By the recent purchase treaty agreed upon between this country and
Denmark the United States government has for the sum of $25,000,000
obtained the three Virgin Islands known as the Danish West Indies. As
more than ninety per cent. of their 27,000 inhabitants are Negroes,
the American people, upon whom devolves the duty of shaping the
destiny of these new subjects, will doubtless be interested in
learning more about them. Searching for these islands on the map they
appear as three tiny spots lying to the east and southeast of Porto
Rico and at the extreme east of the Greater Antilles. The islands are
St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix which lies about 40 miles southeast
of St. Thomas. The area of St. Thomas is about 33 square miles; that
of St. John 21, while St. Croix is much larger, covering about 84
square miles. These islands are no less remarkable for their fertility
than for the intelligence and industry of their inhabitants. The
climate is delightful, but this is counterbalanced by the earthquakes
and hurricanes which occur at uncertain intervals.[360]
Although the discovery and settlement of the Danish West Indies by
Europeans are not of ancient date, their early history is fragmentary
and conjectural. Tribes of Caribs[361] were found on these islands by
Christopher Columbus when he discovered the group on his second voyage
to America in 1493. Judging from carvings upon the rocks and numerous
relics these people had occupied the islands from time immemorial. The
natives were decreed enemies of the state by Charles V in 1550 and
thereafter were soon exterminated. When the Earl of Cumberland touched
at the islands on his way to Porto Rico in 1596 he described them as a
knot of little islands, uninhabited, sandy, barren and craggy[362].
The Dutch and English preceded the Danes in the occupation of St.
Thomas, but as far as is known, they were at no time present in large
numbers. Nine families of them with their slaves were found there in
1666. That year a company of Danes under Erik Smidt landed at St.
Thomas and made the first Danish settlement in the Virgin Islands.
They claimed to represent the Danish Chartered Company of Guinea and
the West Indies with headquarters at Copenhagen. Before these settlers
could permanently settle here, however, their expedition was broken up
by certain Dutchmen led by one Huntman after the death of Smidt and
before the Danes had finished their fort. But this was only temporary
success for the Dutch. This company had previously acquired territory
on the Gold Coast and had built forts between Christiansburg and the
eastern side of the Volta River. Their purpose in the West Indies was
the cultivation of sugar, tobacco and other products; and because of
the scarcity of labor the work was to be done by slaves[363] from
their African possessions. Under the encouragement of Christian V the
first cargo of slaves was brought over in 1680[364].
It is conceded that the real progress of the colony began with the
rule of Gov. Jörgen Iwersen, who succeeded Smidt, landing on the
island May 23, 1672. He was a man of stern and forceful personality
who exacted absolute observance of the regulations he imposed, with
severe penalties for their violation. He required the strict keeping
of the Sabbath, dealt severely with bond servants guilty of
misdemeanors, and treated the Negro slaves still more cruelly.[365]
It is said that while the Danes in Africa were not particularly unkind
to the slaves the West Indian Danes were very cruel, especially in St.
John and later in St. Croix. "Besides the usual floggings, cutting off
of ears, hands, and legs and final hangings (when there was nothing
more to torture) the Danes--till the influence of the Moravian
missionaries bettered things--were in the habit of 'pinching' recreant
slaves with red-hot iron pinchers, or for heinous offences pinching
pieces of flesh out of them. The Moravian missionaries came to the
islands and brought to the inhabitants the practice and precept of a
simple Christianity. Their work among the slaves being especially
helpful, the lot of the latter was lightened and masters were no
longer allowed to exercise the power of life and death over
them."[366]
In those days pirates and buccaneers held sway over the seas and for
the better defence of the colony "Christians'-fort" was erected. In
1674 Gov. Iwersen bought a slave to serve for seven years as master
mason in the building of this fort. Within the fort was the governor's
residence, and the services of the Lutheran Church (the State Church
of Denmark) were also held therein, usually in the armory.
"Christians'-fort," modernized, is still standing and is supposed to
be the oldest building on the island.[367]
About 1682 Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg, entered into
partnership with the Danish Company. The purpose of this agreement was
to encourage immigration from Europe and to promote trade with the
islands. The Brandenburghers established themselves in St. Thomas,
built a factory there and maintained a line of ships trading between
Stettin, the Gold Coast and St. Thomas.[368] This arrangement
seemingly worked satisfactorily for a while, but finally caused such
discontent that it was discontinued.
In 1684 the Danes took possession of St. John, the smallest but the
most fertile of these islands. It was colonized about two generations
later by some inhabitants who had the courage to leave St. Thomas. At
this period the colonists were fearful not only of depredations of
pirates or of the settlers of neighboring islands but they dreaded the
attacks of the maroons and uprisings among the slaves. When in
February, 1697, after a severe hurricane the force of the garrison was
reduced to one lieutenant, one ensign, one drummer, and five privates,
a number of maroons gathered in the western part of the island were
considered a menace but no outbreak occurred. For a period of about
sixty years afterward prosperity reigned in the islands.[369] Sugar,
molasses, rum, tobacco and spices were the principal exports and
wealth brought to the master class leisure, luxury, and refinement.
In 1733 the island of St. Croix, after continuously passing from the
control of one proprietor[370] to another, was purchased by certain
merchants of Copenhagen and later was bought from them by King
Christian VI of Denmark. The land was then divided into estates and
sold to various planters, some of whom came from St. Eustatius,
Virgin Gorda, and Tortola. Being thereafter under more stable
control, the island made progress, becoming, like the other Danish
West Indies, a sugar colony. The seat of government was then
transferred from St. Thomas to St. Croix.
The outstanding fact in the history of this group in the eighteenth
century is the insurrection of 1733, which took place on the island of
St. John. Because a large number of slaves had just been brought in
from Africa there had been urged by the masters and later enacted by
decree of the Royal Council certain additional tyrannical regulations
which doubtless caused this trouble. Instead of increasing the number
of armed men necessary to keep order the planters resorted to
legislation.[371] At that time at the west end of St. John stood the
only fort which was garrisoned by eight soldiers under a lieutenant
and a sergeant. These men had to be depended upon to handle thousands
of discontented slaves.[372] The insurrection, on the other hand, was
well planned. Governor Philip Gardelin, of St. Thomas, who was at that
time on a visit to the island was to be murdered along with all other
white inhabitants so as to bring the island entirely under the control
of the Negroes. An unexpected change in his arrangements, however,
caused the Governor and a part of his family to leave St. John on the
day preceding the uprising. On the following Sunday, however, the
insurrection began.
Early that morning certain slaves, as was usual, took into the fort
bundles of wood for the use of the soldiers. Within these bundles they
had concealed their knives and cutlasses, and at a given signal they
brought them forth and murdered all the garrison save one who
succeeded in concealing himself. When in possession, the insurgents
fired the signal previously agreed upon and at once upon every
plantation the slaves began to massacre the masters and their
families. Most of the surviving planters fled with their families to
the Durlo estate, situated on an eminence and protected by two cannon
and, under the direction of an old Englishman, repulsed the slaves,
killing and wounding many. While the slaves were in retreat the
planters hastily removed their families to vessels which conveyed them
to Tortola and St. Thomas.
Thinking that this insurrection might spread to St. Thomas, precaution
was immediately taken. Ninety men were armed, sixty sailors from
vessels in the harbor were impressed into service, and the large
vessel on which the Governor had come from St. John was brought nearer
the town. A detachment of thirty soldiers, some young burghers, and
the Jaeger Corps, fully armed and equipped, then proceeded to St. John
and drove the slaves from the fort. The Durlo estate was then relieved
with much difficulty, so determined were the slaves to continue their
work. In spite of these successes, however, the whites decided that it
was impossible to suppress the insurrection with such a small body of
troops and withdrew to St. Thomas. It was discovered that save those
who had sought refuge on the Durlo estate only Dr. Cornelius F. Bodger
had survived. He had been spared on the condition that he would give
wounded Negroes medical aid. The whites learned too that the Creole
Negroes had not taken a part in the uprising. In obtaining information
the whites were assisted by a servant of Dr. Bodger, called Christian
Sout,[373] who, having the confidence of both the whites and the
blacks, became a useful spy for the former, who rewarded him with
freedom for these services.
Upon returning to St. Thomas the Royal Council secured the assistance
of Captain Meaux and his sixty men of the _Nevis_, a vessel lying in
harbor, but he failed to subdue the Negroes, losing two of his sons in
the conflict. The government then sent to Martinique for help. The
governor of that colony promptly despatched a force of 400 men who,
joined by all the available troops from St. Thomas, drove the Negroes
from the fort and, sending out detachments in various directions,
finally forced the insurgents to concentrate on the northeast side of
the island, where they were surrounded. After holding the island six
months, the blacks, finding all chances of escape cut off, resolved
upon self-destruction. "Three hundred," says an historian, "were,
after a few days from the time they were surrounded, found lying dead
at Brim's Bay, now Anna Burg. In a ravine, a short distance off, were
discovered seven others, who appeared to have been leaders in the
insurrection, who had shot each other. Seven guns broken to pieces,
save one, were found lying by their sides. Tradition reports that
three hundred had cast themselves from a high precipice on the rocks
below. The historian Höst says they were shot and were found lying in
a circle. A few had been taken prisoners. Two of these had been
summarily executed in St. John and twenty-six in St. Thomas, some of
the latter having been made to undergo the severest torture."[374]
The disproportion of the white and black elements of the population
was then brought before the planters as a perplexing problem. In this
unstable state of affairs the islands could not prosper. Many planters
for fear of servile insurrection moved to other islands, as the
situation did not soon become inviting. Captain Peter Tamaryn, of the
Jaeger Corps (the night guard of the town), was ordered by Governor
Jens Kragh to take a census in 1772 of free colored people living in
St. Thomas. It was discovered that there were one hundred and six men
capable of bearing arms; forty-one Catholics, twenty-one Reformed
Dutch, and the rest Moravians and heathen. Among these were eleven
masons, twelve carpenters, ten captains of boats, twenty-nine sailors,
thirteen fishermen, eleven tailors, five shoemakers, one cigar-maker,
one washer, one goldsmith, one musician, two planters and the rest
without occupation. Belonging to the free group were 285 women and
children. In 1773, however, on account of the European wars, during
which Denmark remained neutral, prosperity returned and the population
greatly increased. Once more the harbor of St. Thomas was crowded with
the vessels of all nations. The town limits were extended, business
establishments were multiplied and thousands of refugees, adventurers
and capitalists sought its shores for commercial purposes.
For some decades thereafter the history of these islands was largely
commercial. At one time, however, the Dutch took from the Danes
practically all of the trade of the islands. The Danes, therefore,
secretly fitted out vessels and sent them from Amsterdam under the
Dutch flag and regained their trade, driving the Dutch from the
field.[375] But this was not without some evil consequences. Having a
monopoly of the trade, the Danes set prices rather high and discontent
followed. To put an end to the oppressive restrictions then
prevailing, King Frederik V purchased the privileges of the Danish
West India Company in 1755.[376] The port of St. Thomas brought then
under royal control was no longer free. This sweeping change caused
ruin and starvation to follow. The prosperity of the colony ceased,
money became scarce, and some inhabitants moved away, adding another
problem by leaving slaves in the majority. Endeavoring to check the
injudicious importation of slaves and actuated by the same motives
which led him to liberate the serfs of Denmark, King Frederik VI
prohibited the slave trade in 1792.[377] Prosperity did not again
return until 1764 when St. Thomas was declared a free port for all
nations. For some time thereafter things went well despite the
European wars as Denmark still remained neutral.
This state of affairs continued until 1800 when Denmark became
involved in a war with Great Britain and the islands were blockaded.
They endured for a while and surrendered in 1801. After holding them
ten months, the British restored them in 1802. The short occupation,
however, materially affected the commerce of the island and as a
result of further complication in the Napoleonic wars they were
conquered again by the English and held from 1807 to 1815. Then came
another revival of commerce in these islands, the port of St. Thomas
becoming the principal rendezvous for the Royal Mail Steam Packet
Company's vessels.[378] Yet to a student of economic conditions it was
evident that the prosperity of the colony could not become permanent
after the rise of the beet sugar industry at the expense of the cane
sugar of the West Indies.[379]
During these years slavery was becoming onerous and undesirable in
certain parts of the West Indies and humanitarian forces were
operating, at least, to ameliorate the condition of the slaves as a
preparation for gradual emancipation. Steps were, therefore, taken to
do the same in the Danish West Indies but seemingly without permanent
results. There still remained evidences of oppression and cruelty and
as an observer saw the situation the low physical, intellectual, and
moral condition of the slaves, as compared with that of the liberated
Negroes of the British islands, was obvious and unquestionable.[380]
Some time in the forties, however, a commission was appointed at
Copenhagen to inquire into the state of the islands with a view to
emancipation. Moreover, there were constructed "seven large buildings
in different parts of the island to serve as chapels and schools for
the religious and literary instruction of the Negro population." Some
of the planters too were making "laudable exertions for the education
of their slaves in reading and in a knowledge of the Holy
Scriptures."[381] At the head of this system of schools was one
McFarlane, an intelligent and efficient man of color, who was
successfully disseminating information from plantation to
plantation.[382] The condition of the Negroes was thereby improved,
but this increasing knowledge instead of making them grateful to their
benefactors led them to appreciate freedom and to realize their power.
In 1848, therefore, came an upheaval long to be remembered. This
happened in St. Croix during the administration of Major General P.
von Scholten, a friend of the Negroes. King Christian VIII was induced
in the year 1847 to enact laws to emancipate the slaves in the Danish
West Indies. It was ordered that from the 28th of July, 1847, all
children born of slaves should be free and that at the end of twelve
years slavery should cease altogether. These decrees caused little joy
among the slaves. Discontent was generally shown. They were thereby
made more anxious to have freedom and to have it immediately. They,
therefore, plotted an insurrection which broke out in Frederiksted and
extended to the eastern part of the island.[383] It seemed that the
country Negroes were coming to town to plunder and destroy.
The details of this insurrection are interesting. On the evening of
Sunday, July 2, 1848, the Negroes began rioting and the ringing of
bells and blowing of horns aroused the island. At first they had
confined themselves to noisy demonstration, but the planters,
remembering the insurrection in St. John's more than 100 years before,
were in a state of great alarm. There was in St. Croix one efficient
company of fire-fighters called the Brand Corps which was composed
entirely of free colored men. The Stadthauptmand was advised to call
them out to put down the disorder, but he hesitated to place so much
authority in their hands. One of the Brand officers, however, took a
few of his men and assisted in maintaining peace. The white major of
the Brand Corps nearly lost his life at the hands of a colored woman
who attacked him with an ax. The blow, aimed at his neck, glanced off
and his brave bearing saved him from a second attack. The rioting,
looting of homes and stores, burning of bonfires and the like
continued through several nights. The slaves were led by a young Negro
whom they called Bourdeaux, and in whom they had great confidence. In
the west end of the islands Martin King, another Negro, was in command
or as the slaves styled it, "chief of the fleet." The free people of
color had little or nothing to do with the outbreak. "It is but fair
to say," says Chamberlain Von Scholten, "that it was owing to the
activity and representations of the free colored people that more
violence was not committed."[384]
"A considerable number of Negroes had assembled together in the Fort
yard," continues he. "They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom,
and called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of
the fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present
begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt to
ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by, behind a
corner house which could not be commanded by the guns of the fort
there were several Negro women gathered together with trash and dry
cane leaves which, at the first shot from the fort, it was arranged
they should light and throw into the doors and windows. The fire would
thus have quickly spread through the town, as the houses were mostly
deserted, and there was no one to check it."[385]
Governor-General von Scholten, the friend of the Negroes, arrived at
the fort in Frederiksted on the morning of July 3 and upon his own
authority proclaimed freedom to all slaves in the Danish West Indies
Islands. As it took some time for this news to spread throughout the
island the rioting continued. Finally the authorities called to their
assistance General Bourdeaux and Martin King, who partly restored
order. The rioters in the eastern part who refused to disperse were
fired upon. A few were killed and many wounded. General von Scholten
did not at first let the military commander fire on the rioters. The
planters appealed to him for permission to take the field against the
Negroes but he refused. Upon renewal of the request, however, the
militant element was allowed to proceed on the condition that they
should not fire on the rioters, unless the latter fired on them.
Accordingly the cavalry ran over the estates and forced and overawed
many Negroes into respecting the law on the north side of the island.
On the south side in the meantime disorder was unusual, but energetic
troops under Major V. Geillerup and Captain V. Castonier scoured the
country, captured leaders of the riot and imprisoned them. In the
meantime Governor Prim of Porto Rico had in response to an appeal for
assistance despatched 600 Spanish troops and two mountain howitzers
that assured peace and order.
The subsequent humiliation of General Bourdeaux is a blot on the
character of the Danish government. After using his influence to save
the lives of many of the planters who assured him of their good will,
he was forcibly abducted from his station and made a prisoner. Major
Gyllich, whose life General Bourdeaux saved, stood by him, sharing
even his imprisonment a few days. He was finally sent aboard a vessel
in the garb of a gentleman, provided with all the necessaries and
comforts and then stripped of them as soon as the vessel was out of
port and forced to toil as a member of the crew. He was taken to the
Port of Spain, Trinidad, where he was told that if he returned to the
Danish West Indies, he would be executed.[386] He was said to have
been seen in Curaçao afterwards, whence he proceeded to the United
States of America. Martin King escaped arrest until after the reign of
martial law. He was imprisoned, however, for two years and in 1855
could do no better than serve his community as rat-catcher.
Peter Hansen the next governor undertook to settle these difficulties.
He passed what is known as the "Labor Act," intended to meet the
exigencies of the situation. This was a little better than slavery but
it actually gave the Negroes a status ranging between serfdom and
indentured service. They were still under rigid restrictions.[387]
Thereafter an effort was made to prevent Negroes from assembling,
especially at Christmas dances, which were considered dangerous to the
peace of the colony. On one occasion in 1852 to put a stop to such a
function a squad of militiamen were ordered out and it fired upon the
participants in private dances in their homes, killing many innocent
persons. This caused great alarm. The militia was ordered back to the
barracks, an investigation was made but no one could tell exactly who
gave the order for this cowardly act.
Things went on prosperously for years thereafter. It seemed ideal even
under the Labor Act, which the Negroes learned to endure without
complaint. In this ideal state of things it was thought advisable to
reduce the militia. This was finally done, leaving the whole island
outside of Christiansted defenseless. Forced labor, however, under the
disguise of apprenticeship could not but be odious, especially so when
the differences of blood and color tended to render irritating the
very semblance of restraint, and exaggerate every difficulty of class
and position. Hence, these injudicious artificial regulations, however
seemingly well-intentioned, only gave rise to ill-feeling, mistrust
and eventually resistance. The trouble was that the Negroes had grown
in intelligence and had begun to appreciate the blessings of actual
freedom and free labor. Seeing the trouble in the embryo, the
government procrastinatingly made some amendments to the Labor Act.
The Negroes, however, eventually defied the act, abandoned
agriculture, and came to town to assert themselves.
In 1878 a large number of the country laborers got from some source
the impression that the Labor Act was to cease to be operative on the
first of October of that year.[388] This was the usual time for the
shifting of laborers from one estate to another upon the expiration of
their annual contracts and they usually assembled in towns to find new
fields, many of them seeking, however, to secure employment in the
town. Some planters having foresight, saw the need of larger military
force to deal with these people, should they become discontented. The
establishment of a rural constabulary was urged, but it was not
provided. There were only 60 soldiers to maintain order. On the first
of October there started an uproar in the street of Frederiksted near
the home of Rev. J.C. DuBois, the British Vice-Consul, who upon
inquiring of the mob the cause of the uproar, was informed that they
had been ill-treated by the police, who had severely beaten one of
their number, for which they had chased them into the fort. Rev. Mr.
DuBois sought to appease the rioters, persuading them to leave town.
They eventually consented, but upon being authoritatively and roughly
ordered by the Policemaster and his assistants, brandishing their
swords, the crowd became furious and attacked these officers with
stones, driving them to the fort. Seeing that they intended to attack
the fort, Rev. Mr. DuBois followed them, earnestly entreating them not
to resort to such harsh measures to redress their grievances. The mob
finally agreed to accept his advice, the Vice-Consul agreeing to hear
from a representative delegation the following day exactly what their
complaints were, and promising to assist them in righting their
wrongs. Before leaving them, however, a few of their most intelligent
men set forth what these grievances were. They were in short: low rate
of estate wages in comparison with the larger amounts given those who
labored in the Central Factory--10 cents against 30 cents; the annual
contract which was so managed as to be virtually slavery; the frequent
abuse of the power given the manager by law to impose fines for
certain offences; and the difficulties thrown in the way of laborers
leaving the island by the police in requiring them to exhibit what
money they had when they wanted a passport. They then gave three
cheers for the Vice-Consul and were about to depart when there
suddenly appeared a woman running towards them to convey the
information that the one of their number who had been arrested had
died at the hospital. The mob then hastened to the hospital,
threatened to kill the doctor, rushed in, knocked down the sick nurse
and one of the patients and demanded to see the dead man. It was said
that he was not seriously hurt. They then started for the fort and
attacked it with stones and all sorts of missiles. The fire of the
fort being too hot the mob had to withdraw, as several were wounded.
The defenders, too, managed to send word to the President at
Christiansted, asking for help. The mob, however, ceased to disturb
those armed and sought to harass those who were defenseless,
destroying homes, stores or whatever they found in their way. The
rioters did not, however, destroy the property of such persons, for
example, as Rev. Mr. DuBois who was known to be their friend. Goods
were thrown into the street and burned. Men dared not utter a word
when they saw their accumulations of a life time destroyed. The
rioters later made another attack on the fort but could not carry it.
When they contemplated making a third attack the much desired
assistance had come in time to drive the mob away in all directions.
There had been much difficulty in reaching Christiansted and
especially in informing the Governor. This official arrived the
following afternoon and declared the town in a state of siege. New
troops were put in the field, but it was not until the 3d of October
that they succeeded in overtaking the first band of rioters, after
several soldiers and other whites had been killed and one third of
Frederiksted had been reduced to ashes. Some were captured and some
shot. Others were later hunted down and bayoneted, the innocent
suffering with the guilty. The militia was reenforced by other
soldiers and French and British men-of-war arriving opportunely in
port offered their assistance to the struggling government. Later the
United States _Plymouth_ appeared and assisted. Three hundred
prisoners were finally captured, and twelve were condemned by a court
martial and shot. On the 28th of October the court martial was
discontinued and a commission of investigation charged with adjudging
all cases arising from the riot was appointed. No other severe
punishments, however, ensued. The fact is that the riot had destroyed
the Labor Act and made the Negro actually free.
Despite these undesirable conditions, the United States had for years
desired to purchase the Danish West Indies. The Civil War
demonstrated very clearly our need for a naval and coaling station in
the West Indies. The ports of the Southern States were declared
blockaded, but it was difficult to maintain that decree, when at
several ports in the West Indies, especially at Nassau, blockade
runners were hospitably received and helped where our vessels were not
wanted.[389] A writer has said: "If it had not been for the friendship
of Denmark our vessels would have had a hard time in the Caribbean
during the Civil War so President Lincoln was disposed to be generous
in his offer for the islands out of gratitude to the Danes. The
purchase of Alaska was in part payment of a war debt of the same
sort."[390] It doubtless appears strange, however, that one of these
plans was carried out immediately after the war, while the other could
not be effected before 1917. That this was not done earlier is a sad
reflection on American diplomacy.
The negotiation for the purchase of these islands began January, 1865,
when Secretary of State Seward and General Raasloff, the Danish
Minister to the United States, met at a dinner party.[391] Seward
wanted them for a naval station. The minister was not in favor of it
and did not think the King of Denmark would sell, and so Denmark
replied. When the unfavorable report came, Seward was confined to his
bed and the minister was advised to drop it and leave it to the United
States to take it up again. Then came the assassination of Lincoln and
the attack on Seward. In the meantime there came to power in Denmark a
new ministry favorable to the project. The instructions then were to
say that the government had no desire to sell but would not be
unwilling to entertain Seward's proposition. Not long thereafter
Seward went to Cuba for his health and on the way saw St. Thomas. He
then became resolved to buy and asked Denmark to name a price, but she
refused. The plan, however, was laid before the Danish Cabinet in
1866. The Danes were reluctant to alienate these islands because they
loved the colony. They believed, too, that the sale would offend
England, France, and Spain. Mr. Seward and Mr. Yeamen, our minister at
Copenhagen, however, pushed it and the Danish government finally
offered the United States the three islands for $15,000,000. Denmark
was finally persuaded to sell St. Thomas and St. John for $7,500,000.
A vote of the natives was taken and they agreed to the transfer of
their country to the United States. The treaty was laid before the
United States Senate but delayed on account of the serious trouble
then existing between Charles Sumner, the chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, and the administration. The Danish government
regarded this an indignity of the worst kind. The time for
ratification was extended but the treaty finally fell a victim to the
storm of political hatred then raging, and it was dropped in 1868.
After an adverse report of the Foreign Relations Committee of the
Senate it was finally rejected in 1870.[392]
After this the situation of Denmark became such that the transfer of
the islands would have been almost impossible even if the two
countries had come to another agreement. By a secret alliance between
Germany and Russia, Denmark was rendered helpless. Germany was hostile
to American expansion in that quarter.[393] The Republican Party
incorporated into its platform in 1896 a plank requiring the purchase
of the Danish West Indies and in 1898 Senator Henry Cabot Lodge
introduced in the Senate a bill to purchase the group for
$5,000,000.[394] No steps were then taken, doubtless for the reason
that we had just come into the possession of Porto Rico and the
Philippines, which were regarded as burdens to the nation. Many
thought still, however, of the commercial advantages of the islands;
the protection they would be to the proposed Panama Canal, and the
difficulty we would encounter, should a foreign nation in violation of
the Monroe Doctrine undertake to get possession of them.
But the purchase could not then have been effected on account of the
dominating influence of Germany although, because of the Monroe
Doctrine, she dared not acquire the islands herself. Germany decided
upon a policy of commercial expansion in the Danish West Indies, a
scheme to which the United States could make no objection, although
the country was much alarmed by rumors as to German annexation. In
1902, therefore, President Roosevelt and Secretary John Hay offered
the Danish government $5,000,000 for the islands.[395] It was accepted
and the required treaty was drawn up and sent to the United States
Senate, where it was held up too long. German influence being at work
in Denmark, however, it was rejected there also. Prominent among those
opposing the transfer were persons claiming to be friends of the
islands and promising to see to it that several millions be spent for
their improvement. This was accordingly done, bringing some prosperity
to the islands. The present war, however, brought this to an end. For
fear then on this side that the complications of this war might result
in the transfer of the islands to some other power and for fear in
Denmark that she might have to alienate them without receiving just
compensation the two countries reached an agreement that they should
be transferred to this country for $25,000,000.
We have thereby come into possession of three islands inhabited by
about 27,000 inhabitants, ninety per cent. of whom are Negroes. They
have come under all European influences which have reached the West
Indies, as some of them have lived in other islands. It may seem
strange too that although England held the islands only a few years
their language is not Danish but English.[396] Danish was confined
largely to the officials formerly sent out from Denmark and even these
quickly learned English. This was doubtless due to the influence of
England and the United States, with which these islands have had close
commercial relations and to the fact that Denmark never forced the
natives to learn the official language. The Lutheran has been the
state church, but many of the people have Roman Catholic, Moravian,
Israelite, Episcopalian, Dutch Reformed and Methodist connections. The
islands have had no system of actual public education and for that
reason the country is in this respect backward. The Danish government
has been content to subventionize schools maintained by other
agencies, especially those of the churches.
These islands, however, despite their handicaps have produced some
useful Negroes. In addition to Bourdeaux, King and McFarlane they can
point to at least one truly great man. This was Edward W. Blyden, a
man whose sterling character and scholarly attainments gained for him
international recognition. Dr. Blyden was born in St. Thomas in 1832,
of purest Negro parentage. He early felt an ardent love for Africa,
the fatherland, and came to the United States hoping to prepare
himself for work in Africa. Failing in this, he went to Liberia and
was among the first pupils enrolled in the State College. He served
after graduation as professor in the college and was appointed
Secretary of State in 1864. In 1877, Dr. Blyden was made minister
plenipotentiary of the Republic of Liberia at the Court of St. James
and was received by Her Majesty July 30, 1878. He numbered among his
personal friends Lord Brougham, Mr. Gladstone, Dean Stanley, Charles
Dickens, Charles Sumner and many other notables. He was sent on a
diplomatic mission to powerful chiefs in the interior by the Governor
of Sierra Leone, in which mission he was entirely successful. As a
teacher, an author and a statesman Dr. Blyden was a shining example of
what the pure-blooded Negro may accomplish under unhampered
conditions. He died in Sierra Leone in 1912 loved by his countrymen
and respected throughout the civilized world.