CHAPTER XXXIX.

BATTLE OF SIFFIN.

A.H. XXXVI., XXXVII. A.D. 657.

[Sidenote: Aly’s envoy returns with defiant message from Muâvia.

Shabân, A.H. XXXVI. January, A.D. 657.]

After Aly had established himself at Kûfa, there followed a short

interval of rest. The lieutenants and commanders, from their various

provinces, flocked into the new capital to do homage to the Caliph.

Towards one of these, named Jarîr, chief of the Beni Bajîla, Muâvia

was known to entertain friendly sentiments. Him, therefore, Aly

deputed to Damascus with a letter, wherein, after reciting the fact

of his election at Medîna to the Caliphate, and the discomfiture of

his enemies at Bussorah, he called on Muâvia to follow the example of

the empire, and, with the rest, to take also the oath of allegiance.

Like the former envoy, Jarîr was kept long in attendance. At last he

was dismissed with an oral message, that allegiance would be tendered

if punishment were meted out to the regicides, but on no other

possible condition. The envoy further reported to Aly, that Othmân’s

blood-stained garment still hung upon the pulpit of the Great Mosque,

and that a multitude of the Syrian warriors had sworn that they would

use no water to wash themselves withal, neither sleep in their beds,

till they had slain the murderers of the aged Caliph, and those that

sheltered them.[526] Ashtar accused Jarîr of playing into the hands of

Muâvia; and by having dallied for so long a time at his court, of thus

giving the Syrians leisure to mature their plans and become hardened

in their hostile attitude. Jarîr, disgusted at the imputation, retired

a neutral to Kirckesia, or, according to others, went over to Muâvia.

[Sidenote: Aly invades Northern Syria. Dzul Câda, A.H. XXXVI. April,

A.D. 657.]

Seeing that Muâvia was hopelessly alienated, Aly resolved no longer

to delay the attack upon Syria, and he proclaimed an expedition

accordingly. At first the people were slack in answering the call.

But after a time, the Caliph succeeded in gathering together from

Bussorah, Medâin, and Kûfa, an imposing force of 50,000 men. His plan

was to march first by Upper Mesopotamia, and so to invade Syria from

the north. A detachment was sent as an advance-guard up the western

bank of the Euphrates, but meeting with active opposition there, it

was forced to cross back again into Mesopotamia. Aly himself, with the

main body, marched across the plain of Dura to Medâin, and thence up

the Tigris. Then turning, short of Mosul, towards the west, he crossed

the great desert of Mesopotamia, and, outstripping his advanced column,

reached the Euphrates in its upper course at Ricca.[527] An unfriendly

population lined the banks of the river; and it was not without

sanguinary threats that Ashtar forced them to construct a bridge. The

army crossed near Ricca; and then marching some little distance along

the right bank, westward, in the direction of Aleppo, they met the

Syrian outposts at Sûr.[528]

[Sidenote: Muâvia, advancing, meets Aly, on field of Siffîn.]

On learning Aly’s preparations, Muâvia lost no time in marshalling

his forces, which greatly outnumbered the enemy, and, having no desert

to cross, were soon to the front. Amru was in command, having his two

sons, and his freedman Werdân, as lieutenants.[529] Aly, desirous of

averting bloodshed, had given orders that, as soon as his troops came

upon the enemy, they should halt, and, confining themselves to the

defensive, avoid precipitating hostilities before opportunity had been

given for friendly overture. The vanguards of the two armies spent the

first few days in skirmishing. Ashtar challenged the Syrian officer to

single combat; but the challenge was declined, and Ashtar told that,

having imbrued his hands in the blood of the late Caliph, he could

not claim the privileges of honourable warfare. When the main armies

came in sight of each other, Aly found Muâvia so encamped as to cut

him off from the river, and reduce his army to straits for water. He

therefore brought on an engagement, in which Muâvia was forced to

change his ground, and occupy the ill-starred field of Siffîn.[530a] Some

days of inaction followed; after which Aly sent three of his chief men

to demand that, for the good of the commonwealth, Muâvia should tender

his allegiance. No mention is made of any offer (though perhaps it

may be presumed) on the part of Aly to confirm Muâvia, in case of his

submission, in the government of Syria. A scene ensued of fruitless

recrimination. On the one hand, Muâvia demanded that the murderers

of Othmân should be brought to justice; on the other, the demand was

stigmatised as a mere cat’s-paw covering ambitious designs upon the

Caliphate. This was resented as a base calumny by Muâvia. ‘Begone,

ye lying scoundrels!’ he cried; ‘the sword shall decide between us;’

and, so saying, he drove them from his presence. Finding all attempts

at compromise to be useless, Aly marshalled his army into seven or

eight separate columns, each under a Bedouin chieftain of note. As

many separate columns were similarly formed on the Syrian side. And

every day one of these columns, taking the field in turn, was drawn

up against a corresponding column of the other army. [Sidenote:

Desultory fighting, Dzul Hijj, A.H. XXXVI. May, A.D. 657.] Desultory

fighting in this singular way was kept up throughout the month, there

being sometimes as many as two engagements in a single day. But the

contest could not up to this time have been very earnest or severe,

since little mention is made of sanguinary results.[530] On both sides

they feared, we are told, to bring the whole forces out into a common

battle, ‘lest the Moslems should be destroyed, root and branch,’ in the

internecine struggle.

[Sidenote: Truce during final month of A.H. XXXVII. June, A.D. 657.]

A new year, the 37th of the Hegira, opened on the combatants, wearied

by this endless and indecisive strife, and inclined to thoughts of

peace. A truce was called, to last throughout Moharram, the first

month of the year. The interval was spent in deputations; but these

proved as fruitless as those which had gone before. Aly, influenced

by the anti-Omeyyad faction around him, was not disposed even now to

admit the injustice of Othmân’s having been put to death. When pressed

upon the point by the Syrian envoys, he declined to commit himself.

[Sidenote: Fruitless negotiations.]‘I will not say,’ was his evasive

answer, ‘that he was wrongfully attacked, nor will I say that the

attack was justified.’ ‘Then,’ answered the Syrians, ‘we shall fight

against thee, and fight likewise against everyone else who refuseth to

say that thy predecessor was not wrongfully put to death;’ and with

these words they took their final leave. On his side, Muâvia declared

to the messengers of Aly that nothing short of the punishment of the

regicides would induce him to quit the field. ‘What?’ exclaimed some

one; ‘wouldest thou put Ammâr to death?’ ‘And why not?’ answered

Muâvia; ‘wherefore should the son of the bond-woman not suffer for

having slain the freedman of Othmân?’[531] ‘Impossible,’ they cried;

‘where will ye stop? It were easier to bale out the floods of the

Euphrates.’

[Sidenote: Renewal of hostilities, Safar, A.H. XXXVII. July, A.D. 657.]

So passed away the first month of the year. At the beginning of the

second, Aly, seeing things unchanged, commenced hostilities afresh.

He caused proclamation to be made along Muâvia’s front, recalling

the Syrians from rebellion to their proper allegiance. But it only

made them rally with the more enthusiasm around Muâvia; and a great

company took an oath, girding themselves in token with their turbans,

that they would defend him to the death. The warfare was, however,

carried on at the first in the same indecisive style as before. Six

leaders on Aly’s side took, in daily turn, the command against as

many captains on the other side.[532] But though still desultory,

the conflict was becoming severer and more embittered. Many single

combats were fought. One of Aly’s sons went forth on the challenge

of a son of Omar, but was recalled by his father.[533] And so eight

or nine days passed, one differing little from the other, till the

beginning of the second week, when Aly made up his mind to bring on

a general, and, as he hoped, decisive battle. The night was spent

by his followers in preparation, and (as the Abbasside historians

relate) in recitation from the Scripture, and in prayer. Thus, ten

days after the renewal of hostilities, both armies were drawn out in

their entire array. [Sidenote: Battle of Siffîn. 11 and 12 Safar; July

29 and 30.]They fought the whole day, but the shades of evening fell,

and none had got the better. The following morning, the combat was

renewed, and with greater vigour. Aly posted himself in the centre

with the flower of his troops from Medîna; the wings were composed

separately, one of the warriors from Bussorah, the other of those

from Kûfa. Muâvia had a pavilion pitched upon the field; and there,

surrounded by five compacted lines of his sworn body-guard, watched

the day. Amru, with a great weight of horse, bore down upon the Kûfa

wing. Before the shock it gave way; and Aly, with his sons, was exposed

to imminent peril, as well from the thick shower of arrows, as from a

close encounter. Reproaching the men of Kûfa for their cowardice, the

Caliph fought sword in hand, and with his ancient bravery withstood the

charge. Ashtar, at the head of three hundred _Readers_[534]--the

‘Ghâzies’ of the day--led forward the other wing, which fell with

fury upon Muâvia’s ‘turbaned’ body-guard. Four of its five ranks were

already cut to pieces, when Muâvia, alarmed, bethought himself of

flight, and had even called for his horse, when certain martial lines

came to his lips, and he held his ground. Amru stood by him, ‘Courage

to-day,’ he cried; ‘to-morrow victory.’ The fifth rank repelled the

danger, and both sides again fought on equal terms. Feats of desperate

bravery were displayed by both armies. Many men of rank were slain.

On Aly’s side fell Hâshim, the hero of Câdesîya. Of even greater

moment was the death of Ammâr, now over ninety years, and one of the

leading regicides. As he saw Hâshim fall, he exclaimed to his fellows:

‘O Paradise! how close thou couchest beneath the arrow’s point and

the falchion’s flash! O Hâshim! even now I see heaven opened, and

black-eyed maidens, all bridally attired, clasping thee in their fond

embrace!’[535] So, singing, and refreshing himself with his favourite

draught of milk and water, the aged warrior, fired again with the

ardour of youth, rushed into the enemy’s ranks, and met the envied

fate. It had long been in everyone’s mouth both in town and camp, that

Mahomet had once said to him: ‘By a godless and rebellious race, O

Ammâr, thou shalt one day be slain;’ in other words (so the saying was

interpreted), Ammâr would be killed fighting on the side of right. Thus

his death, as it were, condemned the cause of the ranks against whom he

fought; and so it spread dismay in Muâvia’s host. When Amru heard of

it, he answered readily: ‘And who is it that hath killed Ammâr, but

Aly the “rebellious,” that brought him hither?’ The clever repartee

ran through the Syrian host, and did much at once to efface the evil

omen.[536]

[Sidenote: Battle still rages on morning of third day, 13 Safar, July

31.]

The fighting this day was in real earnest, and the carnage on both

sides great. Darkness failed to separate the combatants; and, like

Câdesîya, that night was called a second ‘Night of Clangour.’ The

morning broke on the two armies still in conflict. With emptied

quivers they now fought hand to hand. Ashtar, the regicide, resolved

on victory at whatever cost, continued to push the attack with

unflinching bravery and persistence. Muâvia, disheartened, began to

speak to Amru of proposing to Aly a judicial combat, Goliath-like,

with a champion on either side. ‘Then go forth thyself, and challenge

Aly,’ said Amru. ‘Not so,’ answered Muâvia; ‘I will not do that, for

Aly ever slayeth his man, and then _thou_ shouldest succeed me.’ Amru,

indeed, well knew that this was not in Muâvia’s line; and it was no

time for continuing grim pleasantry like this. [Sidenote: Hostilities

suspended for arbitration by Corân.] All at once Amru bethought him of

a stratagem. ‘Raise aloft the sacred leaves of the Corân,’ he cried;

‘if any refuse to abide thereby, it will sow discord amongst them;

if they accept, it will be a reprieve from cruel slaughter.’ Muâvia

caught at the words. And so forthwith they fixed the sacred scrolls on

the points of their lances, and raising them aloft, called out along

the line of battle: ‘The law of the Lord! The law of the Lord! Let

it decide between us!’ No sooner heard, than the men of Kûfa leaped

forward, re-echoing the cry: ‘The law of the Lord, that shall decide

between us!’ As all were shouting thus with one accord, Aly stepped

forth and expostulated with them: ‘It was the device,’ he cried,

‘of evil men; afraid of defeat, they sought their end by guile, and

cloaked rebellion under love of the Word.’ It was all in vain. To every

argument they answered (and the ‘Readers’ loudest of all): ‘We are

called to the Book, and we cannot decline it.’ At last, in open mutiny,

they threatened the unfortunate Caliph, that, unless he agreed, they

would all desert him, drive him over to the enemy, or serve him as they

had served Othmân. Seeing that further opposition would be futile, Aly

said: ‘Stay wild and treasonable words. Obey and fight. But if ye will

rebel, do as ye list.’ ‘We will not fight,’ they cried; ‘recall Ashtar

from the field.’ Ashtar, thus summoned, at the first refused. ‘We are

gaining a great victory,’ he said, ‘I will not come;’ and he turned

to fight again. But the tumult increased, and Aly sent a second time

to say: ‘Of what avail is victory when treason rageth? Wouldst thou

have the Caliph murdered, or delivered over to the enemy?’ Ashtar, on

hearing this, unwillingly returned, and a fierce altercation ensued

between him and the angry soldiery. ‘Ye were fighting,’ he said, ‘but

yesterday for the Lord, and the choicest among you lost their lives.

What is it but that ye now acknowledge yourselves in the wrong,

and the Martyrs gone to hell?’ ‘Nay,’ they answered; ‘it is not so.

Yesterday we fought for the Lord; to-day, also for the Lord, we stay

the fight.’ On this, Ashtar upbraided them as ‘traitors, cowards,

hypocrites, and villains.’ In return, they reviled him, and struck

his charger with their whips. Aly interposed. The tumult was stayed.

And Asháth, chief of the Beni Kinda, was sent to ask Muâvia ‘what his

precise meaning in raising the Corân aloft might be.’ ‘It is this,’

he sent answer back, ‘that we should return, both you and we, to the

will of the Lord, as set forth in the Book. Each side shall name an

Umpire, and the verdict shall be binding.’ Aly’s army shouted assent.

The unfortunate Caliph was forced to the still deeper humiliation of

appointing as his arbiter a person who had deserted him. The soldiery

cried out for Abu Mûsa, the temporising Governor of Kûfa who had been

deposed for want of active loyalty. ‘This man,’ answered Aly, ‘did but

lately leave us and flee; and not till after several months I pardoned

him. Neither hath he now been fighting with us. Here is a worthy

representative, the son of Abbâs, the Prophet’s uncle; choose him as

your Umpire.’ ‘As well name thyself,’ they answered rudely. ‘Then take

Ashtar.’ ‘What!’ said the Bedouin chiefs in the same rough imperious

strain, ‘the man that hath set the world on fire! None for us but Abu

Mûsa.’ It was a bitter choice for Aly, but he had no alternative.

The Syrian arbiter was Amru, for whose deep and crafty ways Abu Mûsa

was no match.[537] He presented himself in the Caliph’s camp, and

the agreement was put in writing. [Sidenote: Deed of arbitration, 13

Safar, A.H. XXXVII. July 31, A.D. 665.] As dictated from Aly’s side,

it ran thus: ‘_In the name of the Lord Most Merciful!_ This is what

hath been agreed upon between the Commander of the Faithful, and ----’

‘Stay!’ cried Amru (like the Coreish to the Prophet at Hodeibia); ‘Aly

is your Commander, but he is not ours.’ Again the helpless Caliph

had to give way, and the names were written down of the contracting

parties as simply ‘Aly and Muâvia.’[538] The document went on to say

that both sides bound themselves by the judgment of the Corân; and,

where the Corân was silent, by the acknowledged precedents of Islam. To

the Umpires, the guarantee of both Aly and Muâvia was given of safety

for themselves and for their families; and the promise of the people

that their judgment should be followed. On their part, the Umpires

swore that they would judge righteously, so as to stay hostilities

and reconcile the Faithful. The decision was to be delivered after

six months, or later if the Umpires saw cause for delay, and at some

neutral spot midway between Kûfa and Damascus. Meanwhile hostilities

should be mutually suspended.[539] The writing, having been duly

executed and signed, was numerously witnessed by leading chiefs on

either side. Ashtar alone refused: ‘Never again,’ he said, ‘should I

acknowledge this to be mine own right hand, were it to touch a deed the

like of this.’

[Sidenote: Aly returns to Kûfa, and Muâvia to Damascus.]

And so the armies, having buried their dead, quitted this memorable but

undecisive battle-field. Aly retired to Kûfa; and Muâvia, his point for

the present gained, to Damascus. As Aly entered Kûfa, he heard wailing

on every side. A chief man, whom he bade to pacify the mourners,

answered: ‘O Caliph, it is not as if but two or three had been slain;

of this clan hard by, alone, an hundred and fourscore lie buried at

Siffîn. There is not a house but the women are weeping in it for their

dead.’

[Sidenote: Discord at Kûfa.]

The slaughter, indeed, had been great on both sides.[540] And what gave

point to Aly’s loss was that the truce was but a hollow thing, with no

hope in it of lasting peace or reconciliation. The Arab faction, to

whose insolent demands Aly had yielded, was more estranged than ever.

When the men of Kûfa murmured at the compromise, all that he could

reply was this: that the mutinous soldiery had extorted the agreement

from him; and that having pledged his faith, he could not now withdraw.

He had thrown in his lot with traitors and regicides, and was now

reaping the bitter fruit. Muâvia alone had gained.

Annals of the early Caliphate from the death of Mahomet to the Omeyyad and Abbaside dynasties A.H. XI-LXI (A.D. 632-680) from original sources · 第 39 / 52 章