_My dear Friend_,
* * * * *
I understand that the slaves form about four-fifths of the
population, and are in number about 19,000. Time was, when the
treatment to which they were exposed, was harsh and severe; and
then their numbers were constantly declining. Of late years,
however, the Danish government has instituted various
restrictions which have ameliorated the condition of the slaves.
They are not allowed, as I understand, to be worked longer in the
day, than from 6 o'clock in the morning, to the same hour in the
evening, with intervals, (not always long enough) for breakfast
and dinner. Legal provisions are made respecting food and
clothing. The driver in the field is not permitted to carry any
more terrible instrument than a tamarind switch of moderate size;
and twelve lashes with the rope, and a short period of solitary
confinement, (mostly I believe in a light room) are the extent of
punishment which even the manager or master is permitted to
inflict. This rope however, is a dangerous instrument of torture;
and I am told that the reduction of the allowed number of lashes,
from thirty to twelve, is no matter of law, but the simple result
of the imperative benevolence of the governor-general Von
Scholten. Any negro has a right to buy his own freedom; and, in
case of need, the price is settled by a public appraiser. The
consequence of these benevolent provisions is, that the condition
of the slaves is improved, and their number is now kept up, with
a very small increase.
I cannot, however, refrain from observing, that legal provisions
for the amelioration of slavery, are in general of little use. In
the British Colonies, the measures of this kind which were
enacted by the Parliament at home, were constantly frustrated by
local influence; and in spite of law or reason, man will often be
found, in the hour of temptation, to abuse arbitrary power over
his fellow man. I consider it therefore highly probable, that
even in Santa Cruz, where the ameliorating laws are enforced by a
local government, at once vigilant and despotic, acts of
oppression and cruelty may at times take place, which are wholly
unknown to the government; much more, to an occasional visitor of
the island.
In the mean time the degradation occasioned by slavery in the
Danish islands--the low physical, intellectual, and moral
condition of the slaves, as compared with that of the liberated
negroes of the British islands--is obvious and unquestionable.
The worst feature of the system is the "Sunday market," as it is
called. The slaves are allowed no one of the working days of the
week for their own business. The consequence is, that multitudes
of them throng from the country (often from a great distance)
into the towns of Bassin and West End, on the First day of the
week, with their provisions and fruits for sale. The rum shops
are hard by the market places. The buyers, of course, misuse the
day as well as the sellers; and the scene is one, not only of
busy traffic, but of noisy merriment, idleness, and dissipation.
Before we left Santa Cruz, we called on General Söbötker, the
present Governor, of the island, to take our leave; and we
ventured to press this subject on his consideration, not without
some remarks on slavery in general. He listened to us in a very
obliging manner, and seemed to look forward to better days; but
his last words to us, as we went down the steps from his door,
were, "PATIENCE, PATIENCE, PATIENCE."
It was very satisfactory to us, to learn from our friend Captain
Von Scholten, the brother of the Governor General (then in
Denmark) that a commission had been appointed at Copenhagen, to
enquire into the state of these colonies, with a view to
emancipation. In the meantime, seven large buildings have been
erected in different parts of the island, to serve as chapels
and schools, for the religious and literary instruction of the
Negro population. They are not yet in use: but several of the
planters are making laudable exertions for the education of their
slaves in reading and in a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. A
colored person of the name of Macfarlane, in every way adapted
for the office, is employed for the purpose; this school
circulates, with excellent effect, from one estate to another.
Having been taught their moral and religious obligations, the
negroes, on these estates, are greatly improved, and are much
more useful to their masters, than in the days of their
ignorance.
The schools held on the First day of the week under the care of
the members of the Episcopal church, at Bassin and West End, are
attended by several hundreds of black, mulatto, and white
children. Some of the planters and their wives are united with
colored persons and others, as instructors in these schools; and
the blessed work is carried on, both among the teachers and the
taught, without prejudice of caste, or distinction of
color.--JOSEPH JOHN GUERNEY, _A Winter in the West Indies
described in familiar Letters to Henry Clay, of Kentucky_, 1840,
pp. 20-23.
V
STADTHAUPTMAND CHAMBERLAIN VON SCHOLTEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE
INSURRECTION OF 1848
In the week that preceded the 3rd July, 1848, I was confined to
my bed with a rheumatic swelling in my right hand. On Sunday the
2nd July I felt a little better, and could more or less use the
hand. On the afternoon of that day I received a visit from one of
our most respectable planters. In the course of our conversation,
he told me that there were strange reports in circulation
concerning the negroes, who, it was said, were to refuse to go to
work on the next day, and to demand their freedom. He could not
assign any further grounds for these reports than hearsay. Being
accustomed to hear of war and revolution in Europe, as well as
disturbances and riot in the French islands, from the fact of the
majority in this little place, Frederiksted, seeking to make up
for the monotony of their existence by spreading and listening to
all sorts of idle rumours and scandals, this information made no
further impression upon me. I bade him, in the meantime, to
acquaint the commander of the fort, and the policemaster with
what he had heard, and promised myself to inform my brother, the
Governor-General, as soon as he arrived here in the "Ornen," a
brig-of-war, which was momentarily expected.
At about eight o'clock in the evening my physician came to attend
to me, and he spoke of the alarming reports that were in
circulation. As he appeared to be somewhat concerned about the
matter, I remonstrated with him and spoke of the evil of
spreading such reports, which, if unfounded, might awaken ideas
among the slaves which it was to the interest of every one to
prevent. Not that I feared that they would be disposed to
violence or riot. They had been generally well treated and were
apparently satisfied.
About nine o'clock, I received a message that the
Governor-General had arrived in Christiansted, and that his
carriage which stood in my yard was to go up there, but as it was
late, I gave orders to the coachman to wait until next day. In
the meantime I went to bed. A short time after my servant told me
that there must be fire in the country as the bells were being
rung and shells blown. As this is the customary manner of giving
notice of such, the thought of anything unusual did not occur to
me. And as I could see no sign of any fire from my house, which
is built on an elevation, I concluded that it was upon a distant
estate, and again sought refuge in sleep. This lasted but a short
time, when I was once again aroused by a loud knocking at my
gate. Opening the window, I immediately recognized the voice of
the Brandmajor commanding in Frederiksted, he told me that the
negroes in the country were rioting and desired their freedom,
and that was the reason why the bell-ringing and blowing of
shells were to be heard. We then spoke about the plan of action
we should adopt, and whether the alarm gun should be fired or the
Brand corps and Militia should be called out. The Major having
stated that the negroes were committing no excesses and only
making a disturbance, I looked upon this as a good sign, for when
one has evil designs he rarely makes a noise, but generally
proceeds to action at once. Nevertheless, it was a doubtful point
with me whether I, as Stadthauptmand, would be justified in
firing the alarm, the militia law not stating anything definite
or to the point as to who should give such an order. On the other
hand, my authority only extended over the militia. Over the Fort
from which the alarm gun should be fired I had no command
whatsoever.
There were many considerations which induced me to proceed with
caution in the matter.
To have fired the alarm would have been equivalent to placing the
island in a state of siege. The power to do this rested only with
the Governor. Moreover, such an act would have summoned the whole
of the white population into town, away from their estates,
leaving their wives, children and old women in the power of the
negroes. With no one to check them, had excesses been committed,
how blameable it would have been to have acted so precipitately.
I was confirmed in this opinion by a planter and military
officer, who shared my views on the subject. The officer
remarking that: "Should the negroes be intent on evil, they could
easily prevent isolated members of the militia from coming in,
and should the opposite be the case, he saw no reason for calling
them from their estates, where they might by their presence be
able to check violence and plunder." The
policemaster--Andersen--coincided with these views, observing:
"Let us not by hasty proceedings provoke the negroes. The
bell-ringing and noise do not indicate that they are intent upon
violence. We must proceed with caution if we do not desire to see
things worse." These words from one who had a large experience of
the character of the negro, carried weight with most of us.
The opinion has since been expressed on more than one occasion,
that the Brand corps, which was composed of free coloured people,
should have been called out, but from prudential motives it was
deemed advisable to limit their action until absolutely
necessary. I shall now attempt to picture the events which
followed.
About two o'clock a.m., eight or ten mounted militiamen came in
from the country and informed me that the condition was such as
the earlier reports had stated. That there were noisy
demonstrations and disorder, but nowhere had actual violence been
committed. These gentlemen had left behind them their wives,
mothers and children, so to speak, in the power of the negroes,
without the least fear that they would be exposed to any kind of
danger. They came to inquire if the alarm gun had been fired, and
if such were the case, to meet as accustomed. I explained to them
that the gun had not been fired, as it was not considered prudent
to call them away at such a moment from their property, where
they could best work to preserve order. They therefore returned
to their homes. At four o'clock a.m., I sent off my brother's
carriage to Christiansted, and by same opportunity a letter in
which I described to him the condition of things in
Frederiksted. At the same time expressing the hope that order and
quiet might be restored by representations and negotiations.
At seven o'clock in the morning, the negroes streamed into the
town in large numbers. Shortly afterwards it was reported to me
that the police office was being plundered and demolished. The
second Brand officer, who was with me, after expressing the
opinion that it was in no way advisable to call out the corps,
undertook with some of the best disposed of his men to assist in
the keeping of order. And it is but fair to say, that it was
owing to the activity and representations of the free coloured
men that more violence was not committed, only three houses being
plundered and wrecked. At about this time a negro came crying to
me and begged me to write a letter to the Governor-General asking
that he would come down to Frederiksted as soon as possible, so
that by his presence he might save the town from further
molestation. With this I joyfully complied, beseeching my brother
not to delay, as only he would be able to quiet the negroes. In
the meantime the Brand major had narrowly escaped with his life.
Riding into town from his estate he was attacked by the negroes,
a negro woman striking at his neck with an axe, which fortunately
glanced off without injuring him. To show that he intended them
no harm, he threw away his sword, exclaiming: "Take my life, if
that can satisfy you, I come not as an enemy, but as a friend!"
With these words they seemed impressed, and allowed him to pass
on his way.
A crowd of negroes came shouting and yelling up the street, and
stood in front of my residence, demanding that I should proclaim
their immediate freedom. Representing to them how wrongly they
had acted by destroying and plundering, I advised them to keep
quiet until the Governor-General arrived, as he alone could
satisfy their demands. Seeing that they were now more peaceable,
I went to the Fort, where several of the inhabitants of the town
had assembled. These were most restless, not to say unreasonable.
Some thought that to save the town from further disturbance, I
should, in the Governor-General's name, have declared the negroes
free, but, as, in my opinion, I had no such power, I could not,
nor would not, take it upon myself to do so. Nevertheless, it was
the opinion of every one that only the prompt emancipation of the
slaves would save the island from further destruction. And now a
considerable number of negroes had assembled together in the
Fort yard. They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom, and
called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of
the Fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present
begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt
to ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by,
behind a corner house, which could not be commanded by the guns
of the Fort there were several negro women gathered together with
"trash" or dry cane leaves, which, at the first shot from the
Fort, it was arranged they should light and throw into the doors
and windows. The fire would thus have spread quickly through the
town, as the houses were mostly deserted, and there was no one to
check it. With a view of quieting the threatening multitude, I
went among them, accompanied by the Catholic priest[397] and a
few of the bravest of the inhabitants. The priest, whose
influence was very great, spoke to them, admonishing and
exhorting them to be quiet. On the other hand, on my addressing
myself to one who appeared to be a leader of them, I received the
following reply: "Massa, we poor negroes cannot fight with the
soldiers, as we have no guns, but we can burn and destroy if we
do not get our freedom, and that is what we intend to do."
It was rumoured in the Fort that the negroes intended to storm
it, and for that reason had procured an English flag, which they
regarded as the symbol of freedom. I myself saw the flag in the
crowd, and nearing the flag-bearer after some difficulty, I asked
the young negro why he did not carry the Danish instead of the
English flag, to which he answered: "Any flag is good on such an
occasion." But on my speaking further he seemed visibly
embarrassed, and moved away among the crowd. About ten o'clock
a.m. a great noise was heard in the upper part of the town. Some
said it was the Governor-General, but it turned out to be the
Stadthauptmand of Christiansted, Oberst de Nully, and the
Governor-General's adjutant. The Oberst stepped out of the
carriage and spoke to the crowd, which was so dissatisfied that
the Governor-General had not come himself that they would not
listen to him. Suddenly there was a great movement among them,
and with repeated cries of "Moore!" "Moore!" they rushed down the
Strand-street. Here the infuriated mob commenced immediately to
plunder and destroy Merchant Moore's store and residence. Mr.
Moore himself sought refuge on board one of the vessels in the
harbour. The cause of this unexpected outbreak is said to have
been brought about by Mr. Moore's carelessly speaking to the
negroes, who understood that he would request the garrison of the
Fort to shoot them down. This would have been an easy matter, for
it was quite possible to sweep the street with a couple of field
guns from the water battery and the Fort gate; but the commander
of the Fort was besought not to fire for fear that in their
desire for revenge the negroes would burn down the town and
destroy every white person who might fall into their hands.
Besides, as the actually guilty ones were in Mr. Moore's house,
plundering, only innocent people who were in the street would
have been killed. Several sailors from the English vessels in the
harbour were now to be seen among the excited people, encouraging
them by words and actions. And particularly conspicuous upon the
wharf were several water casks belonging to these vessels, on
which was written in large letters--"Liberty." It is worthy of
remark, in contrast to these proceedings, that the free coloured
population did their utmost to prevent the negroes from breaking
into the houses and warehouses in the vicinity.
Most of the whites were now either on board the vessels or in
hiding. About this time a negro appeared upon the scene, who
seemed to be in command of the immense concourse of people which
filled the street. This was Buddhoe, or as he was called later
on, General Bourdeaux.
About three o'clock p.m., the Governor-General arrived,
accompanied by Kammerjunker Upper Court Assessor Rothe. The
General stepped out near the Fort, went in among the crowd and
declared the negroes to be free. He then requested Kammerjunker
Rothe, and as far as I can remember, Major Gyllich, the Brand
major, to see that the negroes left the town, which these
gentlemen soon accomplished.
Later on a detachment of troops arrived from Christiansted, and
at five o'clock p.m. the Governor-General returned to
Christiansted, after having ordered the cavalry, which had
recently arrived, to go back again. First Lieutenant v Holstein,
with two pieces of cannon and forth men, remained over night in
the Fort.
The brig-of-war "Ornen," Captain Irminger, arrived in the harbour
shortly before sunset. The night passed quietly enough, though
fires illuminated the hills of the north side. On Tuesday, the
4th of July, a number of negroes were seen on the road leading to
the North side, and it was feared that, should they enter the
town, it would doubtless result in bloodshed or incendiarism. In
order to prevent this, Major Gyllich rode out among them, and, by
repeated assurances that they were now free and would not be
brought back to slavery again, succeeded in inducing them to
return to their homes. At the same time he persuaded the negro
Buddhoe to accompany him to town, a wise move, for it was through
this negro's influence over them that order and quiet were
restored to this part of the island. In the meantime,
Kammerjunker Rothe arrived from Christiansted, whence he had
started in the morning with a number of printed copies of the
proclamation of freedom. Shortly after his arrival, three
expeditions were organised to make their contents known among the
negroes. Kammerjunker Rothe, the Vice-Brand major and a prominent
planter, went to Annally and Spring Garden, while Major Gyllich,
Buddhoe, or General Bourdeaux[398] and two of the most
respectable free coloured burghers went to the South side.
The company in which I found myself arrived first at estate "La
Grange." We had little difficulty in getting the negroes
together, who stood around our carriage as Kammerjunker Rothe
read out and explained the proclamation to them. Continuing our
road, we came to estate "Northside," where we met the owner and
his family who had remained there during the whole tumult. They
told us that during the forenoon of the same day, they had been
attacked by the negroes from the neighbouring estate of "Ham's
Bay," who under the pretext of wanting to take the overseer's
weapons from him, attempted to force the dwelling house. The
negroes of the estate defended them and prevented the intended
violence. From that place we went to "Ham's Bay," where we found
it difficult to collect the negroes, who had forced the owner and
his family to take flight in a fishing boat shortly before. After
having restored something like order among them, we returned to
Frederiksted.
The expedition in charge of Major Gyllich, after visiting twenty
odd estates reached as far as "La Reine." Mr. Beech read the
proclamation on each of them. On the road they learned that there
was a large gathering at estate "Slob," which had been doing a
great deal of plundering and destruction. Though Buddhoe declared
that he did not know the negroes on that part of the island, and
it was remarked that estate "Slob" was outside of West End
jurisdiction, Major Gyllich decided to go there, being under the
impression that he might prevent further troubles.
Going up the hill towards "Slob," they met a man named "Martin
King," chief of the "fleet," as they called this meeting. This
negro who was half drunk and riding a white horse, and who seemed
to be a leader among the crowd which they encountered, upon
understanding the object of the expedition, after a great deal of
outrageous and foolish talk yielded to the representations of the
Major, and by the influence he seemed to wield over the rest of
his comrades, was of great assistance in restoring order among
them. After visiting estates "La Reine" and "Mount Pleasant," the
major and his party returned to Frederiksted.
On Tuesday and Wednesday several planters with their families
came into town, and sought refuge on board the ships in the
harbour. The owner of the estate "Negro Bay," with twenty or
thirty other managers and overseers also came in, an error which
resulted in his estate being plundered. By this time prisoners
were being continually brought in. The negroes bringing them in
themselves. To this Buddhoe mainly contributed. On Thursday
morning at four o'clock a considerable force consisting of two
cannon, infantry and cavalry under the command of Captain v
Castonier left the town. In the meantime the Fort was garrisoned
from the brig-of-war. Though this expedition met with no
opposition, it served a good purpose, as from that time perfect
quiet and order were brought about.--TAYLOR, _Leaflets from the
Danish West Indies_, pp. 126-132.