CHAPTER XLV.

RETURN TO BÓRNU.

_Wednesday, Jan. 7._—This was the day when we were to bid farewell to all

projects of penetrating further towards the south or south-east. It was

rather remarkable, that, early in the morning, at the very moment when

the drum was beating, the moon was eclipsed; but our commander-in-chief

was too much enlightened to be frightened at such a phenomenon like the

Athenian general before Syracuse. He requested Mr. Overweg to explain it

to him; but otherwise he was not much concerned about it.

We this time kept a little more towards the east than on our outward

march, approaching closer to the river of Logón. Only a short tract of

clear forest separated the cultivated grounds of Démmo from another

village, where, besides Negro corn, we found tobacco and cotton in

friendly community on the same piece of ground. We had already seen

much cultivation of tobacco in this country, and were impressed with

the opinion, however strange it may seem, that it was an indigenous

plant, and not introduced at a recent period; we had moreover been

informed, that not only the men, but even the women in this country, are

passionately fond of smoking. But as for cotton, we had not yet seen any

in the whole tract of the Músgu country which we had travelled over; and

its appearance here seemed to be a step in advance towards civilization,

caused, probably, by the influence of the neighbouring town of Logón.

After a short interruption, there followed another village, which

was succeeded by forest, and then another swamp, at present dry, and

overgrown with tall rank grass, but difficult to pass on account of

innumerable holes. Shortly afterwards the country on our right assumed

an open and very pleasant appearance, a river with a clear sheet of

water, but apparently without a current, winding through it in tortuous

meanderings, and closely approaching the higher ground along which the

numerous host was pursuing its march. The slope was adorned with wild

fig-trees and acacias, which were overshadowed by two fine deléb-palms.

This open country was succeeded by the well-cultivated and shaded fields

which lay stretched out between the scattered courtyards of another

village; and here we encamped, my companion and I pitching our tents near

a beautiful sort of fig-tree of the species called “báure” by the Háusa,

and “kágo” by the Kanúri, or at least the Mánga.

The whole village was deserted; only a few neglected members of the

poultry tribe were running about, endeavouring to escape from the hands

of their greedy pursuers. It was a very hot day, the hottest we had on

this expedition, the thermometer, at half-past one in the afternoon,

indicating 100° in the cool shade of our fine fig-tree. The encampment

was cheerful and pleasant; but in the evening a frightful alarm arose—the

rumour being spread that the pagans were attacking the “ngáufate,”—the

great drum of the commander-in-chief keeping up a tremendous din, and

all the people hurrying along in every direction. The alarm was so great

that my companion gave up his tent, and retreated with his people to that

of the vizier; and I found myself obliged to allow my two servants to

follow him also. As for myself, I remained where I was, for I felt little

inclination to have my tent once more plundered, as had been the case on

our expedition to Kánem. It soon proved to be nothing but a false alarm.

In these predatory incursions, the rapacious Shúwa suffer the greatest

loss, as it is they who always push on furthest, and run the greatest

risk; but, on the other hand, they also succeed in carrying off secretly

a great deal of spoil to their native villages without its becoming

subject to the general partition. None of them have firelocks, being only

armed with missiles usually consisting of one large spear, or kasákka,

and four small javelins, or bállem; very few of them have shields.

_Thursday, Jan. 8._—The country through which we passed was extremely

fertile and beautiful, the scenery during the first part of our march

preserving in general the same features which it exhibited on the

preceding day. We ourselves kept along the high ground, at the foot of

which a clear open sheet of water was meandering along, while beyond,

towards the east, an unbounded grassy plain stretched out, with a

scanty growth of trees in the background, and only broken towards

the south-east by a low chain of hills. At the distance of a mile we

reached some hamlets where dúm- and deléb-palms were grouped together

in a remarkable manner, starting forth from, and illuminated by, the

sea of flames which was devouring the village, the whole forming a very

picturesque spectacle.

Further on we made a halt on the slope of the rising ground, the various

troops, distinguished by the diversity of colours of their dresses,

grouping themselves around some buildings which were almost consumed by

the flames, while I found leisure to sketch the fertile country before

us. The people themselves were struck with its beauty; and when we

continued our march, I took an opportunity to enter into a conversation

with our friend the vizier, with regard to the policy which they pursued

with these people, and the way in which they desolated these regions; and

I asked him whether they would not act more prudently in allowing the

natives to cultivate their fertile country in tranquillity, only levying

a considerable tribute upon them. But the vizier answered me, that it

was only by the most violent means that they were able to crush these

pagans, who cherished their independence and liberty above everything,

and that this was the reason why he burnt all the granaries, in order to

subdue them by famine; and he added that even of famine they were less

sensible than he could wish, as the water in this region afforded them an

unlimited supply of fish.

Slaves are the only articles which the conquerors want from the subjected

tribes; by carrying into slavery great numbers of them they force them

into subjection, and even the tribute which they levy, after having

subdued them, consists of slaves. All this will be changed as soon as

a regular and legitimate intercourse has been opened along the river

Bénuwé into the heart of these regions, when the natural produce of

the soil will be in constant request—such as cotton, indigo, vegetable

butter, ground-nuts, ivory, rhinoceros’ horns, wax, hides, and many

other articles. The vizier himself, although a strict Moslim, was

too enlightened to lay much stress upon the spreading of Islám; but

nevertheless the idea that these unfortunate creatures fully deserve such

treatment, in their character as pagans (kofár or “kérdi”), blunted his

feelings to their sufferings.

Further on we crossed the water where it was shallower, and, a little

beyond, another meadow-water of greater breadth but not so deep, and then

entered a fine undulating country, while an arm of the water remained on

our left. The whole country was extremely well cultivated, and densely

inhabited, village succeeding village, while large trees, mostly of the

ngábbore and karáge kind, enveloped the whole in the finest vegetation.

Some of the huts were distinguished by a natural ornamental network or

covering, formed by that kind of _Cucurbitacea_ which I have mentioned

before as named “ságade” by the natives, and which is probably identical

with the species called _Melopepo_. The aspect of the country was the

more pleasing, and left the impression of a certain degree of industry,

owing to the tobacco-plants just standing in flower.

Amidst such scenery, we took up our encampment at an early hour in the

morning, a beautifully winding watercourse, which was bordered by a fine

grassy slope about twenty feet high, closely approaching on our right.

The watercourse was about sixty yards broad, but of considerable depth,

at least in this place, and full of clear fresh water, which was gently

gliding along, and disappeared further down in the plain. Here I lay

down for an hour in the cool shade of a large karáge-tree, and allowed

myself to be carried away by the recollections caused by the ever-varying

impressions of such a wandering life, which repays the traveller fully

for all the hardships and privations which he has to endure, and endows

him with renewed energy to encounter fresh dangers.

I have before observed what trouble the hard alluvial soil caused us

in pitching our tents; but here the argillaceous soil was succeeded by

loose sand, which forms the border of the river. The light troops, soon

after our arrival to-day, had dispersed in all directions and brought

a considerable quantity of cattle from the neighbouring villages; the

cattle, however, hereabouts are only of middle size, and the cows yield

little milk, and that of very poor quality.

It seems remarkable that the Músgu, as well as the Marghí, and several

divisions of the kindred Kótoko, call the cattle by a name which closely

approaches that given to it by the Háusa people, while the Bátta call it

by a name which is certainly derived from the Fulfúlde, or the language

of the Fúlbe. Such linguistic relations are not without interest, as they

afford some little insight into the history of the civilization of these

regions. A little variety was given to the monotonous proceedings of our

rather inglorious expedition, by the fact of one of the Shúwa, who was

supposed to have been killed a few days previously, being found under

a tree in the forest, severely wounded, but still alive, after having

undergone great hardships and privations.

_Friday, Jan. 9._—The whole district in which we had been roving about

since the 30th December belongs to Wúliya, which is decidedly one of the

most fertile and best-irrigated regions in the world.

A desolate border-district, consisting at times of green swampy ground

uprooted by the footprints of the elephant, and on this account affording

a very difficult passage for cavalry, at others of dense forest, the one

following the other in rapid succession, separated Wúliya from another

principality, of the name of Bárea, and inhabited by a tribe of the

Músgu of the name of Ábare. It was characteristic of the little peaceful

intercourse which exists among these various petty tribes, that the Ábare

did not seem to have had the slightest information of the approach of the

expedition, till we suddenly came upon them through the dense forest,

so that they had scarcely time to escape with their families from the

village, and endeavour to hide themselves in the dense covert of the

forest towards the east. They were pursued and overpowered, after a short

resistance, by the continually increasing numbers of the enemy; and the

booty of that day, chiefly in cattle, was rather considerable. Slaves

were also brought in in considerable numbers, principally young boys and

girls. The distance of the field of battle spared us the sight of the

slaughter of the full-grown men.

We chose our camping-ground on the stubble-fields between the straggling

groups of the village, which were beautifully adorned by some fine

specimens of the deléb-palm; and I took the opportunity of making a

sketch of this scene of natural fertility, and wanton destruction of

human happiness. The huts in general were of the same construction and

arrangement as those described above; but in one of them I found a kind

of three-pointed harpoon or spear very similar to a hay-fork, with this

difference, that the middle point was rather longer. The handle also

was rather long, measuring about eight feet. It probably was used for

catching fish, rather than as a weapon, otherwise it would scarcely have

been left behind; but it may easily have served both purposes.

[Illustration]

Thus by very short marches we again approached Bórnu, keeping mostly at a

short distance eastward from our former route, and encamped the following

day in the midst of another straggling village, the fields of which were

especially shaded by fine bíto-trees (_Balanites Ægyptiaca_), the soil

being as hard as iron. I had scarcely pitched my tent when Hámed, the

son of Íbrahím Wádáy, one of the courtiers with whom I was on friendly

terms, sent to me, begging I would pay him a visit; and, upon complying

with his wish, he introduced into my presence a female slave who had

been taken the day before, telling me that I might make a drawing of

her; for he knew that I was making strict inquiries after the origin and

customs of these tribes, and that I was making occasional sketches. This

female slave was certainly worthy of a sketch, as she was one of the most

stately women I saw here. But I entertained some suspicion that she was

not of Músgu origin, but belonged to the Marghí; for in the whole of the

Músgu country I had not observed a single individual of red colour, but

all were of the same dirty black, approaching to what the French call

_café-au-lait_, while this woman was of a red complexion. She certainly

wore in her under lip the large bone, the national emblem of the Músgu

females; but this custom she might have adopted. As for herself, she

would neither give me any information with respect to her origin, nor sit

still in order to allow me to finish my sketch. She was tall and well

grown, with the exception of the legs, which were rather crooked; and

being still a young woman, her breasts had not attained that bag-like

shape which is so disgusting in the elder females of this country. Her

features were only a little disfigured by the bone in the under lip.

Her neck was richly ornamented with strings of beads; but these were as

little peculiar to her as the cotton cloth round her loins, having been

given her by the new master into whose hands she had fallen. The national

dress of the Músgu females consists of nothing but a narrow bandage,

formed of bast, twisted like a rope, which is fastened between the legs

and round the waist like a T bandage.

A circumstance happened here which caused a great sensation, particularly

among the courtiers. The last messengers who had been sent from Kúkawa

with despatches for the commander-in-chief, as I have observed, had been

destroyed by the pagans; and it was on this day, and in this place,

that, while all the cottages were being pillaged and ransacked, three of

the letters of which those messengers had been the bearers, were found

in the pocket of a shirt which had been hid in a clay jar. This was

evidently the shirt of the messenger himself; and the blood with which it

had been stained had been washed out without taking the letters out of

the pocket. Devoid as the expedition was of feats of valour and interest,

the greatest importance was attached to this little incident.

_Sunday, Jan. 11._—When we left this place our friends just barely

escaped punishment for their barbarous proceeding of burning the

villages, in which we had encamped, as soon as we left them; for the

conflagration spread before we had gained the open country, and a most

horrible crushing took place among the burning huts. Had there been any

wind, great part of the army might have been severely scorched. The

country which we passed to-day was intersected by numerous watercourses;

and we had to cross and recross them several times. Here we passed a

place where the poor natives, in the consciousness of their weakness,

seemed to have been aroused to new and unwonted energy for building a

large fortification, but had been obliged to leave it half finished. Our

march was extremely short, and scarcely extended to three miles, when we

encamped in a village which seemed to have been ransacked at a former

period. It lay straggling over a wide extent of ground, in separate

groups of cottages, which were surrounded by stubble-fields shaded by

karáge-trees of a richness and exuberance which I had not seen before,

and surpassing even those fine trees of the same species which I have

described near the village Kadé.

Of course every one was desirous of having his tent pitched in the

shade of one of these beautiful trees, when suddenly the intruders were

attacked by swarms of large bees, which, settling behind their ears,

tormented them to the utmost, as if they wanted to take revenge for

the mischief that had been done to their masters, and to defend their

favourite resting-places, against these cruel intruders. It is well known

that swarms of bees had almost caused the destruction of Mungo Park’s, as

well as Major Gray’s expedition; but here a whole army was running away

from these little creatures. Even those who had encamped at a greater

distance were only able to protect themselves by the large volumes of

smoke which issued from the fires they had lighted. Before this, we had

not observed the rearing of bees in this country; but here the larger

trees were full of beehives, made of large-sized blocks. Even flocks of

turtle-doves were not wanting in this fertile region so rich in water and

vegetation.

In this pleasant spot we remained encamped the following day, while part

of the army was sent out in a southerly direction towards our former

encampment, Kákala, which was only at a few miles’ distance, in order to

try their fortune thereabouts; but the pagans being upon their guard,

they returned empty-handed in the evening. Our food to-day was varied, to

our great satisfaction, by an excellent fish of considerable size, which

we obtained from the neighbouring pond. Fish seems to be plentiful in

this quarter; but whether the number of small ridges and channels which

we observed on our march the following day were intended for catching

fish, which might enter them at the highest level of the inundation,

or for preparing the fields for cultivation, I am not quite sure; but

the former seemed to be the case, there being no signs whatever of the

fields being brought under labour. Dense forest and open pasture-ground

alternated, the forest, consisting of middle-sized acacias, interrupted

now and then by the kálgo-tree, with its ash-coloured leaves and its dark

red pods, or by the kókia.

The country, however, became exceedingly interesting and pleasant when we

reached one of the numerous watercourses of these African Netherlands,

an open and clear river about seventy yards broad, which being fringed

on each bank with a border of slender deléb-palms, or kamelútu, in the

clear magnificent morning sky, afforded a most picturesque view. We here

crossed this water, and passed a village on our left, and, keeping along

the fresh turf of the western bank a mile further on, reached a spot

where another branch, running eastward apparently, though no current is

visible, and fringed likewise by palms of the same description, joins

the main channel. The country being without any perceptible inclination,

it is extremely difficult, nay almost impossible, to decide about the

direction of these watercourses, except during the period of their

highest inundation. But the fertile and picturesque landscape beyond this

narrow sheet of water, which stretched along in a regular line like an

artificial canal, did not seem at all to be deserted, natives being seen

in every direction. The commander of the expedition therefore ordered a

short halt, the army presenting their front to the enemy, and preventing

the stragglers from crossing the river, which, owing to their greediness

for spoil, they seemed to have not a little inclination to do. But the

great men of Bórnu at the present day do not like any unusual exertion;

and it was decided to await the arrival of the camels, to encamp at

ease, and to take luncheon. We then turned off a little to the westward,

entered a village, and encamped in the stubble-fields.

Suddenly, just about noon, without my having any previous knowledge of

it, the vizier and his officers mounted on horseback, in order to attack

the pagans on the other side of the water; but these poor people, to whom

had been given full opportunity of estimating the strength of the army,

had thought it prudent to make use of the leisure thus afforded them, not

by the mercy, but by the cowardly disposition of their enemies, to convey

their families and property into a place of safety; for the river of

Logón passed at a distance of only four miles from this place, and in its

present state was capable of affording perfect security to the persecuted

natives, their pursuers having no boats. But although the army did not go

to a great distance, and returned after an absence of three hours, I was

rather sorry for having neglected this opportunity of obtaining a sight

of the river of Logón again at another place, and likewise of visiting

once more that picturesque district, so rich in deléb-palms, which was

evidently one of the finest in the whole country. Mr. Overweg, who had

received previous information of the intention of the vizier, was this

time more fortunate than myself, and afterwards informed me that they

had been obliged to keep first along the smaller river, in order to reach

the ford where we had crossed it in the morning. The great river, which

they reached about three miles beyond, exhibited a single bed, and was

not fordable.

While remaining behind in the empty encampment, I lamented the misery of

accompanying such an expedition; for nothing can be more disheartening to

the feelings of a traveller who is desirous of knowledge, than to visit

these beautiful countries under such circumstances, when the original

inhabitants are either exterminated, or obliged to seek their safety

in flight, when all traces of their cheerful life are destroyed, and

the abodes of human happiness converted into desolation, when no one is

left to acquaint him with all the significant names which the various

characteristic features of the country must necessarily bear, especially

those numberless creeks, swamps, and rivers which intersect this country

in all directions. The stranger who intrudes upon the natives in this

hostile manner is scarcely able to make out a few dry names of the

principal dwelling-places, and, being placed under such disadvantageous

circumstances, is at least justified in speaking more emphatically of

the endless misery into which the finest and most populous regions of

this continent are plunged by these slave-hunting expeditions of their

merciless Mohammedan neighbours. This fertile district, which is enclosed

by the river of Logón on the east, and by the narrow channel-like

watercourse on the west side, seems to be that very dominion of “Fúss,”

the power of which, as I have related before, was greatly dreaded by our

friends.

This was the coolest day we had as yet experienced on our expedition, the

thermometer, in the cool shade of a tree, at half-past one o’clock in the

afternoon, indicating only 84°. This was probably attributable to the

fresh northerly breeze which sprung up about noon; for during the night

it was not so cold as we felt it afterwards, the thermometer during this

time indicating, at sunrise, between 56° and 59°, and at sunset between

74° and 77°.

_Wednesday, Jan. 14._—We made a longer march than usual, while the

character of the country changed entirely, and not, as it seemed, to its

advantage; for instead of a fertile landscape, clothed with rich verdure,

we entered upon bleak alluvial plains scantily overgrown with stunted

mimosas, and to all appearance almost unfit for producing grain. It was

one of those remarkable days in January which, in the whole of Central

Africa, form a distinct season by themselves. A thick fog enveloped the

whole country, and excluded any distant view, and, while subsequently it

helped to increase the dismal character of the country, in the beginning

of our march it prevented us from enjoying once more the rich scenery

of the preceding day; for we had first to return to the bank of that

beautiful clear sheet of water along which our march had led the day

before. Its banks here also were quite flat, but the sheet of water was

wider than at the place where we had seen it before. Proceeding a little

in advance of the army, I obtained a sight of a river-horse just at the

moment when it raised its immense head above the surface of the watery

element.

But as soon as we left this fine clear sheet of water the character of

the country changed entirely, assuming an exceedingly sombre aspect, and

we passed a hamlet more cheerless and miserable than any I had seen in

the whole of this country. Not a single trace of cultivation was seen

on the bleak, black, argillaceous soil; and it was evident that the

inhabitants of this hamlet subsisted solely on the fish which they were

able to catch; and these may be abundant, as the whole configuration

of the ground evidently shows that this entire tract is reached by the

inundation during the rainy season.

The country preserved the same aspect as we proceeded onwards; and the

hamlets which we passed were not of a more inviting appearance than the

first. Only now and then an isolated deléb-palm, or kamelútu, raised its

magnificent tuft into the air, and served, by the contrast it afforded,

to make this spot appear more gloomy. A large piece of ground was

entirely covered with aghúl (_Hedysarus alhajji_) which seemed to me not

a little remarkable, as I did not remember to have seen this plant, which

is so much liked by the camel, since I had left Taganáma.

The country assumed more and more the appearance of a swamp at present

dry; and we were even obliged to change our direction frequently, in

order to avoid spots where the bog had not dried up, while everywhere we

observed the same kind of small ridges which I have mentioned before.

Further on, the ground became a little drier, but presented only a

monotonous waste, with detached bunches of rank grass, overshadowed now

and then by scanty and stunted karáge-trees scarcely fifteen feet high,

while we had been accustomed, in the Músgu country, to see this kind of

tree assume the size of the most magnificent specimens of the vegetable

kingdom, with an elevation of from seventy to eighty feet, and a crown

of not less diameter. As far as the eye could reach, the character of

the country presented the same poor appearance; but, as I have mentioned

before, the sky was not very clear, and the view was therefore rather

limited. The bush of the fan-palm seemed to be quite solitary, without

there being a full-grown specimen to be seen.

At length this swampy ground seemed to have an end; but nothing but poor

stubble-fields, where the crop had failed, took its place, with here and

there a few detached poor-looking huts, the few trees which were visible

exhibiting the same scanty growth that we had observed in the district

through which we had just passed. At last the eye, fatigued by the length

of this gloomy tract, was refreshed by the sight of a field with a fresh

crop of másakuwá, or _Holcus cernuus_, though it was far from being a

rich one. Already here, besides the huts common in this country, others,

of a remarkable and peculiar style, became visible, such as I shall

describe further on, and as only the most excellent clay soil can enable

the natives to build.

Entering for a while a grassy plain, we reached an open water, such as

the Kanúri people call komádugu, about thirty yards broad, but apparently

of considerable depth, being enclosed by banks ten feet high, and winding

through the plain in a fine meandering course. The water, at present,

had no current; and we found a spot where it was totally broken, and were

enabled to cross it with dry feet.

A few hundred yards on the other side of this watercourse were the ruins

of Bága, the residence of the chief Kábishmé (or, as the Kanúri call him,

Kabshimé), which had been ransacked last year by Kashélla ʿAlí Fúgomámi.

Among these ruins the vizier, by the advice of Ádishén, who wanted to

keep the undisciplined host from his own fertile territory, had chosen

the encampment. Thither I directed my steps, while the main body of the

cavalry were scattered about the cornfields, in order to gather the

half-ripe ears of grain for themselves and their half-starved horses; and

he was lucky who arrived first, those who came afterwards either finding

nothing at all, or only green, unwholesome corn.

The whole district where the encampment was chosen was bare and

desolate in the extreme, especially on the eastern side, where it was

only bordered by stunted mimosas a considerable distance off. But the

village itself, and particularly the dwelling of the chief Kábishmé,

was calculated to create a great deal of interest, as well on account

of the finished and careful execution of the buildings as owing to a

certain degree of comfort and homeliness which was evident in the whole

arrangement; and in this respect it was very fortunate that, immediately

after our arrival, before the train came up, I directed my attention

towards these buildings, for afterwards the deserted palace of the

Músgu chief became a harím, or prohibited spot, the vizier finding

its architectural arrangements very useful and convenient for his own

domestic purposes.

[Illustration]

The palace must have afforded a very different spectacle in former times,

when it was inhabited, it being at present in such a state of ruin that

several features in its arrangement could not be distinctly made out,

almost everything that was liable to take fire having been destroyed, and

especially the sheds and inner courtyards, which are so characteristic of

the domestic life of these people. At present it was an empty courtyard

of a tolerably round shape, and of large circumference, surrounded by

huts more or less destroyed, and adorned at the four corners, if we may

speak of corners in a building of almost round shape, by buildings of

a very peculiar and remarkable character, which at once attracted my

attention, as they bore testimony to a degree of order, and even of art,

which I had not expected to find among these tribes.

They were small round rumbú, about eight feet in diameter, and at least

twelve feet high to the apex of the cupola, the clay walls of which

were very neatly polished; the entrance formed a projecting portal

about six feet high, four feet deep, and not more than fourteen inches

wide. The exterior, to the very top of the cupola, was ornamented in

a very peculiar manner by regular lines of projecting ribs running

round the building in the way represented in the woodcut. These very

remarkable rooms, although at present empty, from their analogy with

several buildings described above, and according to the statements

of the people, were nothing but well protected granaries, although

they might have served occasionally in the cold season as bedrooms or

sleeping-rooms. They were exactly the same at each of the four corners;

but the north-east corner of the yard claimed particular attention, owing

to another very remarkable apartment being there joined to the granary,

which, as it is best adapted to give a clear idea of the homely comfort

of these people, however low the scale of their civilization may be, has

been made use of to represent, in the plate opposite, a scene of the

domestic life of these people, besides that its ground-plan is given in

the accompanying woodcut.

[Illustration]

It was a round uncovered apartment of about twenty-four feet in

diameter, inclosed by a clay wall of about seven feet high, and a foot

in thickness, and carefully polished at the corners. The doorway was

about four feet high by about two feet wide; entering through this you

had on your left a bank of clay running parallel with the wall, and

enclosing a space of about two and a half feet in breadth. It was a foot

and a quarter high, and one foot broad, and ran round more than half the

circumference of the room, but, in order to afford easy access to the

narrow space between it and the wall, had an opening in the centre, both

ends of the banks thus formed having a regularly shaped projection. The

space included between the bank and the wall formed a sort of stable, as

was evident from three stakes placed in the ground at equal distances

from each other. Probably it was the place for three head of cattle

or goats. The clay bank, therefore, served two purposes, partly as a

separation of the stable from the inner apartment, and partly as a seat.

The centre of the apartment was formed by a shed about eight feet by six,

and consisting of a roof of reeds and grass, supported by four stakes,

and furnishing an evident proof that the apartment had never been covered

in, but formed an open little courtyard _sub dio_.

On the right of this shed was the cooking-place or kitchen, enclosed by

two very low clay walls, and formed by four projections of clay in the

shape of large round stones, which in a very simple manner formed two

fireplaces, each of which, if detached, would have required three stones.

Between the kitchen, the shed, and one end of the clay bank, and divided

from the former by a separate wall, appeared a broad entrance to the

adjoining building, which we have recognized as a granary; but at present

it was walled up, and formed a recess for some purpose or other. Between

the kitchen and the gateway was another place enclosed between two thin

clay walls, which was most probably destined to contain the water-jar.

The four well-built and well-secluded rooms, which had been intended

originally as granaries, seemed very desirable to the vizier in the cold

weather, as he was able to lodge there, very comfortably, himself and his

female slaves; for the cold in this open spot, which was not protected

either by vegetation or by any rising of the ground, was so severe that

not only the whole black world, but the two whites also, that is to say

Mr. Overweg and myself, natives of the north of Europe, suffered severely

from its intensity. Indeed it was most distressing during the night

to hear the shrieks of the poor naked Músgu slaves, who had been torn

from their warm huts; and it was not till about noon that they seemed

to revive a little. Nevertheless the thermometer at six o’clock in the

morning of the 15th, indicated as much as 51°, which was the greatest

amount of cold we had during this expedition, and at noon it even rose to

87°.

We were obliged to remain in this uncomfortable place several days,

owing to the circumstance that the whole of the spoil was to be divided

here before we left the hostile territory; for an undisciplined host

like this, of course, cannot be controlled except by fear, and if the

people were allowed to regain their own territory with what they had

taken in slaves and cattle, they would go to their own homes without

contributing anything to the common share of the army. This is also

the custom in Wádáy as well as in Dár Fúr, the spoil being divided

before the expedition re-enters the friendly territory. Although on the

present occasion the expedition had not been eminently successful in

the different places, nevertheless the whole booty, besides about ten

thousand head of cattle, amounted to a considerable number of slaves. The

leaders boasted that they had taken not less than ten thousand slaves;

and although I was glad to find that this number was exaggerated, I

convinced myself that they numbered not less than three thousand.

By far the largest proportion of this number consisted of aged women,

who had not been able to join in the hasty flight, and of children

under eight years of age. There were some women so decrepit that they

were scarcely able to walk—mere skeletons, who in their almost total

nakedness, presented a horrible sight. All the full-grown men who had

been taken prisoners, with the exception of a few cowards who had not

made any resistance, had been slaughtered; but their number scarcely

exceeded three hundred, almost the whole full-grown male population of

the country having had time to escape. Of these three thousand slaves,

the commander-in-chief received a third part; but he also claimed for

himself the whole amount of the slave-hunt which was made into the

territory of Ádishén, and which constituted a sort of tribute.

In the afternoon of the 17th, two officers had left the encampment,

under the pretext of gathering fodder from the neighbouring villages,

but in the evening returned with about eight hundred slaves, and a

considerable number of cattle; and we were given to understand that

this foray was executed with the consent of the chief himself,—to such

degrading means did this despicable chief resort in order to preserve

his authority, however precarious it was. Of course he selects as a

sacrifice such of his subjects as are not his zealous followers; but it

is almost incredible how such a government can exist, as his dominion

scarcely extends over a tract of country more than fifteen miles in every

direction. At any rate, his subjects seem to be fully justified in taking

care of themselves; and they had succeeded, in the darkness, in getting

back part of the spoil which had been taken from them.

The vizier himself pretended to behave in a very gracious manner towards

the submissive vassal, returning to him about two hundred of the oldest

and most decrepit women, who, he most probably thought, would succumb to

the fatigues of the march, observing, in a tone of friendly irony, that

they were to cultivate the country, and that when he should return he

would eat of the produce of their labour. On other occasions the vizier

had expressed himself to me to the effect that he wished Ádishén strong

and powerful, in order that, as a faithful vassal, he might oppose the

progress of the Felláta in these regions; for in his heart he was the

most inveterate enemy of that enterprising nation, and certainly he had

ample reason to be so. It was on this occasion I heard that this renegade

Músgu chief had never been rebellious to his Bórnu sovereign (which,

from information I had received previously, I concluded to have been the

case), but that occasionally he was obliged to make reprisals against the

Shúwa, who were making plundering expeditions into his territory. We have

already noticed the peculiar situation of this Músgu chief, separated

from the interests of his countrymen, and opposed to them in a hostile

manner. He has to defend his position against all the people around him,

while his rear is very badly protected by his very friends the Bórnu

people, even the Shúwa Arabs, who are subjected to the former, infesting

his territory. Only with his kinsmen, the people of Logón, he seemed to

be at the time on friendly terms.

_Monday, Jan. 19._—We at length set out on our return to Kúkawa. We

first returned to the ford of shallow water, and then continued through

a fine grassy plain, passing one or two hamlets and a few fields of

native corn. We then encamped, after a march of about ten miles. Already

this day, in the distance towards the west, we had observed some small

elevations; but, proceeding at a slow rate, and making very short days’

marches, we did not reach the district of Wáza, which is distinguished

by its rocky mounts, till the 22nd, when, after a march of about fifteen

miles, we encamped between those two rocky eminences which form the most

characteristic feature of this locality.

It gave us extraordinary pleasure, after having traversed the flat

alluvial plains of Bórnu and Músgu, to find ourselves once more opposite

to some elevation of even a moderate altitude. These eminences assumed a

very picturesque appearance. The valley between the two rocky mountains

where we were encamped was rather bare of trees; but there were some

beautiful wild fig-trees at the north-eastern foot of the western

eminence, where a pond was formed in a deep hollow. To this spot I turned

my steps immediately after our arrival, before the camels had joined

us, and spent here a delightful hour, all the horses belonging to the

army being brought here to be watered, and forming a varied and highly

interesting scene, with the rich verdure of the trees around, and the

steep rocky cliffs above them, while fresh parties were continually

arriving from the camp.

Having made a sketch of this locality, I went to join my companion,

and we decided upon ascending the more elevated of the two eminences;

but having attained to the height of some hundred feet, I felt quite

exhausted, especially as I had a severe cold, and gave it up; but Mr.

Overweg ascended to the top, which rises to about seven hundred feet

above the plain.[83] These rocky mounts abound with a species of black

monkey, while even beasts of prey generally have their haunts here. The

crevices formed by the granite blocks are adorned with small trees and

shrubs. The view from here, over the immense plain towards the south,

girt as it was by a continuous band of middle-sized timber, was very

characteristic, the uniform line being relieved in the foreground by the

other rocky mount. This place belongs already to the territory of Logón,

and consists of several small hamlets inhabited by Shúwa, but governed by

a chief, or “lawán,” who belongs to the tribe of the Fúlbe. It was here

that we received the news that a courier had arrived from Fezzán, but

that he had been plundered, by the Tuarek, of the letters and articles

which he was carrying for us. This, of course, was sad news, although we

did not expect to receive money, or anything of great value, at the time.

_Wednesday, Jan. 22._—After a long delay, caused by the straying of

the vizier’s favourite horse, which he rode every day, and which had

most mysteriously disappeared during the night, from the midst of the

encampment, we left this interesting spot, and after a good ride over a

very rich though insufficiently cultivated tract of country, encamped

at a short distance from a broad shallow water adorned with the finest

trees; it is called Zéngiri. From here we reached Díggera, and took up

our quarters in our old camp, pitching our tents on the very spot where

they had stood two months previously; and from this point onwards, we

stopped each day at the same place where we had encamped on our outward

journey.

_Saturday, Feb. 1._—On our re-entering the capital there was a good

deal of ceremony and etiquette observed, when the whole army, at least

that part which had not yet been disbanded, was formed into one compact

line of battle, in order to receive in a suitable manner the military

salutes which were paid to the commander-in-chief on his successful

return. Distinguished above all those who came to meet us and pay their

compliments to the commander, was Ghét, the chief of the Welád Slímán,

who, a few days previously, had arrived from Kánem, where we left him,

and from whence he had made a successful expedition against the Kúnkuna

in Kárká. Galloping up with the utmost speed, at the head of his little

band of from twenty to thirty horsemen clad in their picturesque attire,

this petty Arab chief exhibited an interesting and animated specimen

of horsemanship, which presented a remarkable contrast to the unwieldy

movements of the clumsy and sluggish figures of the negroes. Returning

to our old quarters in the town, we were treated with a peculiar dainty

of the Kanúri, consisting of the fresh seeds of the grain called masr

(_Zea maïs_), which are roasted in a peculiar way.

Thus ended this expedition, which opened to us a slight glimpse into the

richly watered zone of the equatorial regions, which had been supposed

to form an insurmountable barrier of a high mountain chain, and brought

us into contact with tribes whose character has been represented as

almost approaching to that of wild beasts. We had certainly not entered

those regions under such circumstances as were most desirable to us;

but on the contrary, we had been obliged to associate ourselves with

an army whose only purpose was to spread devastation and misery over

them. Nevertheless, situated as we were, while we could not prevent this

mischief, we were glad that we had been enabled to see so much. We were

without any means, no further supplies having arrived; but I did not

despair, and in order still to be able to try my fortune once more in

another direction before I returned home, besides other articles, I even

sold my large tent, and employed part of the proceeds to line my small

tent, which was fast wearing out, and neither excluded rain nor sun.

FOOTNOTES

[1] “ʿAbd el Kerím,” meaning “Servant of the Merciful,” was the name

which I thought it prudent to adopt.

[2] p, ph, f, in many African languages, are constantly interchanged, the

same as r and dh, r and l.

[3] No distinction has been made between the different sounds of j.

[4] Mr. Overweg, who made a hypsometrical observation by boiling water,

found the elevation of this spot just the same as that of Mount Tekút,

viz. 2,800 feet.

[5] In el Bekri’s time (eleventh century) all these Roman monuments

hereabout were still the objects of adoration.

[6] Unfortunately the minimum and maximum thermometers were so deranged

that Mr. Overweg was unable to repair them. We had no barometer, and the

only aneroid barometer with which we had been provided, and which had

been under the care of my companion, was damaged on our first excursion;

so that nothing was left to us but to find the elevation of places by the

boiling-point of water.

[7] Hatíta told us expressly that if any of the Imghád should trouble us

we should say, “Bábo.” Now “Bábo” is neither Arabic nor Temáshight, but

the Háusa word for “There is none.”

[8] At the moment I am revising this I am happy to state that the

slave-trade is really abolished.

[9] I trust my readers will approve of my using the expression Western

Negroland to denote the countries from Fúta as far as Sókoto; Middle

Sudán, or Central Negroland, from Sókoto to Bagírmi; and Eastern

Negroland, comprising Wadäy, Darfúr Kordofán, and Sennár. However, here,

when I say that Mohammed ben ʿAbd el Kerím introduced Islám into Central

Negroland, I exclude Bórnu, where the Mohammedan religion is much older.

[10] He may have been born in Telemsán; but at least from very early

youth he was settled in Tawát.

[11] This tree has nothing in common with the _Adansonia_, with which it

has been supposed to be identical.

[12] Delélti is not a Háusa word.

[13] “Háwiya” means twenty, and seems originally to have been the highest

sum reached by the indigenous arithmetic.

[14] “Kurdí” (shells) is the irregular plural of “urí” (a single shell).

[15] All sorts of wind instruments, the flute included, are called by

the Háusa people “bushé-bushé,” from which word the Féllani-n-Háusa have

formed “fufefuféji.”

[16] This is the only correct Háusa form for the singular of Féllani.

[17] The Fúlbe generally change the ʿain into ghain, and therefore say

Ghomáro instead of Omáro.

[18] See above, ch. xv.

[19] There is evidently some relation between the Háusa, the Berber, and

the Coptic languages, not in the general vocabularies, but chiefly in

the demonstratives, such as “me,” “hakka,” and the prepositions, such

as “ná,” “dá,” “gá,” “dága,” “garé.” See the excellent analysis of the

Berber language by Newman, in “Zeitschrift für Kunde des Morgenlandes,”

vol. vii. a. 1845, pp. 268, 277, 278; (on the feminine forms “ita,”

“ta,”) pp. 282, 291, 296. Many more specimens, however, may now be added.

[20] It is also a very remarkable fact, that Dáura claims the glory of

having had an apostle of its own, Mohammed ʿAli el Baghdádi; and with

this fact the circumstance, that the holy place which I noticed on my

tour from Tin-téllust to Ágades is called by some “msíd Sídi Baghdádi,”

may probably be connected. Whether Dáura be identical with el Bekri’s

Daur, or Daw, is a question of some importance, since, if it really be

so, it would appear to have been a considerable place at a very early

period; but I prefer not to enter here upon the slippery ground of

comparative geography.

[21] Page 170.

[22] In Timbúktu I was enabled to peruse a long letter from Maghíli

to Is-hák about points of religion. This is the only work of Maghíli,

which I was able to discover in Negroland. There were two Sónghay kings

of the name of Is-hák—the first, who ruled from A.H. 946-956, and the

second, who was the last king of the dynasty, when Gógho or Gógó was

conquered by the Basha Jodár the 17th Jumad eʾ tháni, 999; but there is

no doubt that the first is meant. What I have said about the grandson of

Maghíli’s dispute with Is-hák is the common tradition in Negroland, and,

I think, deserves more confidence than what M. Cherbonneau has made out

in Constantine. See Journal Asiatique, 1855. He says, “Après cet horrible

massacre, el Mʿrili quitta Touat pour s’enfoncer dans le cœur du Soudan.

Il parcourut successivement Tekra (? Tirka), Kachène et Kanou. Dans les

deux premières villes il enseigna publiquement la science du Koran; dans

l’autre il fit un cours de jurisprudence. De là il passa à Karou (ou

Tchiarou, suivant la prononciation locale), et fut invité par el Hadj

Mohammed, qui en était le gouverneur, à rédiger une note sur différentes

questions de droit. Il était depuis peu dans cette ville, lorsqu’on vint

lui apprendre que son fils avait été assassiné par les juifs de Touat. Il

repartit et mourut presque au moment de son arrivée.”

[23] “Hábe,” plural of the singular “Kádo,” is a general term now applied

by the Fúlbe to the conquered race; but in this instance the application

is different. It is not improbable that the conquerors extended the

meaning of this term, which originally applied only to one dynasty, to

the whole conquered nation.

[24] This name, in the corrupted form “Kilinghiwa,” Mr. Cooley has

connected with the Berbers, in his excellent little work on the Negroland

of the Arabs.

[25] It was most probably a king of Kátsena, whom Makrízi entitled King

of Áfunú (Hamaker, Spec. Cat., p. 206), remarking the jealousy with which

he watched his wives, although the name Mastúd which he gives to him,

does not occur in the lists of the kings of Kátsena which have come to

my knowledge, and does not even seem to be a true native name. The power

of the Prince of Kátsena towards the end of the last century (Lucas,

Horneman) seems to have been rather transient being based on the then

weakness of Bórnu.

[26] Laird’s and Oldfield’s Narrative, vol. i., p. 233. As this clear

and rational conviction, which the meritorious man who has laboured so

long for that part of Africa entertained, has been entirely confirmed by

my succeeding discovery, I think it well to give to it all the publicity

which it deserves. The two learned geographers of Africa, Mr. Cooley and

MacQueen, concurred entirely in this opinion.

[27] There is a great variety of this article, of which I shall enumerate

a few kinds:—“farí-n-zénne,” the white undyed one; “zénne déffowa,” of

light-blue colour; “fessagída,” with a broad line of silk; “hammakúku,”

with less silk, sold generally for three thousand kurdí; “mailémú,”

sold for two thousand five hundred; “zelluw-ámi,” a peculiar zénne with

a silk border; “jumáda,” another similar kind; “da-n-katánga,” once

a very favourite article of female dress, and therefore called “the

child of the market” (of the word katánga, I have spoken on a former

occasion), with red and black silk in small quantity, and a little white;

“albáss-n-Kwára,” a very peculiar name, chosen to denote a kind of zénne

of three stripes of mixed colours; “gódo,” white and black and of thick

thread; “alkílla,” white and black chequered “sáki,” silk and cotton

interwoven, and forming small squares black and white; “kéki,” half

túrkedí (that is to say indigo-coloured), half “sáki,” or silk and cotton

interwoven; “kéki serkí bókoy,” four kinds. Besides, there are ten kinds

of zénnwa entirely of silk, but these are made better in Núpe than in

Kanó. One of these, called “biní da gáni” (follow me and look), a name

which is also given to a conspicuous kind of beads, is distinguished by

three colours—yellow, red, and blue. Then there is a zénne made of atlas,

called “massarchí”; another of coloured Manchester; and the simple one of

Manchester, which is called “béfta.”

[28] Among these specimens is also an undyed and a dyed specimen of

the “ríga tsámia,” which seems to deserve a good deal of interest, as

it consists half of home-made silk, obtained from a peculiar kind of

silkworm, which lives on the tamarind-tree. I also sent home from Kúkawa,

at a former period, a piece of native cloth of the Kwána, a tribe of the

Korórofa.

[29] There are many other branches of manufacture in Kanó which are too

minute to be enumerated here. I will only mention the framing of the

little looking-glasses, called lemmʿa, imported from Tripoli, and the

immense variety of bótta or múrta, small leathern boxes. There is also

a kind of small box made with great neatness from the kernel of the

dúm-fruit.

[30] I need only refer to the memorable passage in his Journal, vol.

ii., p. 203: “The best of the slaves now go to Niffee, to be there

shipped for America. They are mostly males, and are minutely examined

before departure.” (This latter circumstance agrees exactly with my own

observations.) “From all reports there is _an immense traffic of slaves

that way exchanged against American goods_, which are driving out of the

markets all the merchandise of the north.” But another passage is not

less clear, p. 228 f.: “Slaves are sent from Zínder to Niffee. Indeed it

now appears that all this part of Africa is put under contribution to

_supply the South American market with slaves_.”

[31] The names of the different kinds of beads, of which I have collected

thirty-five, bear evident testimony to the imaginative powers and lively

character of the Háusáwa.

[32] Originally these came from Nuremberg, but of late they have been

also produced in Leghorn.

[33] I will here only mention, that the profit on the copper for the

Jellába, if they do not go themselves to the hófra, but buy it in

Dar-Fúr, is as follows:—In Fúr they buy the kantár of copper for one

sedáshi (slave), equal to the value of a kantár of ivory, and sell it in

Kúkawa for four thousand rottls, equal to two kantárs of ivory. In Kanó

the price is about the same.

[34] There is no difference made between these two coins, women in

general even preferring Maria Theresa to the columns on the Spanish

dollar, which they fancy to represent cannon.

[35] Other people have stated to me that the kurdí-n-korófi did not

exceed five hundred kurdí.

[36] “Chínna-n-yalá” is an interesting specimen of the corruption of a

language in the border-districts; for while the words are Kanúri, they

are joined according to the grammar of the Háusa language, for in Kanúri

the expression ought to be “chínna yalabe.”

[37] “Búndi,” in Kanúri, means “wild beasts.” The inhabitants still bear

the particular name of Ngúru-bú, plural of Ngúru-ma, from the name of the

place or district Ngurú, generally called Ángarú.

[38] The termination-ma in Kanúri signifies the possession of a thing,

and is equivalent to the mai- in Háusa, placed before a word. Thus

bílla-ma is exactly identical with maí-gari, fír-ma with mai-dóki (the

horseman), and so on. With this termination almost all the names of

offices are formed in Kanúri, as yerí-ma, chiró-ma, kasél-ma, and so on.

Thus also the governor of the province Múniyo or Mínyo bears the title

Muniyó-ma or Minyó-ma, a name entirely misunderstood by Mr. Richardson.

I will only add here that the title of the governor of the Gháladí in

the Bórnu empire, on account of the immense extent of the latter, has

been introduced into the list of offices of all the courts of Central

Negroland, and that we find a ghaladíma in Sókoto as well as in every

little town of Ádamáwa. The same is to be said of some offices originally

belonging only to the court of the empire of Mélle, such as that of

feréng or fárma, mánso, and others.

[39] Here I will give the route from Kanó to Álamáy, near Búndi, by way

of Khadéja, as it determines approximately the position of this town,

which has been also mentioned by Clapperton as a place of importance. But

its peculiar political situation, forced upon it by the events of this

period, when it became the residence of a rebel chief waging war on all

around, prevented my visiting it at a future period.

1st day. On leaving Kanó, sleep in Gógia, where the governor of Kanó has

a house, and where you arrive about two o’clock in the afternoon.

2nd. Gáya, another town of the province of Kanó, where you arrive about

the same hour, having crossed in the forenoon the bed of a torrent with

water only in the rainy season.

3rd. Dúchi or Dútsi; arrive about the ʿaser, having crossed in the

morning a torrent called Dedúrra, and passed about noon a half-deserted

place called Katákatá.

4th. Zogó, a large open place; about ʿaser. Many small villages on the

road.

5th. Khadéja, a large town surrounded with a beautiful and very strong

double clay wall, and well inhabited, the courtyards being enclosed

with clay walls, but containing only reed huts. The inhabitants employ

themselves exclusively in warlike expeditions, and have no industry; but

nevertheless there are still to be seen here a few dyeing-pots, marking

the eastern limit of this branch of industry. On the south side of the

town is a kogí, or komádugu with a stream of running water in the rainy

season, but with only stagnant pools in summer, along which a little

wheat is cultivated. It is generally called Wáni.

6th. Garú-n-ghábbes, a middle-sized walled town, the first place of

Bórnu, on this side, with a good deal of cultivation around. Though

without importance in other respects, it is so in an historical point

of view; for this place being identical with the town Birám tá ghábbes,

mentioned above, is regarded as the oldest place of the seven original

settlements of the Háusa nation.

7th. Álamáy, the place which I passed by this morning; arrive about

ʿaser. Country in a wild state; no cultivation.

[40] Ngurútuwa, properly meaning the place full of hippopotami, is a

very common name in Bórnu, just as “Rúóa-n-dorina” (the water of the

hippopotami) is a widespread name given by Háusa travellers to any water

which they may find in the wilderness.

[41] Of this document I have sent a copy from Kúkawa to the Leipsic

Oriental Society; and a translation of it has been published in the

Journal (_Zeitschrift_) of that society in the year 1852, p. 305 ff.,

with notes by M. Blau.

[42] See a letter of mine from Kúkawa, Nov. 20th, 1852, addressed to

Chevalier Bunsen, and published in Petermann’s _Mittheilungen_ 1855, p. 7.

[43] Indeed, in the copy which I sent to Europe, the copyist has

corrected this error; but unfortunately, instead of inserting this reign

in the right place, he has added the twenty years to the thirty-three

years of the reign of the elder Edrís ben ʿAlí.

[44] The forty days’ journey stated by Ebn Batúta to intervene between

Tekádda and Bórnu are to be counted, as it seems, to Njímiye, the old

capital of Kánem; Bírni, or rather Ghasréggomo, at least, not being

founded at that time.

[45] Leo, when he says that the language of Gaogo is identical with the

Bórnu language, does not speak of the language of the whole nation, but

only of that of the ruling tribe, the Bulála.

[46] This custom, I think, confirms the opinion that the Koyám migrated

from Kánem into Bórnu. They are expressly called “áhel el bil.”

[47] This certainly did not belong to the largest craft of the islanders;

for one of the boats which accompanied Mr. Overweg afterwards on his

voyage on the lake was almost fifty feet long, and six and a half wide.

[48] Kánembú is the plural of Kánémma.

[49] The Yédiná named to me the following islands as the largest and

most important:—Gúriyá, Yíwaa Dóji, Belárge, Húshiyá Billán, Purrám,

Maibuluwá, Fidda, Kóllea Dallabórme, Turbó Dakkabeláya, Fujiá Chílim,

and Bréjaré, the latter having many horses. Almost all these names have

been since confirmed by Mr. Overweg, although he spells some of them

in a different way, and perhaps less accurately, as he obtained all

his information from his Kanúri companions; indeed, notwithstanding

his long sojourn among the islanders, he did not even learn their real

name, viz.—Yédiná. The Yédiná belong evidently to the Kótoko, and are

most nearly related to the people of Nghála; they are probably already

indicated by Makrizí under the name اتعنا and their language was

originally entirely distinct from the Kanúri, although in process of time

they have adopted many of their terms.

[50] The distance of the western shore of this island cannot be more

than at the utmost thirty miles from the shore of the lagoon, at least

at certain seasons. Mr. Overweg’s indications in respect to this island,

which he would seem to have navigated all round, are very vague. At all

events, I think it must be considerably nearer the shore than it has been

laid down by Mr. Petermann, but it is difficult, nay impossible, to fix

with precision the form or size of these islands, which, according to

season, vary continually.

[51] I will here give verbatim a few extracts of my despatch to

Government, dated Kúkawa, May 24, 1851, from which it will be seen how

sure I was already at that time of the immense importance of the river

which I was about to discover.

“MY LORD,—I have the honour to inform your Lordship that, on Tuesday

next, I am to start for Ádamáwa, as it is called by the Fellátah

(Fullan), or Fúmbiná, a very extensive country, whose capital, Yóla, is

distant from here fifteen days south-south-west, situated on _a very

considerable river_ called Fáro, which, joining another river not less

considerable, and likewise navigable, called Bénuwé, falls into the

Kwára, or Niger, at a place between Kakanda and Adda, not more than a few

days’ distant from the mouth of that celebrated river.” “My undertaking

seemed to me the more worthy, _as it has long been the intention of

Government to explore that country_; for orders had been given to the

Niger expedition to turn aside, if possible, from the course of that

river, and to reach Bórnu by a southern road, which it was presumed

might be effected partly or entirely by water, etc. As for my part, I

can at present certify, with the greatest confidence, that there is

_no connection whatever between those two rivers_, the Chadda, which

is identical with the Bénuwé, on the one, and the Sháry, the principal

tributary of Lake Tsád, on the other side. Nevertheless, the Fáro as well

as the Bénuwé seem to have their sources to the east of the meridian

of Kúkawa; and the river formed by these two branches being navigable

for large boats into the very heart of Ádamáwa, there will be _a great

facility for Europeans to enter that country_ after it shall have been

sufficiently explored.” After speaking of the northern road into the

interior by way of Bílma, I concluded with these words:—

“By-and-by, I am sure, _a southern road will be opened_ into the heart of

Central Africa, but the time has not yet come.”

[52] “Bíllama” properly means mayor, from “bílla,” a town; but in many

cases it has become a proper name.

[53] Kárda is properly the name of that division of the Mága which is

settled in the province of Máshena.

[54] The Mándara people, or rather Ur-wándalá, called the Gámerghú

Múks-amálguwá, which I think is a nickname, the word múkse meaning woman;

but the latter part of the name, Amálguwá, may be the original form of

Gámerghú. I had no opportunity of asking the people themselves about the

original name.

[55] The Fúlbe of Ádamáwa are especially rich in compliments, which,

however, have not yet lost their real and true meaning. Thus the

general questions, “Num báldum” (Are you well?), “Jám wáli” (Have you

slept?), are followed by the special questions, “No yímbe úro” (How is

the family?), “No inna úro” (How is the landlady?), “To púchu máda,”

or “Kórri púchu májám” (How is your horse?), “To erájo máda” (How is

your grandfather?), “To máchudo máda” (How is your slave?), “To bíbe

máda” (And your children?), “To sukábe máda” (How are your lads?), “Bíbe

hábe májám” (How are the children of your subjects?), “Korri nay májám”

(How are your cattle?); all of which in general are answered with “Se

jám.” Between this strain occasionally a question about the news of the

world—“Tó hábbarú dúnia;” and with travellers at least a question as to

the fatigue—“Tó chómmeri”—is inserted. There is still a greater variety

of compliments, the form of many, as used in Ádamáwa, varying greatly

from that usual in other countries occupied by the Fúlbe, and of course

all depends on the time of the day when friends meet.

[56] Unfortunately, I had not energy enough to finish it in detail; so

that many little interesting features were not expressed.

[57] I made some observations with the boiling-water instrument on this

road, but unfortunately my thermometers for this purpose were entirely

out of order.

[58] Búmánda probably means a ford, or rather place of embarkation. It

can scarcely have any connection with the Kanúri word “mánda,” meaning

salt, though salt is obtained in the western place of this name.

[59] This word “gére” is identical with “éré,” or “arre,” the name the

Músgu give to the river of Logón.

[60] I heard the name pronounced in this way, but lower down it may be

pronounced Bí-nuwé. However, I have to remark that Mr. Petermann changed

the é into an í, from mere mistake; and I do not know whether the members

of the Chádda expedition had sufficient authority for writing the name

in this way. The word belongs to the Bátta language, where water is

called “beé,” or “bé”; but in kindred dialects it is called “bí.” “Nuwé”

means the mother; and the whole name means “mother of water.” The name,

therefore, properly is of the feminine gender.

[61] “Tépe” is a Púllo or rather Fulfúlde word meaning “junction,”

“confluence,” which by the Western Fúlbe would be called “fottérde máje.”

In Háusa the name is “magángamú.”

[62] That this river is anywhere really called Chádda, or even Tsádda,

I doubt very much; and I am surprised that the members of the late

expedition in the _Pleiad_ do not say a word on this point. I think the

name Chádda was a mere mistake of Lander’s, confirmed by Allen, owing to

their fancying it an outlet of Lake Tsád.

[63] This immense rise of the river agrees perfectly with the experience

of Messrs. Laird and Oldfield, who, from absolute measurement, found the

difference in the level of the water at Idda in the course of the year

nearly sixty feet. See their Journal, vol. ii., p. 276, and p. 420, note,

“fifty-seven to sixty feet.”

[64] There was a very serious discrepancy amongst those gentlemen with

regard to the fall of the river. Dr. Baikie states, in his Journal, which

recently appeared, p. 230, that “the water first showed _decided_ signs

of falling about the 3rd of October, and by the 5th the decrease was

very perceptible.” If, therefore, the river began to fall at Zhibu on

the 3rd of October, the fall would commence at the Tépe, more than two

hundred miles higher up along the windings of the river, at least three

days before, if we take the current at three miles an hour. My statement,

therefore, that the river begins _decidedly_ to fall at the confluence at

the very end of September, has been singularly confirmed. But that there

is also some truth with regard to the long continuance of the highest

level is evident from the _conflicting_ observations of the party. (See

Baikie’s Journal, p. 217.) Indeed the sailor-master insisted that the

river had fallen long before; and all the people were puzzled about it.

From all this I must conclude that _my statement_ with regard to the

river, instead of having been considerably modified by the expedition,

_has been confirmed by their experience in all its principal points_.

We shall see the same difficulty recur with regard to a maximum level

preserved for forty days by the western river, although the time when it

begins to fall is entirely different; and as to the latter river, not

only I, but the natives also were mistaken with respect to its presumed

time of falling. The same is the case with the (river) Shári, and is

natural enough, considering the extensive inundations with which the rise

of these African rivers is attended. This state of the rivers in the

tropical climes is so irregular, that Leo Africanus has made quite the

same observation. (L. i. c. 28, “Descrizione dell’ Africa.”)

[65] I leave this passage as it stood in my journal, although it

describes a state of things which now, in 1857, belongs to the past. This

stronghold also has at length been taken by the intruders, and the seat

of happiness and independence converted into a region of desolation.

In 1853, two years after my journey to Ádamáwa, Mohammed Láwl left his

residence with a great host, having sworn not to return before he had

reduced Bágelé. After a siege of almost two months, with the assistance

of a few muskets, he succeeded in conquering the mountaineers, and

reducing them to slavery. The chief of the pagans of the Bágelé, who

belong to the Bátta tribe, in the height of his power exercised paramount

authority over the neighbouring tribes, and is said to have even had the

“_jus primæ noctis_.”

[66] Ribágo, sometimes contracted to the form Ribáwo, means “a governor’s

country-seat.”

[67] With regard to the Fúlbe, the prayers of dhohor (“zúhura,” or

“sallifánna”) may rightly be called midday prayers, as they are

accustomed to pray as soon as the zawál has been observed. But in general

it would be wrong to call dhohor noon, as is very often done; for none

of the other Mohammedans in this part of the world will say his dhohor

prayer before two o’clock P.M. at the very earliest, and generally not

before three o’clock.

[68] Adamáwa is certainly not quite identical with Fúmbiná, as it denotes

only those regions of the latter which have been conquered by the Fúlbe,

while many parts are as yet unsubdued.

[69] With regard to salt, I will observe that the greater part of it

is brought from Búmánda, on the Bénuwé, near Hamárruwa, where it seems

to be obtained from the soil in the same way as I shall describe the

salt-boiling in Fóga, although in Búmánda there is no valley-formation,

and Mr. Vogel, who lately visited this place, may be right in stating

that the salt is merely obtained from ashes by burning the grass which

grows in that locality.

[70] It is a great pity that the members of the Bénuwé expedition were

not able to measure the elevation of the river at the furthest point

reached. My thermometer for measuring the boiling-point of water was so

deranged, that my observation at the Tépe is without any value. Till

further observations have been made, I think it may be assumed to be from

800 to 850 feet.

[71] It would be rather more appropriate to give the name of Lower Bénuwé

to that part of the river below, and that of Upper Bénuwé to the part

above the confluence, than to call Upper Bénuwé the part of the river

visited by Dr. Baikie.

[72] This name is evidently connected with that of the _Balanites_, which

they call “tanní”; and several Negro nations compare the date with the

fruit of that tree.

[73] Mr. Vogel, who has succeeded in obtaining a sight of this animal,

found that it is a Mammal like the _Manatus Senegalensis_. The South

African rivers also have these Mammals, and the ayú is not less frequent

in the Ísu near Timbúktu than it is in the Bénuwé.

[74] Súmmo, situated between Holma and Song.

[75] The numbers “three” (tan) and “four” (nan) seem to point to the

Fulfúlde as well as to the Kaffir languages.

[76] It is probable that this tribe is indicated by the مكبا of Makrízi

(Hamaker, _Spec. Catal._ p. 206), although there are several other

localities of the same name.

[77] Probably their real name is Tiká. See Appendix.

[78] The termination nchí is nothing but the Sónghay word ki, which in

several dialects is pronounced as chí, and means “language.” On account

of this termination being added to the original name, I have purposely

not marked the accents in this list. The languages thus marked are spoken

only partly in Ádamáwa, the tribes to whom they are peculiar being for

the greatest part independent.

[79] In the following sketch, made just at the moment, I aimed only at

giving the outlines of the mount, without any pretension to represent the

country around. The foreground, therefore, is left quite level.

[80] Perhaps this was a sign of mourning.

[81] The marriage (nigá) ceremonies in this country fill a whole week.

The first day is dedicated to the feasting on the favourite “nákia,”

the paste mentioned before; the second to the “tíggra,” a dried paste

made of millet, with an immense quantity of pepper; the third to the

“ngáji,” the common dish made of sorghum, with a little fish sauce, if

possible; the fourth day is called “líktere,” I think from the taking

away the emblems of the virginal state of the bride, “larússa”; the

fifth, the bride is placed on a mat or búshi, from which she rises seven

times, and kneels down as often; this is called “búshiro,” or “búchiro

genátsin”; the next day, which must be a Friday, her female friends wash

her head while singing, and in the evening she is placed upon a horse and

brought to the house of the bridegroom, where the final act of the nigrá

is accomplished. The Kanúri are very peculiar in the distinction of a

marriage with a virgin, “féro,” or “féro kuyánga,” or a widow, or “kámo

záwar.”

[82] Between Yédi and the Tsád, the following places are situated—Léga,

a considerable town surrounded by a wall; Díbbuwa, Jíggeri, Manawáze,

Górdiná, and Mógolám.

[83] Mr. Vogel, who likewise visited this spot in 1854, found the plain

elevated 920 feet above the level of the sea, while the two mounts

attained the respective heights of 1,300 and 1,600 feet.

INDEX.

Ádamáwa, 401, 428

Afalésselez, 117

Ágades, 175, 203

Ahmed, 371

ʿAin Shershára, Ruins near, 31

ʿAin Zára, 39

Ájirí, 349

Alantíka, 451

Aláune, 343

Asben, 121, 139

Asïu, 127

Aúderas barbarity, 171

Bághzen, 167

Baháushe slave, 313

Bárakat, 109

Bel-Ghét, 269

Bélem, 445

Bénuwé, 451

Benzári, 323

Berbers, 103

Beshér, 353

Bóghel Valley, 173

Bokhári, 323

Bórnu, 333

Búndi, 331

Búwa, 351

Chad, or Tsád, Lake, 386

Chémia, 225

Cheréka, Mount, 165

Cinyps, 37

Damerghú, 241

Dan Íbra, 237

Démmo, 581

Díkowa, 549

Éderi, 67

Enshéd eʾ Sufét, 15

Fáro, 451

Fénorang Valley, 129

Fódet, 149

Fugábú, 527

Fúgo Mozári, 409

Fúmbiná, 469

Gámerghú District, 405

Gazáwa, 257

Gébi, 133

Gérki, 317

Ghaladíma, 331

Gharíya, 59

Gharíya eʾ Sherkíya, 61

Ghát, 101

Ghurián, 43

Gílmirám, 245

Gozenákko, 249

Gúmrek, Lake, 235

Hadánarang, 105

Háj Beshír, 373

Háj Hassan, 395

Hanshír, 22

Hatíta, 89

Háusa, 273

Ikadémmelrang, 125

Imghád, 107

Itísan and Kél-gerés, 157

Jebel Durmán, 47

Jebel Msíd, 25, 33

Jerma Kadím, 71

Kánem, 501, 541

Kanó, 285

Kasr Dawán, 33

Kasr Dóga, 31

Kasr Ghurián, 21

Kasr Kérker, 36

Kasr Teghrínna, 21

Kátsena, 277

Kél-gerés, 157

Kél-owí, 153

Kikla, 18

Komádugu, The Jungles of, 345

Kúka Mairuá, 315

Kúkawa, 353, 369, 379, 491

Kurúlu, 439

Kusáda, 283

Laháula, 425

Lake Chad, or Tsád, 386

Leptis Khoms, 37

Mábaní, 407

Maduwári, 391

Mʿallem Dalíli, 445

Mándará, 561

Mánga warriors, 327

Marghí, 410

Márte, 547

Máshena, 325

Mbutúdi, 433

Melágo, 449

Mejenín, 40

Meselláta, 35

Mizda, 45

Molghoy, 413

Múbi, 479

Múglebú, 479

Múrzuk, 75

Ngórnu, 387

Rabda, 19

Rálle, 95

Ribágo, 459

Salla-léja, 187

Sámmit, 237

Shʿabet eʾ talha, 65

Shitáti, 526

Shúwa, 557

Sókoto, 497

Soy, 367

Sulléri, 475

Taboníye, 57

Tagáma, 233

Taganáma, 325

Tarhóna, 29

Tasáwa, 78, 251

Tébu Merchants, 225

Tekút, Mount, 21

Teléshera, 221

Terguláwen, 231

Tíggeda, 169

Tintagh-odé, 145

Tin-téggana, 215

Tin-téllust, 151, 213

Titíwi, 395

Tripoli, 7, 8

Tsád, Lake, 386

Tunis, 1

Úba, 481

Ugréfe, 71

Ujé Kasúkulá, 409

Um eʾ Zerzán, 15

Unán Valley, 227

Wadáÿ, 497

Wádi, 339

Wady Aberjúsh, 85

Wady Eláwen, 87

Wady Haera, 41

Wady Kérdemín, 18

Wady Rán, 23

Wady Rummána, 23

Wady Shʿabet, 65

Wady Sháti, 66

Wady Tagíje, 53

Wándalá Mountains, 421

Wáza, 605

Welád Slimán, 518

Wúliya, 583

Yó, 505

Yóla, 461

Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa · 第 45 / 45 章