It is easy to distort this teaching into a counsel to unbridled

selfishness. And that, of course, is the risk. But shall we not

dare to take the risk? It may be also that in our care to dodge the

pressures, we may lose all the inestimable influences of good that come

along mixed in with the hurtful. But shall we not take the risk? Our

judgments can only grow by exercise; we can only learn by constantly

discriminating. Self-recognition is necessary to know one’s road, but,

knowing the road, the price of the mistakes and perils is worth paying.

The following of that road will be all the discipline one needs.

Discipline does not mean being moulded by outside forces, but sticking

to one’s road against the forces that would deflect or bury the soul.

People speak of finding one’s niche in the world. Society, as we have

seen, is one vast conspiracy for carving one into the kind of a statue

it likes, and then placing it in the most convenient niche it has.

But for us, not the niche but the open road, with the spirit always

traveling, always criticizing, always learning, always escaping the

pressures that threaten its integrity. With its own fresh power it will

keep strong and true to the journey’s end.

XII

FOR RADICALS

The great social movement of yesterday and to-day and to-morrow has

hit us of the younger generation hard. Many of us were early converted

to a belief in the possibilities of a regenerated social order, and to

a passionate desire to do something in aid of that regeneration. The

appeal is not only to our sympathy for the weak and exploited, but also

to our delight in a healthy, free, social life, to an artistic longing

for a society where the treasures of civilization may be open to all,

and to our desire for an environment where we ourselves will be able

to exercise our capacities, and exert the untrammeled influences which

we believe might be ours and our fellows’. All these good things the

social movement seems to demand and seems to offer, and its appeal is

irresistible. Before the age of machinery was developed, or before

the structure of our social system and the relations between classes

and individuals was revealed, the appeal might have been merely

sentimental. But it is no longer so. The aims of the social movement

to-day seem to have all the tremendous power of a practicable ideal.

To the satisfactions which its separate ideals give to all the finer

instincts of men is added the overwhelming conviction that those

satisfactions are most of them realizable here and now by concerted

methods which are already partly in operation and partially successful.

It is this union of the idealistic and the efficient that gives the

movement its hold on the disinterested and serious youth of to-day.

With that conversion has necessarily come the transvaluation of many

of our social values. No longer can we pay the conventional respect

to success or join in the common opinions of men and causes. The

mighty have been pulled down from their seats, and those of low degree

exalted. We feel only contempt for college presidents, editors, and

statesmen who stultify their talents and pervert their logical and

historical knowledge in defending outworn political philosophies and

economic codes. We can no longer wholly believe in the usefulness

or significance of those teachers and writers who show themselves

serenely oblivious to the social problems. We become keen analysts of

the society around us; we put uncomfortable questions to our sleek

and successful elders. We criticize the activities in which they

engage, the hitherto sacred professions and businesses, and learn to

distinguish carefully between actually productive work for society,

work which makes for the material and spiritual well-being of the

people for whom it is done, and parasitic or wasteful work, which

simply extends the friction of competition, or lives on the labor or

profits of others. We distinguish, too, between the instruction and

writing that consists in handing down unexamined and uncriticized moral

and political ideas, and ideas that let in the fresh air and sunlight

to the thick prejudices of men. We come to test the papers we read,

the teachers we learn from, the professional men we come into contact

with, by these new standards. Various and surprising are the new

interweavings we discover, and the contrasts and ironies of the modern

intellectual life. The childlike innocence in which so many seem still

to slumber is almost incredible to those whose vision is so clear. The

mechanical way in which educated men tend to absorb and repeat whole

systems of formulas is a constant surprise to those whose ideas hum

and clash and react against each other. But the minds of so many of

these men of position seem to run in automatic channels, such that,

given one set of opinions, one could predict with accuracy their whole

philosophy of life. Our distrust of their whole spiritual fabric thus

becomes fundamental. We can no longer take most of them seriously. It

is true that they are doing the serious work of the world, while we

do nothing as yet except criticize, and perhaps are doomed to fail

altogether when we try. To be sure, it is exactly their way of doing

that serious work that we object to, but still we are the dreamers,

they the doers; we are the theorists, they the practical achievers. Yet

the precision of our view will not down; we can see in their boasted

activity little but a resolute sitting on the lid, a sort of glorified

routine of keeping the desk clear. And we would rather remain dreamers,

we feel, than do much of their work. Other values we find are changed.

We become hopelessly perverted by democracy. We no longer make the

careful distinctions between the fit and the unfit, the successful and

the unsuccessful, the effective and the ineffective, the presentable

and the unpresentable. We are more interested in the influences that

have produced these seeming differences than in the fact of the

differences themselves. We classify people by new categories. We look

for personality, for sincerity, for social sympathy, for democratic

feeling, for social productiveness, and we interpret success in terms

of these attainments.

The young radical, then, in such a situation and in possession of these

new social values, stands on the verge of his career in a mood of

great perplexity. Two questions he must answer,--“What is to be done?”

and “What must I do?” If he has had an education and is given a real

opportunity for the choice of a vocation, his position is crucial. For

his education, if it has been in one of the advanced universities, will

have only tended to confirm his radicalism and render more vivid the

contrast between the new philosophy which is being crystallized there

out of modern science and philosophy and the new interpretations of

history and ethics, and the obscurantist attitude of so many of our

intellectual guardians. The youth, ambitious and aggressive, desires an

effective and serviceable career, yet every career open to him seems

a compromise with the old order. If he has come to see the law as an

attempt to fit immutable principles of social action on a dynamic

and ever-growing society; if he has come to see the church as an

organization working along the lines of greatest spiritual resistance,

preaching a personal where the world is crying for a social gospel;

if he has come to see higher education as an esoteric institution

of savants, only casually reaching down to touch the mass of people

with their knowledge and ideas; if he has come to see business as

a clever way of distributing unearned wealth, and the levying of a

refined tribute on the property-less workers; if he has come to see

the press as devoted to bolstering up all these institutions in their

inefficiency and inertia;--if he has caught this radical vision of the

social institutions about him, he will find it hard to fit neatly into

any of them and let it set its brand upon him. It would seem to be a

treason not only to society but to his own best self. He would seem to

have become one of the vast conspiracy to keep things as they are. He

has spent his youth, perhaps, in studying things as they are in order

to help in changing them into things as they ought to be, but he is now

confronted with the question how the change can be accomplished, and

how he can help in that accomplishment.

The attempt to answer these questions seems at first to bring him to a

deadlock and to inhibit all his powers. He desires self-development

and self-expression, and the only opportunities offered him seem to be

ways of life and training that will only mock the best social ideals

that he has. This is the dilemma of latter-day youth, and it is a

dilemma which is new and original to our own age. Earnest men and

women have always had before them the task of adjusting themselves

to this world, of “overcoming the world,” but the proper method has

always been found in withdrawing from it altogether, or in passing

through it with as little spot and blemish as possible, not in plunging

into its activity and attempting to subjugate it to one’s ideals. Yet

this is the task that the young radical sets for himself. Subjugation

without compromise! But so many young men and women feel that this is

impossible. Confident of their sincerity, yet distrustful of their

strength, eager yet timorous, they stand on the brink, longing to

serve, but not knowing how, and too likely, through their distrust and

fears, to make a wreck of their whole lives. They feel somehow that

they have no right to seek their own welfare or the training of their

own talents until they have paid that service to society which they

have learned is its due.

It does not do to tell them that one of their best services will be

that training. They demand some more direct way of influencing their

fellows, some short road to radical activity. It would be good for them

to know that they cannot hope to accomplish very much in radiating

their ideals without the skill and personality which gives impetus to

that radiation. Good-will alone has little efficacy. For centuries

well-wishers of men have shown a touching faith in the power of pure

ideals to propagate themselves. The tragic failures of the beginnings

of the social movement itself were largely due to this belief. Great

efforts ended only in sentimentality. But we have no intention now that

the fund of intellectual and spiritual energy liberated by radical

thought in the younger generation shall die away in such ineffective

efforts. To radiate influence, one’s light must shine before men, and

it must glow, moreover, with a steady and resolute flame, or men will

neither see nor believe the good works that are being done.

It would be an easy way out of the dilemma if we could all adopt the

solution of Kropotkin, the Russian radical writer, and engage in

radical journalism. This seems to be the most direct means of bringing

one’s ideals to the people, to be a real fighting on the firing

line. It is well to remember, however, that a weak propagandist is a

hindrance rather than an assistance, and that the social movement needs

the best of talent, and the skill. This is a challenge to genius, but

it is also a reminder that those who fight in other ranks than the

front may do as valiant and worthy service. One of the first lessons

the young radical has to learn is that influence can be indirect as

well as direct, and will be strongest when backed by the most glowing

personality. So that self-cultivation becomes almost a duty, if one

wants to be effective towards the great end. And not only personality

but prestige; for the prestige of the person from whom ideals come is

one of the strongest factors in driving home those ideas to the mind of

the hearer and making them a motive force in his life. Vested interests

do not hesitate to make use of the services of college presidents

and other men of intellectual prestige to give their practices a

philosophic support; neither should radicals disdain, as many seem to

disdain, the use of prestige as a vantage-ground from which to hurl

their dogmas. Even though Kropotkin himself deprecated his useless

learning, his scientific reputation has been a great factor in

spreading his radical ideas.

It is the fashion among some radicals to despise the applause of the

conventional, unthinking mass, and scorn any success which has that

appreciation as an ingredient. But this is not the way to influence

that same crass, unthinking mass or convert it to one’s doctrines. It

is to alienate at the beginning the heathen to whom the gospel is being

brought. And even the radical has the right to be wise as a serpent

and harmless as a dove. He must see merely that his distinctiveness is

based on real merit and not, as many reputations are, on conformity

to an established code. Scientific research, engineering, medicine,

and any honest craft, are vocations where it is hard to win prestige

without being socially productive; their only disadvantage lies in the

fact that their activity does not give opportunity for the influence

of the kind the radical wishes to exert. Art, literature, and teaching

are perilous; the pressures to conform are deadly, but the triumphs of

individuality splendid. For one’s daily work lies there directly in

the line of impressing other minds. The genius can almost swing the

lash over men’s spirits, and form their ideas for them; he combines

enormous prestige with enormous direct influence. Law, the ministry,

and business seem to be peculiarly deadly; it is hard to see how

eminence can be attained in those professions except at the cost of

many of one’s social ideals.

The radical can thus choose his career with full knowledge of the

social possibilities. Where he is forced by economic necessity to

engage in distasteful and unsocial work, he may still leave no doubt,

in the small realm he does illuminate, as to his attitude and his

purpose, his enthusiasm and his hope. For all his powers and talents

can be found to contribute something; fusing together they form his

personality and create his prestige, and it is these that give the

real impetus and the vital impulse that drive one’s beliefs and ideals

into the hearts of other men. If he speaks, he will be listened to,

for it is faith and not doubt that men strain their ears to hear. It

is the believing word that they are eager to hear. Let the social

faith be in a youth, and it will leak out in every activity of his

life, it will permeate his words and color his deeds. The belief and

the vision are the essentials; these given, there is little need for

him to worry how he may count in society. He will count in spite of

himself. He may never know just how he is counting, he may never hear

the reverberations of his own personality in others, but reverberate it

will, and the timbre and resonance will be in proportion to the quality

and power of that vision.

The first concrete duty of every youth to whom social idealism is more

than a phrase is to see that he is giving back to society as much

as or more than he receives, and, moreover, that he is a nourisher

of the common life and not a drain upon its resources. This was

Tolstoy’s problem, and his solution to the question--“What is to be

done?”--was--“Get off the other fellow’s back!” His duty, he found,

was to arrange his life so that the satisfaction of his needs did not

involve the servitude or the servility of any of his fellow men; to do

away with personal servants, and with the articles of useless luxury

whose production meant the labor of thousands who might otherwise have

been engaged in some productive and life-bringing work; to make his own

living either directly from the soil, or by the coöperative exchange of

services, in professional, intellectual, artistic, or handicraft labor.

Splendidly sound as this solution is, both ethically and economically,

the tragic fact remains that so inextricably are we woven into the

social web that we cannot live except in some degree at the expense of

somebody else, and that somebody is too often a man, woman, or even

little child who gives grudgingly, painfully, a stint of labor that we

may enjoy. We do not see the labor and the pain, and with easy hearts

and quiet consciences we enjoy what we can of the good things of life;

or, if we see the truth, as Tolstoy saw it, we still fancy, like him,

that we have it in our power to escape the curse by simple living and

our own labor. But the very food we eat, the clothes we wear, the

simplest necessities of life with which we provide ourselves, have

their roots somewhere, somehow, in exploitation and injustice. It is a

cardinal necessity of the social system under which we live that this

should be so, where the bulk of the work of the world is done, not for

human use and happiness, but primarily and directly for the profits of

masters and owners. We are all tainted with the original sin; we cannot

escape our guilt. And we can be saved out of it only by the skill and

enthusiasm which we show in our efforts to change things. We cannot

help the poisonous soil from which our sustenance springs, but we can

be laboring mightily at agitating that soil, ploughing it, turning it,

and sweetening it, against the day when new seed will be planted and a

fairer fruitage be produced.

The solution of these dilemmas of radical youth will, therefore, not

come from a renunciation of the personality or a refusal to participate

actively in life. Granted the indignation at our world as it is,

and the vision of the world as it might and ought to be, both the

heightening of all the powers of the personality and a firm grappling

with some definite work-activity of life are necessary to make that

indignation powerful and purging, and to transmute that vision into

actual satisfaction for our own souls and those of our fellows. It is

a fallacy of radical youth to demand all or nothing, and to view every

partial activity as compromise. Either engage in something that will

bring revolution and transformation all at one blow, or do nothing,

it seems to say. But compromise is really only a desperate attempt

to reconcile the irreconcilable. It is not compromise to study to

understand the world in which one lives, to seek expression for one’s

inner life, to work to harmonize it and make it an integer, nor is it

compromise to work in some small sphere for the harmonization of social

life and the relations between men who work together, a harmonization

that will bring democracy into every sphere of life, industrial and

social.

Radical youth is apt to long for some supreme sacrifice and feels that

a lesser surrender is worth nothing. But better than sacrifice is

efficiency! It is absurd to stand perplexedly waiting for the great

occasion, unwilling to make the little efforts and test the little

occasions, and unwilling to work at developing the power that would

make those occasions great. Of all the roads of activity that lie

before the youth at the threshold of life, one paramount road must be

taken. This fear that one sees so often in young people, that, if they

choose one of their talents or interests or opportunities of influence

and make themselves in it “competent ones of their generation,” they

must slaughter all the others, is irrational. It is true that the stern

present demands singleness of purpose and attention. A worthy success

is impossible to-day if the labor is divided among many interests. In

a more leisurely time, the soul could encompass many fields, and even

to-day the genius may conquer and hold at once many spiritual kingdoms.

But this is simply a stern challenge to us all to make ourselves

geniuses. For serious and sincere as the desire of radical youth may

be to lead the many-sided life, a life without a permanent core of

active and productive interest, of efficient work in the world, leads

to dilettantism and triviality. Such efficient work, instead of killing

the other interests of life, rather fertilizes them and makes them in

turn enrich the central activity. Instead of feeding on their time, it

actually creates time for the play of the other interests, which is all

the sweeter for its preciousness.

Always trying to make sure that the work, apart from the inevitable

taint of exploitation which is involved in modern work, is socially

productive, that it actually in some way contributes to the material

or spiritual welfare of the people for whom it is done, and does not

simply reiterate old formulas, does not simply extend the friction

of competition or consist simply in living on the labor and profits

of others. Such work cannot be found by rule. The situation is a

real dilemma for the idealistic youth of to-day, and its solution is

to be worked out in the years to come. It is these crucial dilemmas

that make this age so difficult to live in, that make life so hard to

harmonize and integrate. The shock of the crassnesses and crudities of

the modern social world thrown against the conventionally satisfying

picture which that world has formed of itself makes any young life of

purpose and sincerity a real peril and adventure. There are all sorts

of spiritual disasters lying in wait for the youth who embarks on the

perilous ocean of radicalism. The disapproval of those around him is

likely to be the least of his dangers. It should rather fortify his

soul than discourage him. Far more dangerous is it that he lose his way

on the uncharted seas before him, or follow false guides to shipwreck.

But the solution is not to stay at home, fearful and depressed. It is

rather to cultivate deliberately the widest knowledge, the broadest

sympathy, the keenest insight, the most superb skill, and then set

sail, exulting in one’s resources, and crowding on every inch of sail.

Youth and Life · 第 13 / 16 段