
espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les
bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois
et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec
ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à
trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille
épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait
brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le
raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les
charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de
cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une
autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes
d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles
de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux
marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa
peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte,
et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine
tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa
feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée
ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se
distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes
ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit
ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce
qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes
bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de
sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit
le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides,
on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met
un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille,
pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et
que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette
lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du
doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt,
comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte._”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to
35.
[163] A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills
from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority
over those in common use.
Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the
Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses.
They had copper stills.
[164] The _alvarà_ was passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same
effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy
of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as
a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it
was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions
of Portugal, by the _alvarà_ of the 6th July, 1807. However as there
were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed.
By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar
estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that
have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for
the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the
slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of
the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left
for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is,
for the support of the owner.
Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or
above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle,
the lands, and the implements belonging to the _engenho_ must form one
valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as
parts of the _engenho_.
Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up
the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution,
still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several
debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt.
Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and
leaves undone those things which ought to be done.
[165] “_Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire
de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de
chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître.
Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux,
ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand
ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne
peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres
et sans force._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.
Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as
well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals
feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows
from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it
impossible for the beasts to eat.
[166] The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar
exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.
1808. 4271
1809. 12801
1810. 9840
1811. 7749
1812. 8577
1813. 9022
I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife
during a considerable portion of the time.
[167] I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or
two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that
have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have
not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success.
Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The
Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting
the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.
Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea
coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and
found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In
Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.
The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which
he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.
In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p.
23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which
generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is
said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated
in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”
[168] I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for
cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool;
here lies the difficulty.
[169] In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet
of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the
rollers.
[170] Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is
cultivated in the Columbian islands, the _common Jamaica_, of which
“the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to
the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks,
that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species
of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this
inferior quality.
[171] The following is a statement of the export of cotton from
Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my
friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable
part of the time.
1808. 26,877
1809. 47,512
1810. 50,103
1811. 28,245
1812. 58,824
1813. 65,327
From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the
export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000
bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen
that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know
that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.
[172] Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.
[173] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.
[174] Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called
stick flour (in Portugueze _farinha de pao_) was made from the wood of
the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being
less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the
Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. The _farinha de pao_ which is at
present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of
stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be
picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the
hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name
may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the
Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed,
the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil
for a farther account of the mandioc.
[175] Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the
juice. “_Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire
de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce
qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de
suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les
remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces
isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce
mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin._”—Histoire des Antilles,
&c. tom. ii. p. 118.
Labat does not believe in the virtue of the _herbe de couleuvres_ in
this case.
[176] Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes of
_l’eau de manyoc_.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.
“_Nos sauvages qui en mettent_ (the juice of the mandioc) _dans toutes
leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent
jamais que quand il a boüilli._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.
Likewise in the “_Voyage a la Guiane_,” p. 101, “_Le suc de manioc cet
instrument de mort devient, travaillé par les creoles de Cayenne, une
sauce appétissante et salutaire_.”
“The juice is boiled with meat and seasoned, and makes excellent soup,
which is termed casserepo, and used in pepper-pot and sauces.”—Voyage
to the Demerary, &c. by H. Bolingbroke, p. 149.
Dr. Pinckard mentions having tasted in the colony of Demerary of the
juice of the cassada prepared as sauce.—Notes on the West-Indies, vol.
ii. p. 257.
During the famine of 1793, the people of Pernambuco made use of the
juice as food; but in times of plenty it is regarded as being unfit for
any purpose. It is by evaporation that it loses its poisonous qualities.
[177] Du Tertre speaks of a species of harmless mandioc, which is
called _Kamanioc_, and he adds, that it is _assez rare_.—Histoire des
Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.
Labat likewise speaks of the _Camanioc_, “_comme qui diroit le chef
des maniocs. En effet son bois, ses feüilles et ses racines sont
plus grandes et plus grosses que les autres maniocs. Mais comme il
est beaucoup plus long tems à crôitre et à mûrir, et que ses racines
rendent beaucoup moins de farine parce qu’elles sont plus legéres
et plus spongieuses que les autres, on le neglige et peu de gens en
plantent._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 411.
It is not only the root of the _macaxeira_ which is smaller, but the
plant is, I think, altogether smaller than the other species.
Barrere, in the _Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale_, p. 61,
speaks of the harmless species under the name of _maniok sauvage_.
[178] Barrere says, speaking of Cayenne, “_Les Creoles préferent encore
au meilleur pain du monde la cassave qu’elles mange rarement séche; car
elles la font toujours tremper dans l’eau ou dans quelque sauce: c’est
sans doute cette nourriture qui leur donne cette couleur pâle, et qui
fait qu’elles n’ont point de coloris_.” I am afraid he does not look
quite far enough for the want of colour in the ladies of Cayenne.
Then again, he says, “_On ne mange que trés rarement a Cayenne, ou
pour mieux dire, presque jamais de la Coaque, qui est la nourriture
ordinaire des Portugais de Parà, du Maragnan, et des peuples, qui sont
sur les rivages du fleuve des Amazones_.” He describes the _coaque_;
and it is clearly the _farinha_, but he does not explain how the
_cassave_ was made, of which the creole ladies were so fond, and which
did them so much mischief.
He says afterwards, “_Les Indiens Portugais, quand ils veulent prendre
leurs repas, ils mettent une poignée de coaque dans le creux de la
main, qui leur sert d’assiette; et de là ils la font sauter adroitement
dans la bouche; l’on boit par dessus une bonne coüye d’eau et de
boisson; et voila leur repas pris._”—Nouvelle Relation de la France
Equinoxiale, p. 55, and 56.
This mode of eating and the abstemiousness of the repast are both
common in Brazil to all casts of people. With respect to the _cassave_,
I cannot comprehend what he means. But, contrary to his notion, to
eat _farinha_ in the manner that he mentions quite dry, although it
is done by most people, is not reckoned wholesome. In fact, it is one
of the duties of a _feitor_ or manager to see that the negroes do not
make their meals with dry _farinha_, but he should see that they make
_piram_; this is done by mixing the flour with boiling water or gravy.
The negroes do not dislike _piram_, but they are sometimes too idle
or too much fatigued to take the trouble of cooking their victuals;
and therefore they eat the _farinha_ dry, and their salt meat with
it, after having smoke-dried the latter upon a wooden skewer. The
disorder which is said to proceed from constantly eating dry _farinha_
is the dropsy. The flour of the mandioc swells considerably when it
is moistened: if the expansion takes place in the stomach it may be
injurious, and this may perhaps afford some reason for the opinion of
the Brazilians upon the subject.
[179] Du Tertre mentions the same practice,—of steeping the mandioc,
and says that the savages were in the habit “_de la sécher au soleil
et l’ecorce s’ostant d’elle-mesme, ils pillent le manyoc dans un
mortier, pour le reduire en farine, qu’ils mangent sans autre
cuisson_.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.
Labat says, that the maroon negroes used to prepare it in the two
following ways. “_C’est de la couper par morceaux, et de le mettre
tremper dans l’eau courante des rivieres ou des ravines pendant sept
ou huit heures. Le movement de l’eau ouvre les pores de la racine et
entraîne ce trop de substance. La seconde maniere est de le mettre
cuire tout entier sous la braise. L’action du feu met ses parties en
mouvement et on le mange comme on fait des chataignes ou des patates
sans aucune crainte._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 410.
I think the said negroes must have been accustomed by degrees to eating
the mandioc in this manner. I should not be willing to recommend either
of these ways of cooking it.
[180] “_Les Espanhols en font des tasses pour prendre le chocolat. J’en
ai vû de très belles bien travaillées, cizelées, enrichies d’argent sur
un pied d’argent, et d’ autres sur un pied fait d’un autre morceau de
cocos bien cizelé._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 273.
[181] “_On prétend que l’arbre est autant d’années à rapporter
du fruit, qu’il a été de mois en terre, avant de pousser son
germe._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 267.
Labat does not however vouch for the truth of the statement. He speaks
of the cabbage of the coco-tree being very good; and I agree with
him. A coco-tree was cut down at Itamaraca, and the vicar sent me the
cabbage of which several dishes were made, and they were excellent.
[182] Vide Appendix for a further account of the coco-tree.
[183] Labat was a most determined experimental eater, and therefore I
was not surprised at meeting with the following expression of regret,
“_Je suis faché de n’avoir pas expérimenté pendant que j’étois aux
isles, si cette huile ne seroit pas bonne à manger_.”—Nouveau Voyage,
&c. tom. iii. p. 283. I wish he had.
[184] Mr. Clarkson, in his work on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, p.
13 and 14, mentions that a small billet was brought to England from
the coast of Africa among a parcel of bar-wool; that “it was found to
produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be so
valuable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of
sixty guineas _per_ ton for any quantity that could be procured.”
[185] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 19.
[186] Labat is much enraged, in his work of the _Voyage du Chevalier
des Marchais a Cayenne_, &c. at the idea of the Portugueze monopolizing
the trade in Brazil wood, by persuading all the world that the only
true wood came from Pernambuco, or _Fernambourg_, as he calls it. He
imagines that the Brazil is the same as the logwood.
[187] The long banana or plantain appears to be of much more importance
in Demarary and the adjoining colonies, for Mr. Bolingbroke says,
“This coast (between the Essequibo and Pomaroon rivers) possesses a
considerable advantage over the other sea-coasts, from its being able
to rear any quantity of plantains.”—Voyage to the Demarary, &c. p.
115; and at p. 87, he speaks of the same fruit being the “negroes’
chief food.”
Labat mentions a means of rendering the banana serviceable in
travelling; and as the ingredients of his receipt are all of them good,
the mixture must, I should imagine, be likewise good, and therefore I
insert it for the benefit of those who may, as I have been, be much in
want of something palatable, when crossing the Seará-Meirim. “_Ceux
qui veulent faire cette pâte avec plus de soin, font d’abord sécher
les bananes au four ou au soleil, puis ils les gragent, ils y mêlent
ensuite du sucre pilé, avec un peu de poudre de canelle, de géroffle
et de gingembre, tant soit peu de farine et un blanc d’œuf pour lier
toutes ces choses ensemble, après qu’elles ont été paitries avec un peu
d’eau de fleur d’orange._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 314. Fewer
ingredients might be made use of.
Du Tertre says of the banana, “_Quand on le coupe on voit une belle
croix imprimeé sur chaque tronçon; c’est qui a fait croire à plusieurs
que ce fruit est le même qu’Adam mangea dans le Paradis terrestre_,”
_&c._—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 140.
Labat speaks of the same story, but adds, “_Adam pouvoit avoir
meilleure vûë que nous, ou la croix de ces bananes étoit mieux
formée_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iii. p. 307. I was once desired by a
Brazilian woman of colour to cut the banana lengthways, and not across,
for by the latter manner of dividing the fruit, I should cut the _Cruz
de Nosso Senhor_, Our Saviour’s Cross.
[188] Labat says, that “_la patate est une espece de pomme de
terre que approche assez de ce qu’on appelle en France les
Taupinambours_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p. 400.
Du Tertre says, “_Lorsque les ouragans ont tant de fois ravagé les
manyocs de nos isles, on a toujours eu recours aux patates, sans
lesquelles bien du monde auroit pery de faim_.” And again, “_Tous les
matins, c’est une coustume generale par toutes les isles de faire cuyre
plein une chaudiere de patates pour dejeûner_.”—Histoire des Antilles,
&c. tom. ii. p. 118 and 119.
[189] Labat says, in speaking of cacao, “_On ne manque jamais de
planter du manioc en même tems qu’on met les amandes en terre_.” This
is done for the purpose of defending the plant from the sun. “_On
arrache le manioc au bout de douze ou quinze mois_”—“_et sur le champ
on en plante d’autres, mais en moindre quantité, c’est a dire, qu’on ne
met qu’un rang de fosses au milieu des allées_;” and he recommends that
the water-melon, the common melon, and such like plants should be sown
between the mandioc and the cacao-trees.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi.
p. 397 and 398.
[190] Labat is angry at a notion which was entertained in his time
by some people, that the black Ipecacuanha was only to be found near
to the gold mines in the interior of Rio de Janeiro. He speaks of a
third species of Ipecacuanha, which he distinguishes by the epithet
of _gris_, and he likewise mentions the white kind; both of these,
he says, answer the same purpose as the black, but a larger dose is
required.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 29.
[191] “Vieyra, in his letters, mentions a received tradition that
Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, lest the Indian
trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which
escaped, because it was under-ground. He does not appear to have
recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect
upon a continent.”—History of Brazil, vol. i, note to p. 32. Dr.
Arruda alludes to this order in his _Discurso sobre a utilidade da
instituiçam de jardims_, &c. And he adds that a few cinnamon trees at
Pernambuco escaped as well as the ginger, p. 8.
[192] “On one article, guinea-grains or malagueta-pepper, the duty
has been doubled; not with a view of increasing the revenue, but of
operating as a prohibition of the use of it, as it is supposed to have
been extensively employed in the brewing of malt-liquor. The Directors
however have great reason to doubt the existence of the deleterious
qualities ascribed to this drug; as they find it to be universally
esteemed in Africa one of the most wholesome of spices, and generally
used by the natives to season their food.”—Fourth Report of the
Directors of the African Institution, p. 16.
If this article and the _malagueta_ of Brazil are the same, I should be
strongly inclined to agree with the Report; and indeed I conceive that
it is not only harmless but extremely wholesome. A decoction of the
pods is used among the peasantry as an injection in aguish disorders.
[193] _Noticias MSS._ quoted by Mr. Southey, History of Brazil, vol. i.
p. 320.
[194] Labat says, “_a l’égard du thé, il croît naturellement aux
isles. Toutes les terres lui sont propres, j’en ai vû en quantité à la
Basseterre._” &c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 225.
He mentions it again, and seems to be quite confident that the plant of
which he speaks is the tea shrub.
[195] “_Il faut que les graines se naturalisent au pays, et quand cela
est fait elles produisent a merveille. J’ai experimenté qu’ayant sémé
des pois qui venoient de France, ils rapportoient trés peu, les seconds
rapportoient davantage, mais le troisiémes produisoient d’une maniere
extraordinaire pour le nombre, la grosseur et la bonte._”—Nouveau
Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 367.
[196] Du Tertre speaks of the same occurring in the Columbian Islands.
[197] Again Labat, “_On employe le suc des oranges aigres avec un
succès merveilleux et infaillible à guerir les ulcéres quelque vieux et
opiniátres qu’ils puissent être_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.
254.
The orange is cut into two pieces, and is rubbed violently upon the
sore.
[198] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 216.
[199] This was not the case at one time in the French islands. “_Quand
quelque commandeur abuse d’une negre, l’enfant mulastre qui en vient
est libre, et le pere est obligé de le nourrir et de l’entretenir
jusqu’a l’age de douze ans, sans l’amende à laquelle il est encore
condamné._”—Histoire des Antilles &c. tom. ii. p. 460.
Labat tells us that “_Le roi a fait revivre par sa Declaration la
loi Romaine, qui veut que les enfans suivens le sort du ventre qui
les a portez_,” and this revival took place in 1674, when the king
took the islands from the Companies which had held them during his
pleasure.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 192.
[200] The majority of the clergy of Pernambuco, both regular and
secular, are of Brazilian parentage. The governor is an European, and
so are the major part of the chief officers, civil, military, and
ecclesiastical; but the bishop is a Brazilian, and so is the _ouvidor_.
[201] Our wicked stage coach and post chaise system.
[202] The term of _Senhor_ or _Senhora_ is made use of to all free
persons, whites, mulattos, and blacks, and in speaking to a freeman
of whatever class or colour the manner of address is the same. Dr.
Pinckard says, in his “Notes on the West Indies,” “the title of Mrs.
seems to be reserved solely for the ladies from Europe, and the white
Creoles, and to form a distinction between them and the women of colour
of all classes and descriptions.”
[203] I refer the reader to Edwards’ History of the West Indies, vol.
ii.
[204] “_Era, porem ja nam he._”
[205] “_Pois Senhor Capitam-mor pode ser mulatto?_”
[206] To this statement some explanation is necessary, owing to
the regulations of the Portugueze military service. Privates are
sometimes raised to commissions by the intermediate steps of corporals,
quarter-masters, and sergeants; these men gain their ensigncies without
any relation to their birth; and though a decidedly dark coloured
mulatto might not be so raised, a European of low birth would. It is to
enable a man to become a cadet and then an officer without serving in
the ranks, that requires nobility of birth.
[207] The son of this man is a priest.
[208] “_Negro sim, porem direito._”
[209] Manumitted creole blacks are, I am nearly certain, admitted into
these regiments.
[210] There was a rumour of the appointment of a white man as colonel
of this regiment, and also of a white colonel for the Recife mulatto
regiment; and I was asked by several individuals of these casts whether
there was any truth in the report. I cannot believe any thing of this
kind; the liberal policy which seems to pervade the Council of Rio de
Janeiro forbids that such a report should be believed; but if this
should be true, most pernicious will be the consequences, which from
such a determination may be expected to proceed.
[211] The priests of the island of St. Thomé, upon the coast of
Africa, are negroes. I have seen some of these men at Recife, who have
come over for a short time. I have heard that they are prohibited
from saying Mass any where excepting upon the island for which they
are ordained; but I can scarcely think that this can be correct.
In the _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, isles voisines
et a Cayenne_, I find that men of mixed blood were ordained in the
islands of St. Thomé and Principe, and the editor of the work says,
“_presque tout le clergé de la cathedrale_ (of St. Thome) _étoit de
cette couleur_.” Vol. iii. p. 4. “_L’Eglise de S. Antoine qui est la
Paroisse_ (of Prince’s Island) _est déservie par des prêtres noirs ou
presque noirs, c’est à dire mulâtres_.” p. 30.
I have, as is stated in the text, heard from good authority, that the
law forbids the ordination of mulattos; what the practice is I am quite
certain, and I hope the law may be favourable also.
[212] This word is without doubt derived from _Egypçianos_; I am told
that the word _gitanos_ is also used as a name for these people.
[213] A Portugueze writer says, “When permission was given in Portugal
to work upon several of the holidays, the same was not extended to
Brazil from a principle of humanity, that the slaves might not be
deprived of any of their days of rest.”—Correio Braziliense, for
December, 1815, p. 738.
[214] In the island of Grenada “every manumission is by an act of the
island, charged with a fine of one hundred pounds currency;” it is
said that this law has neither operated as a productive fund nor as a
prohibition.—Edwards’ History of the West-Indies, vol. i. p. 380.
At Surinam, says another writer, “_Si un maître voulait affranchir son
esclave, outre la perte qu’il fesait de son negre, il étoit encore
obligé d’acheter fort cher des lettres de franchise, sans lesquelles
aucun noir ne pouvait être instruit dans la religion Chrétienne,
ni baptisé_.”—Voyage a la Guiane et a Cayenne en 1789, et années
suivantes, p. 224.
Bolingbroke says, “It is by no means an uncommon thing in these
colonies for negroes when they have accumulated a sufficiency, to
purchase their freedom; and I have known many instances of negroes who
paid their owners a proportion of the purchase-money, and were allowed
after emancipation to workout the balance.”—Voyage to the Demerary,
&c. p. 65.
I give this statement, and should be happy to transcribe any other,
with which I might meet in the course of reading, of the same tenor;
but it must be recollected that the “Voyage to the Demerary” is
decidedly written in favour of the slave trade and of slavery.
[215] The owner of a sugar plantation, with whose sons I was well
acquainted, possessed a slave, who had the management of the sugar
boiling house during crop time, and who was accounted by all who knew
him and understood the business, to be a most excellent workman.—This
man accumulated a sum of money, which he offered to his master for his
freedom, but it was not accepted; and although the slave made great
interest with persons of consideration in the country, he could not
accomplish his end. His master loaded him with irons, and he was made
to work in this state. He did not obtain his liberty till after his
master’s death, when the widow received his money, and manumitted him.
His trade of sugar-boiler renders him large profits yearly, and this
injured man now lives in ease and comfort. This instance of refusal,
and some others of which I have heard, would make me doubtful of the
foundation upon which the custom of manumitting is placed, if I did not
know how easily the laws relating to many other important points are
evaded through the influence of wealth and power. I did not see a copy
of the law or regulation on the subject, but I never met with any one
who made a doubt of its existence. I never met with any one who doubted
that the slave had a right to appeal, if he thought proper; whether he
would be heard or not was another question.
[216] The major part of the slaves that abscond, are brought back to
their owners, but some do escape, and are never afterwards heard of.
They remove to some distant district and there reside as free men.
Those who have once tasted of the sweets of free agency, for any length
of time, even if they are brought back to their masters, scarcely ever
remain longer than is requisite to seek an opportunity of eluding the
vigilance of those whose business it is to watch them; they soon brave
the risk of another detection. A young and handsome mulatto man of
these unsettled habits once applied to me to purchase him. He had by
mere accident been discovered only a short time before, by a friend of
his master in the Sertam, where he had married a free woman, and had
been considered as free himself. He was brought back to his master, was
sold to another person, escaped, returned, and again fled, and had not,
when I left the country, been heard of for a twelvemonth.
[217] The following circumstances occurred under my own observation:—A
negress had brought into the world ten children, and had reared nine of
them. These remained to work for their owners; the woman claimed her
freedom, for the tenth child did not die until it had arrived at an age
when it did not require any farther care from her; but it was refused.
She was hired to a gentleman as a nurse for one of his children. This
person did all in his power to obtain her freedom, but did not succeed;
he purchased her, and immediately had a deed of manumission made out by
a notary-public. When he returned home to dinner, he desired his wife
to tell the woman that she was his slave, and in the course of the day
the deed was given to her. When I left the country, her only fear was,
that as she was free, her master and mistress might turn her away; thus
proving, by her anxiety, how happy she was.
[218] Du Tertre says, speaking of negro baptismal festivals—“_les
parrains et les marraines qui sont ordinairement de François
amis de leurs maitres, ne laissent pas de contribuer à la bonne
chere_.”—Histoire des Antilles, tom. ii. p. 528.
Fellow slaves, or free persons of colour, are usually the sponsors
in Brazil; but it is better, I think, that fellow-slaves, that is,
belonging to the same master, should be sponsors, for they take a
considerable interest in their god-children. The god-child, indeed,
in any of the ranks of life, never approaches either of its sponsors
without begging for their blessing. Labat, in speaking of a negro
whom he had made _renoncer tous ses pactes implicites et explicites
qu’il pouvoit avoir fait avec le diable_, says,—“_Je chargeai sont
maitre, qui étoit aussi son parrain de vieller soigneusement sur sa
conduite_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p.54.
I never heard of the master in Brazil being likewise the god-father,
nor do I think that this ever happens; for such is the connection
between two persons which this is supposed to produce, that the master
would never think of ordering the slave to be chastised.
[219] The same occurs in the Spanish and French colonies. Du Tertre,
who seems from the general tenor of his work, to have been a much
better man than friars usually are, speaks of the difficulty of
converting the Caribs, and of their indifference to religion, and
then adds, “_Mais les négres sont certainement touchez de Dieu, puis
qu’ils conservent, jusqu’à la mort, la religion qu’ils ont embrassée;
qu’ils en pratiquent les vertus et en exercent les œuvres, et je puis
dire avec verité qu’ils y vivent bien plus Chrestiennement dans leur
condition, que beaucoup de François_.”—Histoire des Antilles, tom. ii.
p. 502.
[220] Labat says that the inhabitants of St. Domingo were in the habit
of marking the negroes which they bought by burning the skin, and he
adds, in his Dominican way, “_De sorte qu’un esclave qui auroit été
vendu et revendu plusieurs fois paroîtroit à la fin aussi chargé de
caracters, que ces obelisques d’Egypt_.” This was not practised, as he
tells us, in the islands (Martinique and Guadaloupe) and he adds that
their negroes, and principally the creole slaves _seroient au desespoir
qu’on les marquât comme on fait les bœufs et les chevaux_. The small
islands did not require this practice, but St. Domingo _un pais aussi
vaste_, could not do without it, because the slaves ran away to the
mountains.—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. vii. p. 260.
The St. Domingo planters have paid severely for all their misdeeds,
and therefore of them nothing need to be said in the present day. The
vastness, however, of Brazil, which is a little more _vaste_ than St.
Domingo, does not require that the slaves should be marked like cattle.
[221] Edwards’ History of the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 82, and 147.
[222] The base, the most abominable practice of some masters and
mistresses, _and of the latter oftener than the former_, increases the
bias which these miserable, these uneducated beings must be expected to
have towards licentiousness. Females have been punished because they
have not increased the number of their owners’ slaves. This is a fact;
but it is almost too much to believe. On which side does the extreme of
depravity lie?
[223] The following circumstances occurred within my own observation.
A negro woman applied to a planter to be purchased, for which purpose
she had brought a note from her master. She was accepted, and a bargain
was concluded between the two persons; however, the day after she had
taken up her abode upon the estate of her new master, she came to him,
and falling down upon her knees, said that she had had a fellow-slave
who wished likewise to serve him, and she begged him to purchase her
companion. The new master spoke to the owner of the slave in question
on the subject, but he refused to sell him, and the matter rested in
this manner; but on the third day, he received a visit from the owner,
offering the slave for sale, adding that the man had refused to work,
and had threatened to hang himself; and as he was a _Gabam_ negro, he
much feared that he might put his threat in execution. The price was
soon fixed, and on the following morning the man made his appearance.
He proved to be a most excellent slave.
[224] The following occurrences took place upon the estate of a wealthy
planter to the South of Recife, and the anecdote was related by the
owner of the plantation himself. A negro complained to his master of
the infidelity of his wife; she was immediately questioned; and other
enquiries being made, and the truth of the statement respecting her
conduct being proved, she was tied to a post to be flogged. Her husband
was present, and at first he rather received pleasure from the sight
of her sufferings; but he soon stopped the driver’s hand, and going to
his master, begged him to order her to be unbound, and that he would
pardon her, for he added, “If there are to be so many men, and so small
a number of women upon the estate, how is it to be expected that the
latter are to be faithful.” “_Para que Senhor tem tantos negros et tam
poucas negras._”
[225] The ships which are employed in this trade oftentimes fill some
of their water casks with salt water, when they leave Brazil, that they
may serve as ballast; and on taking their live cargo on board upon
the coast of Africa, the salt water is replaced by that which is for
the use of the additional number of persons. On one occasion a vessel
had proceeded for some days on her voyage from Africa towards Brazil
with a full cargo, when the discovery was made that the casks had not
been filled with fresh water. The coast of either continent was too
distant to enable the vessel to reach one or the other, before the
greatest distress must be experienced, and therefore a most shocking
expedient was resorted to,—a great number of the negroes were thrown
overboard. This misfortune was accidental and occurred unintentionally,
and a man must have been in a similar situation before he can declare
that he would not act as the Portugueze did on this occasion; but the
circumstances arose from the nature of this execrable trade.
[226] I was present on one occasion at the purchase of some slaves.
The person who was chusing those which suited his purpose, singled
out among others a handsome woman, and a beautiful boy of about six
years old. The woman had been a slave at Loanda upon the coast of
Africa, and she spoke a little Portugueze. Whilst the selection was
going on, the slave-dealer had happened to leave the room; but after
it was concluded he returned, and seeing the persons who had been
set apart to be purchased, said, he was sorry the woman and child
could not be sold, for they formed part of a lot which could not be
separated. The purchaser enquired the reason of the formation of a lot
in this instance, and was answered that it consisted of a family, the
husband, wife, and three children. The dealer was then requested to
point out the individuals which composed it, and they were all bought
together. How few slave-merchants would have acted in this manner!
The whole family was present during the greatest part of the time,
but there was no change of countenance in either the husband or the
wife,—both of them understood the Portugueze language; the children
were almost too young to know what was about to happen, and besides we
spoke in a language which _they_ did not understand. That their parents
did feel deeply the separation which they must have apprehended as
being upon the point of taking place, I have not the slightest doubt,
because I frequently saw these slaves afterwards, and knew how much
they were attached to each other and to their children. But whether
it proceeded from resignation, from despair, from fear, or from being
ashamed to shew what they felt before so many strangers, there was no
demonstration of feeling. Negroes may have feelings, and yet not allow
the standers-by to know what they feel.
[227] An instance occurred at Liverpool of the attachment of some of
these people to their master. At the commencement of the direct trade
from Brazil to Great Britain, some small vessels came to Liverpool
manned in part with slaves, owing to their masters being ignorant that
their arrival upon British ground would make them free. However the
men themselves were soon made acquainted with this circumstance, and
many of them availed themselves of the advantages which were to be thus
obtained. One of the men belonging to a small bark left his vessel,
and having entered himself as a seaman on board some other ship,
returned to persuade three of his companions to do the same; but he
was answered, that they were well treated where they were, had always
been used kindly, and therefore had no wish to try any other way of
life. These three men returned to Brazil in the bark, and I have heard
that they were set at liberty by their master on their arrival there.
I hope it was so. When the advocates of slavery relate such stories as
these, they give them as tending to prove that slaves in general are
happy. Anecdotes of this kind demonstrate individual goodness in the
master and individual gratitude in the slave, but they prove nothing
generally; they do not affect the great question; _that_ is rested upon
grounds which are too deeply fixed to be moved by single instances of
evil or of good.
[228] Mr. Edwards mentions some of the Gold coast negroes, or those of
the adjacent countries, and gives as an instance the _chamba_ negroes,
who follow this custom.
[229] Whilst I resided at Jaguaribe, I heard that two negroes of this
nation had murdered a child of three or four years of age, the son or
daughter of their master, and that they had been caught in the act
of preparing to cook part of the body. The men were carried down to
Recife, but the person who informed me of these circumstances did not
know what punishment had been inflicted upon them.
[230] I merely state what is the general idea upon the subject in that
country, without giving an opinion upon the general question.—Mr.
Edwards says that it is a disease and not a habit.—History of the
West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 141.
Labat is of opinion, that it is a habit and not a disease.—Nouveau
Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 11.
[231] There was one in 1814, and another in February of the present
year, 1816.
[232] Edwards’ History of the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 64.
[233] The negroes who are obtained in the province of Senegambia,
“are known to the West-Indian planters by the general name of
_Mandingoes_.”—History of the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 50.
“There is a sort of people who travel about in the country, called
Mandingo-men; (these are Mahommedans) they do not like to work; they go
from place to place; and when they find any chiefs or people whom they
think they can make any thing of, they take up their abode for a time
with them, and make _greegrees_, and sometimes cast sand from them, for
which they make them pay.”—Correspondence of Mr. John Kizell in the
Sixth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 136.
[234] Mr. Edwards says, “In Jamaica the negroes are allowed one day in
a fortnight, except in time of crop, besides Sundays and holidays, for
cultivating their grounds, and carrying their provisions to market.”
The Protestant church enjoins the observance of three or four holidays,
and the Catholic church of above thirty.
Du Tertre says that the custom of giving a certain portion of time to
the slave for the purpose of providing for his own maintenance, was
introduced into the Columbian islands by “_les Holandois chassez du
Recif_,” and he adds that they “_gouvernent leurs esclaves à la façon
du Bresil_.”—Histoire des Antilles, vol. ii. p. 515.
[235] One of these old men, who was yet however sufficiently hearty to
be often in a state of intoxication, and would walk to a considerable
distance to obtain liquor, made a practice of coming to see me for
this purpose. He would tell me, that he and his companions were not
slaves to the monks but to St. Bento himself, and that consequently,
the monks were only the representatives of their master for the due
administration of the Saint’s property in this world. I enquired of
some others of the slaves, and found that this was the general opinion
among them.
[236] An old slave, who had been invariably well treated, for he had
never deserved punishment, was asked by his master if he wished to be
free; he smiled, but said nothing; the question being repeated, he
answered that of course he wished to be free; the master then told him
that his deed of manumission should be drawn out that same day; upon
this being said, the slave shook his head, saying, “Why do you say
such things to laugh at your old black man.” However, as soon as he
was persuaded that it was true, he began to dance about like one who
was mad, and for some minutes could answer no questions, nor could any
directions be given to him.
[237] The Saturday of each week is not sufficient for the slave to
provide for his own subsistence, unless the labour of his master, is
done by task work, in which case, he may manage to finish this in due
time, and to work a little each day upon his own provision grounds. He
may indeed be able to live, by assisting the Saturdays, through the
labour of his Sundays and holidays, even if the labour of his master is
not done by piece-work; but this is not just, for to the Sundays and
holidays he has a right as his own, even if his master supports him;
but slavery and justice seldom go hand in hand.
[238] A planter with whom I was acquainted, was once seen by a person
who happened to call upon him, occupied with three of his companions
in flogging four negroes; the men were tied at a short distance from
each other to four posts, and as the operation continued, there was
much laughing and joking, for as they lashed their miserable victims,
they cried out,—“Here is to the health of such and such a person.” It
is some comfort to be able to say, that this wretch has been ruined;
but his ruin has been caused by his treatment of his slaves, which has
occasioned the death of some, and the escape of others from his power
in a less melancholy manner.
Another man, on ordering a slave to work in the sugar-mill, was
answered, that he was sick and could not go, but the master persisted.
The negro went, saying, “you will then kill your slave;” and vexed
with the treatment which he received now, and had suffered on other
occasions, he placed his head near to one of the wheels, (for it was a
water-mill) by which it was severed from his body. I could mention many
anecdotes of this description, indicative of individual blackness of
heart, such as have been related of all nations who have had to do with
slaves; but few will suffice. Neither of the stories which are above
related, occurred in the great and pre-eminent instance of depravity of
which the scene was the Mata, and which has been mentioned in a former
part of this work; in that case 55 slaves were consumed in less than
fifteen years.
[239] Might not an act be passed for the British Colonies, obliging the
master to manumit his slave, on the fair value of the individual being
tendered? However, this is not a place for discussion.
[240] I met with the following passage in a work of much reputation
upon the affairs of the British sugar islands. “The circumstance
wherein the slaves in the West Indies seem mostly indebted to their
owners’ liberality are, I think, those of medical attendance and
accommodation when sick.” Would not a man take his horse to a farrier
if any thing ailed him?
[241] Horses are usually marked upon the right haunch with the private
mark of their owners; but the beasts which have been bred by slaves
are marked on the left haunch or on the shoulder-blade. This proves,
among many other corroborating circumstances, that though the law may
prohibit a slave from possessing property, custom has established a
practice which is better adapted to the present state of the country.
[242] The plan of distributing the new-comers among the old established
negroes to be taken care of by them, as is practised in Jamaica,
has not been adopted in Brazil. I think the effect of this must be
good, for thus each established slave takes an interest in one of his
newly-arrived companions; the new slaves too may be sooner reconciled
to their situation, by the interest which is shewn in their behalf; and
their wants may be made known to the master with more ease. The law
which was passed at Rio de Janeiro in 1809 (mentioned in chapter 16th)
for preventing executions for debt upon the property of sugar planters,
may have one beneficial effect;—the slaves cannot, unless the master
pleases, be sold separately from the estate for the purpose of paying
debts; the master cannot be forced to dispose of them, unless the debt
amounts to the value of the estate; and thus the slave is advanced in
some slight degree towards the condition of a serf.
[243] _Bicho_, means an animal, in the common acceptation of the word;
but the insect which is commonly, in other countries, called the
_chigua_, is known at Pernambuco, _only_ under the name of _bicho_.
[244] Dr. Pinckard, in his “Notes on the West-Indies” mentions that
mercury was used for the complaint at Berbice, with very little
success. Mr. Edwards doubts “if medicine of any kind is of use in
this disease.” This writer likewise states that he had heard of the
Gold Coast negroes inoculating their children with the complaint, and
also the notion which they have of the disease getting into the bone.
Bolingbroke says, “No effectual cure has, I believe, ever been found
for it. Salivation will drive it in, but sulphur and other opening
medicines are now preferred to induce its coming out;” and again “There
are black women who inoculate their children for this disorder; its
violence is thereby lessened.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. p. 54.
In the “_Voyage à la Guiane et à Cayenne fait en 1789 et anneés
suivantes_,” I find that speaking of the same disorder, “_on la
gagne trés-aisement avec les Indiennes qui en sont presque toutes
attaquées_.” It is supposed by Mr. Edwards to be brought from Africa,
and the same idea exists in Brazil; indeed it is less known among the
Indians than among the people of colour.
[245] A small proprietor in Brazil is a man who possesses from two to
ten slaves. A large proprietor upon an average, in the part of the
country of which I may speak, possesses from twenty to sixty slaves.
[246] A slave belonging to a colonel of militia, who was a planter of
great wealth, was in the frequent practice of concealing himself in the
woods for some days at a time; on being brought back, he was punished,
and soon again ran away; and this behaviour continued for some time.
In one of his rambles he met his master, who was riding alone in one
of the narrow roads of the country. The slave placed himself in the
middle of the path, and taking off his hat, saluted his master as if he
had been only slightly acquainted with him, and addressed him, begging
that he would give him some money. The colonel was much alarmed, and
granted his request, upon which he was suffered to proceed, but was
admonished to be silent upon the subject. The slave was soon taken; but
he continued to run away, to be brought home, to be punished, and again
to go through the same proceeding so frequently and for so many years,
that at last his master allowed him to do as he pleased; indeed he was
somewhat afraid of a second meeting in the woods, when he might not
perhaps be treated so courteously. He as obstinately refused to sell
the negro as the negro objected to serving him; because he knew that
the slave wished to be sold to some one else, and from a notion which
some of the planters entertain of not choosing to dispose of any person
whom they have owned, unless by manumission.
[247] There was a boy of twelve years of age, of African birth, who
belonged to Jaguaribe; this child often inhabited the woods for several
days together. He killed a calf on one occasion, and separated the
quarters of the animal by means of a sharp stone. He was discovered by
the dropping of the blood, from the field to the hiding-place. As soon
as the owner of the calf found the boy, he wished, of course, to take
him to his master; but the boy laid himself down upon the ground and
refused to stir. The man bound him to a tree, and went home to fetch a
horse, upon which he placed the boy and tied him there; he walked after
him to Jaguaribe, driving the horse on before. The boy was punished;
but a few hours after he had been flogged, he said to one of his
companions, “Well, at least I have had the honour of being attended by
a _pagem_,” or page, the usual word for a groom. This happened under a
former tenant of Jaguaribe.
A short time before I left that plantation, the same boy fled with
another of nearly the same age, both of them being about fourteen
years of age. They had been absent some days, when late one evening an
Indian labourer brought them both home. The children had thrown off all
cloathing, and had made bows and arrows suited to their own size, with
which they were to kill poultry, rats, &c. as food. Their appearance
was most laughable, but it was distressing; it was soon known that they
were found, and many of their companions and other inhabitants of the
plantation assembled to see and to laugh at these terrible _negros do
mato_, or _bush_ negroes. The boys had been well treated by me, and
therefore the propensity to continue in practices which had commenced
under severe usage could be their only inducement to prefer the woods
now.
[248] One of the men who was in my possession used to say, on being
tasked with any theft, “to steal from master is not to steal.” “_Furtar
de Senhor nam he furtar._”
[249] Strange notions exist on this subject. Several nostrums are in
repute for the curing of this habit; but that of which the fame stands
the highest, is, earth that is taken from a grave dissolved in water
and given to the negro without his knowing what he is taking.
[250] The _Investigador Portuguez_ and the _Correio Braziliense_, two
Portugueze journals published in London, have arranged themselves on
the side of justice, humanity, and sound policy. The former of them
has been translating Dr. Thorpe’s pamphlet respecting the colony of
Sierra Leone, and has given portions of it in each number. I hope
the editors will be aware of the necessity of fair play, and will
next proceed to translate “The Special Report of the Directors of the
African Institution” in answer to the charges preferred against them
by Dr. Thorpe. I know no more of the matter to which either of the
pamphlets relate than what I have gathered from them, and from Mr.
Macauley’s letter to H. R. H. the Duke of Gloucester. But let there
be fair play, let each side be heard and judged. This is due to the
African Institution, owing to the until now unimpeached characters of
its leading members. By so doing the editors of the journal would prove
most decidedly their sincerity in the cause of abolition.
[251] The cry against the injustice and tyranny which is said to
have been exercised by Great Britain in the employment of her naval
superiority, has been removed at least on this score; for a sum of
money was agreed to be paid by Great Britain to the government of
Brazil for the purpose of reimbursing those of its subjects whom it
might judge to have been unjustly treated.
The captures, of which complaint was principally made, were effected
under the impression that all ships which bore the Portugueze flag,
trading to the coast of Africa for slaves, ought to be of Portugueze
build. This was a mistake arising from misunderstanding the treaties
which were concluded between the two Powers in 1810.
[252] _Observacoens sobre a prosperidade do Estado pelos principios
liberaes da Nova Legislacam do Brazil_, _p._ 16.
[253] _Correio Braziliense_ for December 1815, p. 735.
[254] _Investigador Portuguez_ for June 1816, p. 496.
[255] I met with the following passage in a work of high and deserved
reputation. “The Romans, notwithstanding their prodigious losses
in the incessant wars which they carried on for centuries, never
experienced any want of men in the early periods of the commonwealth;
but were even able to send colonies abroad out of their redundant
population. Afterwards, in the time of the Emperors, when the armies
were generally kept in camps and garrisons, where a soldier is perhaps
the healthiest of all professions, the Roman population in Italy had
greatly diminished, and was visibly declining every day, owing to a
change in the division of property, and to the pernicious and monstrous
increase of domestic slavery, which had left the poorer class of free
citizens without any means of subsistence, but public charity.”—Essay
on the Military Policy and Institutions of the British Empire, by C. W.
Pasley, Captain (now Colonel) in the corps of Royal Engineers. Note to
p. 505.
In the work in which the note appears, it is introduced for the purpose
of proving, that “the total average population in any country can never
be affected by the annual number of deaths, but depends solely and
exclusively upon the means of subsistence afforded to the living.” I
have transcribed it inasmuch as the author of it states, that domestic
slavery was one of the causes of the decrease of population in Italy;
and though the pernicious effects of slavery do not act to the same
extent in Brazil, it does undoubtedly prevent the rapid increase of
the numbers of the people of colour; and if the trade in Africans
continues much longer, it will tend to stop the increase altogether of
the persons of mixed blood. That the increase of the free population of
colour ought to be encouraged, no one will deny; they are the pillars
of the state, the bulwark from the strength of which Brazil becomes
invincible.
[256] I am aware that this is not the case with all nations; but
although it may not be correct when speaking generally, its application
to the people of whom I am treating, will not, I think, be found to be
erroneous.
[257] If the _camara_ or municipality of each township held the rank
which it ought, this alone would produce much zeal in the higher ranks
of people.
[258] _Observaçoens sobre o commercio franco no Brazil_, p. 80.
[259] Antonio de Araujo de Azevedo, Minister and Secretary of State
for Naval and Ultramarine Affairs. He has lately been created Conde
da Barca. It was formerly said that he was a French partizan; but he
is a true patriot, who opposes the entrance of the undue influence of
any foreign power into the affairs of the government of which he is a
member.
[260] These arguments savour somewhat of peevishness; let these plain
questions be asked. Does Great Britain interfere in the police of
Brazil? Would Great Britain take the trouble of negotiating respecting
any regulations which Brazil might enact for the better preserving
of internal good order, and for providing with more ease for the
apprehension of improper persons? The truth is that Brazil does not
require any thing of the kind, and Great Britain does, consequently
each Power acts according to its situation.
[261] The Alien Bill has given offence. Does not all the world
know that it was passed for the purpose of preventing the entrance
into Great Britain of those unquiet spirits who have desolated the
Continent of Europe for so many years; and some of whom aided in
burning the towns and villages of Portugal? Would Great Britain change
her plan of operations for any one Power on earth, or even for all
of them combined? Each government must act as suits its own peculiar
circumstances.
[262] Must not Great Britain build ships because Brazil will not? Why
does not Brazil form a navy?
[263] I do not know how far good policy directs that preference should
be given to the Portugal wines over those of other parts; but it is
rather hard that the people of Great Britain should be obliged to drink
the wines of Portugal, when others of a superior flavour might be
obtained, if restrictions did not exist against their consumption.
[264] The privileges which British subjects have long enjoyed in the
dominions of the crown of Portugal are considerable. I give as concise
an account of them as I possibly can. “D. Joam by the grace of God
Prince Regent of Portugal, &c. To all my _Corregedores_, &c. be it
known, that Joam Bevan declares himself to be a merchant, resident in
this city (Lisbon, I suppose,) and a subject of his Britannic Majesty,
and therefore competent to enjoy all the privileges and immunities
which have been conceded to British subjects, &c. The merchants of
that nation may freely trade, contract, buy and sell in all these
kingdoms and lordships, &c. and where a doubt arises concerning any
business with them, this shall be construed rather with a bias in their
favour than against them(1). British subjects can only be arrested
and confined in their own houses, according to their rank in life, or
in the castle of St. Jorge; and these arrests cannot be carried into
executions by bailiffs (_homems de vara_) but only by the _alcaide_(2).
They are exempted from the payment of certain duties upon those
articles which they can prove to be for the use of their own families.
They cannot be obliged to give up their houses or warehouses against
their consent(3). They cannot be obliged to serve as guardians, and
they are exempted from certain imposts. They may carry offensive and
defensive arms, by day and by night with or without a light, taking
care not to do with them what they ought not to do.”
Then follow the penalties to which those officers will be subjected who
do not pay a due regard to these privileges.
The clerks and servants of Englishmen enjoy the same privileges to the
number of six, provided they are not Spaniards.
British subjects cannot be arrested, nor can their houses be searched
without an order from their judge-conservator. Then follow some
regulations by which their law proceedings may be rendered as easy as
possible. They are not subject to the jurisdiction of the _Juiz de
Orfaons & Auzentes_(4).
The copy of the privileges from which the above has been extracted is
passed in the name of John Bevan. I obtained it at Pernambuco as a
curiosity. If the state of government in Brazil is considered, these
privileges are absolutely necessary for the prevention of oppression;
and even the privilege of wearing arms is not more than is requisite,
because although the laws which prohibit Portugueze subjects from
carrying arms ordain severe penalties, still scarcely any man in Brazil
leaves his own home without some species of weapon; and the crime which
is committed in so doing is too general to be punished.
(1) _Mais em seu favor do que em odio._—What occasion is there for
this? Impartiality is what is required.
(2) An officer of a rank somewhat superior.
(3) An officer of government can turn an unprivileged man out of his
house by placing the letters P. R. upon his door.
(4) The officer into whose hands the property of orphans falls, and
of those persons who die without heirs resident upon the spot. It is
difficult to reclaim what has found its way into this office.
[265] Du Tertre, in speaking of a species of _Karatas_, which is to
be found in the islands, “_dans des deserts pierreux, où il ne se
trouve guere d’eau douce_,” says “_les paysans travaillez de la soif y
courent, parce que ces feüilles sont tellement disposés, qu’elles se
ferment en bas comme un verre, où on trouve quelquefois une pinte d’eau
fraische, claire et trés saine, et cela a sauvé la vie à plusieurs qui
sans cela seroient morts de soif_.”—Histoire des Antilles, tom. ii. p.
100.
I heard this mentioned frequently whilst I was in the Sertam; but at
the time we were in want of water, we were not crossing any of those
lands upon which the plant grows.—_Transl._
[266] Bolingbroke says, that “it is a common thing to feed swine with
pine-apples. My astonishment was increased when our conductor took us
to a large trench fifty rood long, and twelve feet wide, which was
absolutely filled up with pine-apples; they so completely overran the
estate at one time, that he was obliged to root them up for the purpose
of preventing their farther extension.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. p.
21.
Neither pigs nor pine-apples are to be found thus by wholesale in
Pernambuco.—_Transl._
Barrere says “_La Pitte, qui est une espéce d’ananas, fournit encore
une filasse d’un bon usage. Le fil en est plus fort et plus fin que la
soye. Les Portugais en font des bas qui ne cedent en rien, dit-on, par
leur bonté et par leur finesse aux bas de soye._”—Nouvelle Relation de
la France Equinoxiale, p. 115.
Old Ligon says “the last and best sort of drinke that this iland or the
world affords, is the incomparable wine of pines; and is certainly the
nectar which the gods drunke; for on earth there is none like it; and
that is made of the pure juyce of the fruit itselfe, without commixture
of water or any other creature, having in itselfe a naturall compound
of all tastes excellent, that the world can yield. This drinke is too
pure to keep long; in three or four dayes it will be fine; ‘tis made
by pressing the fruite, and strayning the liquor, and it is kept in
bottles.”—A true and exact History of the Iland of Barbadoes, 1657.
[267] Du Tertre speaks of a species of _Karatas_, which agrees, from
his description, with this in the height of the stalk, the shape
of the leaves, and the colour of the flowers; which he says are
_estroileés_—_Transl._ He adds, “_Avant que les boutons de ces fleurs
soient ouverts ils sont remplis d’un fort beau et bon cotton, dont
l’on se peut servir utilement: apres que l’on a fait boüillir les
füeilles l’on en tire du fil dont l’on se sert en plusieurs endroits
de l’Amerique, non seulement à faire des toilles, mais encore à faire
des licts pendans. La racine et les füeilles de cette plante broyées
et lavées dans une riviere, jettent un suc qui estourdit si fort le
poisson, qu’il se laisse prendre à la main: ce grand tronc qui est tout
spongieux estant seché, brulle comme une méche ensouffrée, et froté
rudement, avec une bois plus dur, s’enflame et se consume._”—Histoire
des Antilles, tom. ii. p. 106.
Labat gives the same account, and adds that persons who are in the
habit of smoking “_ne manquent jamais d’avoir sur eux leur provision de
tol_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. 6. p. 142.
“_Le caratas dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit est bien meilleur
que la Savonette pour blanchir le linge. On prend la füeille et aprés
en avoir ôté les piquans, on la bat et l’écrase entre deux pierres
et on frote le linge avec l’eau. Elle produit le même effet que le
mielleur savon, elle fait une mousse ou écume épaisse, blanche, qui
decrasse, nettoye et blanchit parfaitement le linge, sans le rougir ou
le brûler en aucune facon._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vii. p. 385.
[268] At Pillar, upon the island of Itamaraca, the persons who are in
the habit of preparing the _cairo_, dig holes in the sands below high
water mark, and bury the rind of the coco for several days before they
beat it. I suppose this method is resorted to, owing to the want of a
running stream in which to steep the rind.—_Transl._
[269] There are some breaks, but they are not extensive, as far as I am
acquainted with the country.—_Transl._
[270] In Wildenow this plant is so arranged.—_T._
[271] “The inhabitants of the plains of Iguaraçu make use of it to
fasten together the rushes from which they make the mats that are used
for pack-saddles.”—_Discurso sobre a Utilidade da Instituicam de
Jardims, &c._
Padre Ignacio de Almeida Fortuna told me, that he had had a pair of
stockings made from the fibre of the _Macaiba_. I brought some of the
fibre to England; it is extremely strong and fine. I think Dr. Arruda
may perhaps have been rather hasty in ranking it with the _tucum_, in
the difficulty of obtaining it. At Itapissuma, near to Itamaraca, a
great quantity of thread is manufactured for fishing-nets, &c. and it
has at that place a fixed price.—_Transl._
“Referring the meeting to what was communicated in the last annual
Report on the subject of a species of hemp, manufactured from the
leaves of a particular kind of palm which abounds in Sierra Leone
and its neighbourhood, the directors have now to add, that one of
their Board, Mr. Allen, has lately subjected a small quantity of
cord, manufactured from this substance, to experiments calculated to
ascertain its strength, as compared with the same length and weight of
common hempen cord. The result has been very satisfactory.” In five
trials, the average is as follows “hempen cord 43_lbs._ 3-fifths.
African cord 53_lbs._ 2-fifths, being a difference in favour of the
African cord of 10_lbs._ in 43_lbs._”—Fourth Report of the Directors
of the African Institution, p. 15.
[272] I have often in the course of this volume spoken of the
_jangadas_.—_Transl._
[273] The seeds have a strong aromatic smell, and the taste is very
pleasant.—_Transl._
[274] In the neighbourhood of Goiana I saw a large piece of land
completely covered with the common _maracuja_; the owner of the ground
complained to me of the trouble which he should have in getting rid of
the plant when he should wish to cultivate the land.—_Transl._
[275] Excepting in times of famine, the food which may be thus obtained
causes too much destruction to allow of its becoming general, and even
if it should for a time afford subsistence to the people, this cannot
last long, for the trees will soon be destroyed. The quantity of food
which each tree yields is too small, the growth of the trees too slow,
and the space which each plant occupies too considerable ever to render
the cabbage of the palms a permanent staple food of any country.
Dr. Arruda has not spoken of the _dendezeiro_ or _dende_ tree, which,
next to the coco tree, is the palm which is of the most service to the
Pernambucans. An oil of good quality is made from the nut, and is sold
in Recife as a culinary ingredient, being more generally used than the
coco oil. The fruit resembles much that of the _coco naia_, according
to Arruda’s description of the latter.
Labat, who has a propensity to call in question the opinions of others,
in speaking of the tree which he calls _palmier franc ou dattier_,
says, “_On prétend que cet arbre est mâle et femelle, &c. Je suis fâché
de ne pouvoir pas souscrire au sentiment des naturalistes, mais j’en
suis empêché par une expérience que j’ai trés-sûre, opposée directement
à leur sentiment, qui dément absolument ce que je viens de rapporter
sur leur bonne foi; car nous avions un dattier à côté de notre couvent
du Moüillage à la Martinique, qui rapportoit du fruit quoiqu’il fut
tout seul. Qu’il fut mâle ou femelle, je n’en sçai rien, mais ce que je
sçai trés certainement, c’est que dans le terrain où est le Fort Saint
Pierre et le Moûillage et a plus de deux lieuës à la ronde il n’y avoit
et n’y avoit jamais eu de dattier, &c._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii.
p. 276.
[276] The _goiaba_ is to be found in all situations in Pernambuco;
there is scarcely a _cercado_ (field) of any sugar plantation which has
not several of these trees scattered about upon it. The _goiaba_ is
never cut down, for the people are fond of it, and the cattle likewise
feed upon it. The _araça_ is another species of the same plant; the
shrub and the fruit of this are smaller than the _goiaba_, and the
inside of the fruit is of a pale yellow colour, instead of a deep
red.—_Transl._
[277] Labat speaks of a species of _canelle bâtarde_, and he adds,
“_On se sert beaucoup en Italie d’une canelle semblable à celle que
je viens de décrire; les Portugais l’apportent du Bresil dans des
paniers de roseaux refendus et à jour; on l’appelle canelle geroflée
(canella garofanata). On la met en poudre avec un peu de gérofle, de
veritable canelle, de poivre et de graines tout-à faite resemblables
à celles de nos bois d’Inde des Isles, et on en fait un debit assez
considérable._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 92.
[278] In the Philosophical Transactions for 1811 is given, “An Account
of a Vegetable Wax from Brazil,” by William Thomas Brande, Esq. F. R.
S. The work from which I extract part of the account is Nicholson’s
Journal, Vol. xxxi. p. 14.
“The vegetable wax described in this paper was given to the president
by Lord Grenville, with a wish on the part of his Lordship, that its
properties should be investigated, in the hope that it might prove
a useful substitute for bees’ wax, and constitute in due time a new
article of commerce between Brazil and this country. It was transmitted
to Lord Grenville from Rio de Janeiro by the Conde das Galveas(1), as a
new article lately brought to that city(2), from the northernmost parts
of the Brazilian dominions, the _capitanias_ of Rio Grande and Seará,
between the latitude of three and seven degrees north; it is said to
be the production of a tree of slow growth, called by the natives
_carnâùba_, which also produces a gum used as food for men, and another
substance employed for fattening poultry.”
“The wax in its rough state is in the form of a coarse pale grey
powder, soft to the touch, and mixed with various impurities,
consisting chiefly of fibres of the bark of the tree, which when
separated by a sieve amount to about 40 _per cent._ It has an agreeable
odour, somewhat resembling new hay, but scarcely any taste.”
(_Here follow various chemical Experiments which I wish I could
insert, but they are too long._)
“Having been unsuccessful in my attempts to bleach the wax in its
original state, I made some experiments to ascertain whether its colour
could be more easily destroyed, after it had been acted upon by nitric
acid, and found that by exposing it spread upon glass to the action of
light, it became in the course of three weeks of a pale straw colour,
and on the surface nearly white(3). The same change was produced by
steeping the wax, in thin plates, in an aqueous solution of oxymuriatic
gas, but I have not hitherto succeeded in rendering it perfectly white.”
(_Other chemical Experiments follow, which are of considerable
Length._)
“From the preceding detail of experiments, it appears that although the
South American vegetable wax possesses the characteristic properties
of bees’ wax, it differs from that substance in many of its chemical
habitudes; it also differs from the other varieties of wax, namely,
the wax of the myrica cerifera, of lac, and of white lac. The attempts
which have been made to bleach the wax have been conducted on a small
scale; but from the experiments related, it appears that after the
colour has been changed by the action of very dilute nitric acid,
it may be rendered nearly white by the usual means. I have not had
sufficient time to ascertain whether the wax can be more effectually
bleached by long continued exposure, nor have I had an opportunity of
submitting it to the processes employed by the bleachers of bees’ wax.”
“Perhaps the most important part of the present inquiry is that which
relates to the combustion of the vegetable wax, in the form of candles.
The trials which have been made to ascertain its fitness for this
purpose are extremely satisfactory; and when the wick is properly
proportioned to the size of the candle, the combustion is as perfect
and uniform as that of common bees’ wax. The addition of one eighth to
one tenth part of tallow is sufficient to obviate the brittleness of
the wax in its pure state, without giving it any unpleasant smell, or
materially impairing the brilliancy of its flame. A mixture of three
parts of the vegetable wax with one part of bees’ wax, also makes very
excellent candles.”
(1) This nobleman is since dead.
(2) It was sent to Rio de Janeiro by Francisco de Paula Cavalcante de
Albuquerque, Governor of Rio Grande do Norte.
(3) The portion which the Governor of Rio Grande gave to me was in the
form of a cake, which could not be pierced, but was brittle; it was of
a pale straw colour.—_Transl._
[279] “_On l’apporte (the root) en Europe coupeé en rouelles blanches
& assez légéres._”—_Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c._
tom. iii. p. 262.
I brought some of it to England in powder.—_Transl._
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:
—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.