CHAPTER THE TWENTH-FOURTH.

All is prepared--the chambers of the mine

Are cramm'd with the combustible, which, harmless

While yet unkindled, as the sable sand,

Needs but a spark to change its nature so,

That he who wakes it from its slumbrous mood,

Dreads scarce the explosion less than he who knows

That 'tis his towers which meet its fury.

ANONYMOUS.

When the sky is darkened suddenly, and the atmosphere grows thick and

stifling, the lower ranks of creation entertain the ominous sense of a

coming tempest. The birds fly to the thickets, the wild creatures

retreat to the closest covers which their instinct gives them the habit

of frequenting, and domestic animals show their apprehension of the

approaching thunderstorm by singular actions and movements inferring

fear and disturbance.

It seems that human nature, when its original habits are cultivated and

attended to, possesses, on similar occasions, something of that

prescient foreboding, which announces the approaching tempest to the

inferior ranks of creation. The cultivation of our intellectual powers

goes perhaps too far, when it teaches us entirely to suppress and

disregard those natural feelings, which were originally designed as

sentinels by which nature warned us of impending danger.

Something of the kind, however, still remains, and that species of

feeling which announces to us sorrowful or alarming tidings, may be

said, like the prophecies of the weird sisters, to come over us like a

sudden cloud.

During the fatal day which was to precede the combat of the Caesar with

the Count of Paris, there were current through the city of

Constantinople the most contradictory, and at the same time the most

terrific reports. Privy conspiracy, it was alleged, was on the very eve

of breaking out; open war, it was reported by others, was about to

shake her banners over the devoted city; the precise cause was not

agreed upon, any more than the nature of the enemy. Some said that the

barbarians from the borders of Thracia, the Hungarians, as they were

termed, and the Comani, were on their march from the frontiers to

surprise the city; another report stated that the Turks, who, during

this period, were established in Asia, had resolved to prevent the

threatened attack of the crusaders upon Palestine, by surprising not

only the Western Pilgrims, but the Christians of the East, by one of

their innumerable invasions, executed with their characteristic

rapidity.

Another report, approaching more near to the truth, declared that the

crusaders themselves, having discovered their various causes of

complaint against Alexius Comnenus, had resolved to march back their

united forces to the capital, with a view of dethroning or chastising

him; and the citizens were dreadfully alarmed for the consequences of

the resentment of men so fierce in their habits and so strange in their

manners. In short, although they did not all agree on the precise cause

of danger, it was yet generally allowed that something of a dreadful

kind was impending, which appeared to be in a certain degree confirmed

by the motions that were taking place among the troops. The Varangians,

as well as the Immortals, were gradually assembled, and placed in

occupation of the strongest parts of the city, until at length the

fleet of galleys, row-boats, and transports, occupied by Tancred and

his party, were observed to put themselves in motion from Scutari, and

attempt to gain such a height in the narrow sea, as upon the turn of

the tide should transport them to the port of the capital.

Alexius Comnenus was himself struck at this unexpected movement on the

part of the crusaders. Yet, after some conversation with Hereward, on

whom he had determined to repose his confidence, and had now gone too

far to retreat, he became reassured, the more especially by the limited

size of the detachment which seemed to meditate so bold a measure as an

attack upon his capital. To those around him he said with carelessness,

that it was hardly to be supposed that a trumpet could blow to the

charge, within hearing of the crusaders' camp, without some out of so

many knights coming forth to see the cause and the issue of the

conflict.

The conspirators also had their secret fears when the little armament

of Tancred had been seen on the straits. Agelastes mounted a mule, and

went to the shore of the sea, at the place now called Galata. He met

Bertha's old ferryman, whom Godfrey had set at liberty, partly in

contempt, and partly that the report he was likely to make, might serve

to amuse the conspirators in the city. Closely examined by Agelastes,

he confessed that the present detachment, so far as he understood, was

despatched at the instance of Bohemond, and was under the command of

his kinsman Tancred, whose well-known banner was floating from the

headmost vessel. This gave courage to Agelastes, who, in the course of

his intrigues, had opened a private communication with the wily and

ever mercenary Prince of Antioch. The object of the philosopher had

been to obtain from Bohemond a body of his followers to co-operate in

the intended conspiracy, and fortify the party of insurgents. It is

true, that Bohemond had returned no answer, but the account now given

by the ferryman, and the sight of Tancred the kinsman of Bohemond's

banner displayed on the straits, satisfied the philosopher that his

offers, his presents, and his promises, had gained to his side the

avaricious Italian, and that this band had been selected by Bohemond,

and were coming to act in his favour.

As Agelastes turned to go off, he almost jostled a person, as much

muffled up, and apparently as unwilling to be known, as the philosopher

himself. Alexius Comnenus, however--for it was the Emperor

himself--knew Agelastes, though rather from his stature and gestures,

than his countenance; and could not forbear whispering in his ear, as

he passed, the well-known lines, to which the pretended sage's various

acquisitions gave some degree of point:--

"Grammaticus, rhetor, geometres, pictor, aliptes,

Augur, schoenobates, medicus, magus; omnia novit.

Graeculus esuriens in caelum, jusseris, ibit." [Footnote: The

lines of Juvenal imitated by Johnson in his _London_--

"All sciences a fasting Monsieur knows,

And bid him go to hell--to hell he goes."]

Agelastes first started at the unexpected sound of the Emperor's voice,

yet immediately recovered presence of mind, the want of which had made

him suspect himself betrayed; and without taking notice of the rank of

the person to whom he spoke, he answered by a quotation which should

return the alarm he had received. The speech that suggested itself was

said to be that which the Phantom of Cleonice dinned into the ears of

the tyrant who murdered her:--

"Tu cole justitiam; toque atque alios manet ultor." [Footnote: "Do

thou cultivate justice: for thee and for others there remains an

avenger."--_Ovid. Met._]

The sentence, and the recollections which accompanied it, thrilled

through the heart of the Emperor, who walked on, however, without any

notice or reply.

"The vile conspirator," he said, "had his associates around him,

otherwise he had not hazarded that threat. Or it may have been

worse--Agelastes himself, on the very brink of this world, may have

obtained that singular glance into futurity proper to that situation,

and perhaps speaks less from his own reflection than from a strange

spirit of prescience, which dictates his words. Have I then in earnest

sinned so far in my imperial duty, as to make it just to apply to me

the warning used by the injured Cleonice to her ravisher and murderer?

Methinks I have not. Methinks that at less expense than that of a just

severity, I could ill have kept my seat in the high place where Heaven

has been pleased to seat me, and where, as a ruler, I am bound to

maintain my station. Methinks the sum of those who have experienced my

clemency may be well numbered with that of such as have sustained the

deserved punishments of their guilt--But has that vengeance, however

deserved in itself, been always taken in a legal or justifiable manner?

My conscience, I doubt, will hardly answer so home a question; and

where is the man, had he the virtues of Antoninus himself, that can

hold so high and responsible a place, yet sustain such an interrogation

as is implied in that sort of warning which I have received from this

traitor? _Tu cole justitiam_--we all need to use justice to

others--_Teque atque alios manet ultor_--we are all amenable to an

avenging being--I will see the Patriarch--instantly will I see him; and

by confessing my transgressions to the Church, I will, by her plenary

indulgence, acquire the right of spending the last day of my reign in a

consciousness of innocence, or at least of pardon--a state of mind

rarely the lot of those whose lines have fallen in lofty places."

So saying, he passed to the palace of Zosimus the Patriarch, to whom he

could unbosom himself with more safety, because he had long considered

Agelastes as a private enemy to the Church, and a man attached to the

ancient doctrines of heathenism. In the councils of the state they were

also opposed to each other, nor did the Emperor doubt, that in

communicating the secret of the conspiracy to the Patriarch, he was

sure to attain a loyal and firm supporter in the defence which he

proposed to himself. He therefore gave a signal by a low whistle, and a

confidential officer, well mounted, approached him, who attended him in

his ride, though unostentatiously, and at some distance.

In this manner, therefore, Alexius Comnenus proceeded to the palace of

the Patriarch, with as much speed as was consistent with his purpose of

avoiding to attract any particular notice as he passed through the

street. During the whole ride, the warning of Agelastes repeatedly

occurred to him, and his conscience reminded him of too many actions of

his reign which could only be justified by necessity, emphatically said

to be the tyrant's plea, and which were of themselves deserving the

dire vengeance so long delayed.

When he came in sight of the splendid towers which adorned the front of

the patriarchal palace, he turned aside from the lofty gates, repaired

to a narrow court, and again giving his mule to his attendant, he stopt

before a postern, whose low arch and humble architrave seemed to

exclude the possibility of its leading to any place of importance. On

knocking, however, a priest of an inferior order opened the door, who,

with a deep reverence, received the Emperor so soon as he had made

himself known, and conducted him into the interior of the palace.

Demanding a secret interview with the Patriarch, Alexius was then

ushered into his private library, where he was received by the aged

priest with the deepest respect, which the nature of his communication

soon changed into horror and astonishment.

Although Alexius was supposed by many of his own court, and

particularly by some members of his own family, to be little better

than a hypocrite in his religious professions, yet such severe

observers were unjust in branding him with a name so odious. He was

indeed aware of the great support which he received from the good

opinion of the clergy, and to them he was willing to make sacrifices

for the advantage of the Church, or of individual prelates who

manifested fidelity to the crown; but though, on the one hand, such

sacrifices were rarely made by Alexius, without a view to temporal

policy, yet, on the other, he regarded them as recommended by his

devotional feelings, and took credit to himself for various grants and

actions, as dictated by sincere piety, which, in another aspect, were

the fruits of temporal policy. His mode of looking on these measures

was that of a person with oblique vision, who sees an object in a

different manner, according to the point from which he chances to

contemplate it.

The Emperor placed his own errors of government before the Patriarch in

his confession, giving due weight to every branch of morality as it

occurred, and stripping from them the lineaments and palliative

circumstances which had in his own imagination lessened their guilt.

The Patriarch heard, to his astonishment, the real thread of many a

court intrigue, which had borne a very different appearance, till the

Emperor's narrative either justified his conduct upon the occasion, or

left it totally unjustifiable. Upon the whole, the balance was

certainly more in favour of Alexius than the Patriarch had supposed

likely in that more distant view he had taken of the intrigues of the

court, when, as usual, the ministers and the courtiers endeavoured to

make up for the applause which they had given in council in the most

blameable actions of the absolute monarch, by elsewhere imputing to his

motives greater guilt than really belonged to them. Many men who had

fallen sacrifices, it was supposed to the personal spleen or jealousy

of the Emperor, appeared to have been in fact removed from life, or

from liberty, because their enjoying either was inconsistent with the

quiet of the state and the safety of the monarch.

Zosimus also learned, what he perhaps already suspected, that amidst

the profound silence of despotism which seemed to pervade the Grecian

empire, it heaved frequently with convulsive throes, which ever and

anon made obvious the existence of a volcano under the surface. Thus,

while smaller delinquencies, or avowed discontent with the Imperial

government, seldom occurred, and were severely punished when they did,

the deepest and most mortal conspiracies against the life and the

authority of the Emperor were cherished by those nearest to his person;

and he was often himself aware of them, though it was not until they

approached an explosion that he dared act upon his knowledge, and

punish the conspirators.

The whole treason of the Caesar, with his associates, Agelastes and

Achilles Tatius, was heard by the Patriarch with wonder and

astonishment, and he was particularly surprised at the dexterity with

which the Emperor, knowing the existence of so dangerous a conspiracy

at home, had been able to parry the danger from the crusaders occurring

at the same moment.

"In that respect," said the Emperor, to whom indeed the churchman

hinted his surprise, "I have been singularly unfortunate. Had I been

secure of the forces of my own empire, I might have taken one out of

two manly and open courses with these frantic warriors of the west--I

might, my reverend father, have devoted the sums paid to Bohemond and

other of the more selfish among the crusaders, to the honest and open

support of the army of western Christians, and safely transported them

to Palestine, without exposing them to the great loss which they are

likely to sustain by the opposition of the Infidels; their success

would have been in fact my own, and a Latin kingdom in Palestine,

defended by its steel-clad warriors, would have been a safe and

unexpugnable barrier of the empire against the Saracens, Or, if it was

thought more expedient for the protection of the empire and the holy

Church, over which you are ruler, we might at once, and by open force,

have defended the frontiers of our states, against a host commanded by

so many different and discording chiefs, and advancing upon us with

such equivocal intentions. If the first swarm of these locusts, under

him whom they called Walter the Penniless, was thinned by the

Hungarians, and totally destroyed by the Turks, as the pyramids of

bones on the frontiers of the country still keep in memory, surely the

united forces of the Grecian empire would have had little difficulty in

scattering this second flight, though commanded by these Godfreys,

Bohemonds, and Tancreds."

The Patriarch was silent, for though he disliked, or rather detested

the crusaders, as members of the Latin Church, he yet thought it highly

doubtful that in feats of battle they could have been met and overcome

by the Grecian forces.

"At any rate," said Alexius, rightly interpreting his silence, "if

vanquished, I had fallen under my shield as a Greek emperor should, nor

had I been forced into these mean measures of attacking men by stealth,

and with forces disguised as infidels; while the lives of the faithful

soldiers of the empire, who have fallen in obscure skirmishes, had

better, both for them and me, been lost bravely in their ranks,

avowedly fighting for their native emperor and their native country.

Now, and as the matter stands, I shall be handed down to posterity as a

wily tyrant, who engaged his subjects in fatal feuds for the safety of

his own obscure life. Patriarch! these crimes rest not with me, but

with the rebels whose intrigues compelled me into such courses--What,

reverend father, will be my fate hereafter?--and in what light shall I

descend to posterity, the author of so many disasters?"

"For futurity," said the Patriarch, "your grace hath referred yourself

to the holy Church, which hath power to bind and loose; your means of

propitiating her are ample, and I have already indicated such as she

may reasonably expect, in consequence of your repentance and

forgiveness."

"They shall be granted," replied the Emperor, "in their fullest extent;

nor will I injure you in doubting their effect in the next world. In

this present state of existence, however, the favourable opinion of the

Church may do much for me during this important crisis. If we

understand each other, good Zosimus, her doctors and bishops are to

thunder in my behalf, nor is my benefit from her pardon, to be deferred

till the funeral monument closes upon me?"

"Certainly not," said Zosimus; "the conditions which I have already

stipulated being strictly attended to."

"And my memory in history," said Alexius, "in what manner is that to be

preserved?"

"For that," answered the Patriarch, "your Imperial Majesty must trust

to the filial piety and literary talents of your accomplished daughter,

Anna Comnena."

The Emperor shook his head. "This unhappy Caesar," he said, "is like to

make a quarrel between us; for I shall scarce pardon so ungrateful a

rebel as he is, because my daughter clings to him with a woman's

fondness. Besides, good Zosimus, it is not, I believe, the page of a

historian such as my daughter that is most likely to be received

without challenge by posterity. Some Procopius, some philosophical

slave, starving in a garret, aspires to write the life of an Emperor

whom he durst not approach; and although the principal merit of his

production be, that it contains particulars upon the subject which no

man durst have promulgated while the prince was living, yet no man

hesitates to admit such as true when he has passed from the scene."

"On that subject," said Zosimus, "I can neither afford your Imperial

Majesty relief or protection. If, however, your memory is unjustly

slandered upon earth, it will be a matter of indifference to your

Highness, who will be then, I trust, enjoying a state of beatitude

which idle slander cannot assail. The only way, indeed, to avoid it

while on this side of time, would be to write your Majesty's own

memoirs while you are yet in the body; so convinced am I that it is in

your power to assign legitimate excuses for those actions of your life,

which, without your doing so, would seem most worthy of censure."

"Change we the subject," said the Emperor; "and since the danger is

imminent, let us take care for the present, and leave future ages to

judge for themselves.--What circumstance is it, reverend father, in

your opinion, which encourages these conspirators to make so audacious

an appeal to the populace and the Grecian soldiers?"

"Certainly," answered the Patriarch, "the most irritating incident of

your highness's reign was the fate of Ursel, who, submitting, it is

said, upon capitulation, for life, limb, and liberty, was starved to

death by your orders, in the dungeons of the Blacquernal, and whose

courage, liberality, and other popular virtues, are still fondly

remembered by the citizens of this metropolis, and by the soldiers of

the guard, called Immortal."

"And this," said the Emperor, fixing his eye upon his confessor, "your

reverence esteems actually the most dangerous point of the popular

tumult?"

"I cannot doubt," said the Patriarch, "that his very name, boldly

pronounced, and artfully repeated, will be the watchword, as has been

plotted, of a horrible tumult."

"I thank Heaven!" said the Emperor; "on that particular I will be on my

guard. Good-night to your reverence! and, believe me, that all in this

scroll, to which I have set my hand, shall be with the utmost fidelity

accomplished. Be not, however, over-impatient in this business;--such a

shower of benefits falling at once upon the Church, would make men

suspicious that the prelates and ministers proceeded rather as acting

upon a bargain between the Emperor and Patriarch, than as paying or

receiving an atonement offered by a sinner in excuse of his crimes.

This would be injurious, father, both to yourself and me."

"All regular delay," said the Patriarch, "shall be interposed at your

highness's pleasure; and we shall trust to you for recollection that

the bargain, if it could be termed one, was of your own seeking, and

that the benefit to the Church was contingent upon the pardon and the

support which she has afforded to your majesty."

"True," said the Emperor--"most true--nor shall I forget it. Once more

adieu, and forget not what I have told thee. This is a night, Zosimus,

in which the Emperor must toil like a slave, if he means not to return

to the humble Alexius Comnenus, and even then there were no

resting-place."

So saying, he took leave of the Patriarch, who was highly gratified

with the advantages he had obtained for the Church, which many of his

predecessors had struggled for in vain. He resolved, therefore, to

support the staggering Alexius.

Waverley Novels — Volume 12 · 第 37 / 89 题