STORY OF MALIK IBN NOWEIRA.
A.H. XI. A.D. 632.
[Sidenote: Khâlid advances south. A.H. XI. November (?) A.D. 632.]
Having subdued the Beni Asad, and other tribes inhabiting the hills
and desert to the north-west of Medîna, Khâlid now bent his steps
southward, against the Beni Temîm who occupied the plateau towards the
Persian Gulf.
[Sidenote: The Beni Temîm.]
This great tribe had from time immemorial spread itself with
multitudinous branches over the pasture-lands and settlements lying
between Yemâma and the delta of the Euphrates. Some of its clans
professed Christianity, but the greater portion were heathen. They used
in past times to have frequent passages, often of a hostile character,
with Persia.[39] Most part of this people had submitted to the claims
of Mahomet, and the oratorical contest between their embassy and the
poets of Medîna forms a curious episode in the Prophet’s life.[40] His
death had produced amongst them the same unsettlement and apostasy as
elsewhere. Abu Bekr’s first early success resulted, as we have seen, in
bringing some of their chiefs to Medîna with the tithes. Meanwhile a
strange complication had arisen which embroiled the Beni Yerbóa, one of
their clans, commanded by the famous Mâlik ibn Noweira, and eventually
brought Khâlid on the scene.
It was no less than the advent of Sajâh, a prophetess, at the head
of a great host from Mesopotamia. She was descended from the Beni
Yerbóa, but her family had migrated north, and joined the Beni Taghlib,
among whom in Mesopotamia she had been brought up as a Christian.
[Sidenote: Sajâh the prophetess gains over Mâlik ibn Noweira, chief of
Beni Yerbóa.] How long and by what steps she had assumed the prophetic
office, and what (if any) were her peculiar tenets, we do not know;
for nothing of hers excepting some childish verses has been preserved.
At the head of the Taghlib and other Christian tribes,[41] each led by
its own captain, she had crossed into Arabia, hoping to profit by the
confusion that followed on the death of Mahomet, and was now on her way
to attack Medîna. Reaching the seats of the Beni Temîm, she summoned
to her presence the Beni Yerbóa, her own clan, and promised them the
kingdom, should victory crown her arms. They joined her standard, with
Mâlik ibn Noweira at their head. The other clans of the Beni Temîm
refused to acknowledge the prophetess; and so, diverted from her design
upon Medîna, she turned her arms against them. In a series of combats,
though supported by Mâlik, she was worsted. Then, having made terms and
exchanged prisoners, she bethought her of attacking the rival prophet,
Moseilama of Yemâma, whose story I must here in some part anticipate.
[Sidenote: Sajâh, having married Moseilama, retires to Mesopotamia.]
Moseilama was strongly supported by his own people, the Beni Hanîfa,
in his claim to be their prophet and ruler; but he now felt that the
meshes of Abu Bekr were closing round him. The Caliph’s officers were
rallying the yet loyal or vacillating chiefs in Hejer; and Khâlid, whom
Moseilama dreaded most of all, was behind. Tidings of the approach of a
new enemy at this crisis added to his perplexity; and he therefore sent
a friendly message to the prophetess to come and meet him. She came,
and they found their sentiments so much in unison that they cemented
the alliance by marriage. Moseilama conceded to her one half-share of
the revenues of Yemâma--the share, he said, which belonged to the
Coreish, but which, by their tyranny and violence, they had forfeited.
After a few days she departed again to her own country, leaving a party
with three of her officers to collect the stipulated tribute. Like a
meteor, this strange personage disappeared as soon almost as she had
startled Arabia by her advent; and we hear no more of her.[42]
[Sidenote: Mâlik ibn Noweira and the Beni Yerbóa attacked by Khâlid.]
Khâlid, flushed with victory, was now drawing near, and most of the
branches of the Temîm were forward in tendering their submission to
him. At this critical juncture, the withdrawal of Sajâh, and his own
previous doubtful attitude, left Mâlik ibn Noweira at the head of the
Beni Yerbóa in a position of some perplexity, and he was undecided how
to act.[43] On the other hand, conflicting news divided the Moslem
camp. For some reason Khâlid was bent on attacking the Beni Yerbóa. The
men of Medîna[44] were equally opposed to the design, for which they
alleged that Khâlid had from the Caliph no authority. It would have
been better for him had he listened to the remonstrance. But he replied
haughtily, ‘I am commander. In the absence of orders, it is for me to
decide. I will march against Mâlik ibn Noweira with the men of Mecca,
and with such others as choose to follow me. I compel no man.’ So he
went forward and left the malcontents behind. These, however, thought
better of it, and rejoined the army. Khâlid marched straight upon
Bitâh, the head-quarters of Mâlik, but he found not a soul upon the
spot. It was utterly deserted.
[Sidenote: Mâlik brought a prisoner into Khâlid’s camp;]
In fact, Mâlik had resolved on submission, though his proud spirit
rebelled against presenting himself before Khâlid. He knew the
ordinance of Abu Bekr, that none but they who resisted his arms, and
refused the call to prayer, should be molested. So he told his people
that there was no longer use in opposing this new way, but that, bowing
down, they should suffer the wave to pass over them: ‘Break up your
camp,’ he said, ‘and depart every one to his house.’ Khâlid finding
things thus, was not content, but, treating the neighbourhood as
enemy’s land, sent forth bands everywhere to slay and plunder, and take
captive all that offered opposition or failed to respond to the call
for prayer. Amongst others, Mâlik was brought in with his wife and a
party of his people. When challenged, they had replied that they too
were Moslems. ‘Why, then, these weapons?’ it was asked. So they laid
aside their arms and were led as captives to the camp. As they passed
by Khâlid, Mâlik cried aloud to him, ‘Thy master never gave command for
this.’ ‘“_Thy_ master,” sayest thou?’ was the scornful reply of
Khâlid; ‘then, rebel, by thine own admission, he is not thine!’
[Sidenote: and, with other prisoners put to death.]
The captors differed in their evidence. Some averred that the prisoners
had offered resistance. Others, with Abu Catâda, a citizen of Medîna,
at their head, deposed that they had declared themselves Moslems, and
at once complied with the call to prayer. So they were remanded till
morning under an armed guard. The night set in cold and stormy, and
Khâlid (such is his explanation), with the view of protecting them
from its inclemency, gave the guard command ‘to _wrap_ their
prisoners.’ The word was ambiguous, signifying in another dialect[45]
not ‘to wrap,’ but ‘to _slay_,’ and Dbirâr, commandant of the
guard, taking it in that sense, put the prisoners, and with them Mâlik,
forthwith to the sword. Khâlid, hearing the uproar, hurried forth;
but all was over, and he retired, exclaiming, ‘When the Lord hath
determined a thing, the same cometh verily to pass.’ But the fate of
Mâlik was not thus easily to be set at rest. He was a chief of name
and influence, and a poet of some celebrity. The men of Medina who
had opposed the advance were shocked at his cruel fate. Abu Catâda
roundly asserted the responsibility of Khâlid. ‘This is thy work!’
he said; and, though chided for it, he persisted in the charge. He
declared that never again would he serve under Khâlid’s banner. In
company with Motammim, Mâlik’s brother, he set out at once for Medina,
and there laid a formal complaint before the Caliph. Omar, with his
native impetuosity, took up the cause of the Yerbóa chief. Khâlid had
given point to the allegations of his enemies by marrying Leila, the
beautiful widow of his victim, on the spot. From this scandalous act,
Omar drew the worst conclusion. ‘He hath conspired to slay a believer,’
he said, ‘and hath gone in unto his wife.’ He was instant with Abu
Bekr that the offender should be degraded and put in bonds, saying,
‘The sword of Khâlid, dipped thus in violence and outrage, must be
sheathed.’ ‘Not so,’ replied the Caliph (of whom it is said that he
never degraded one of his commanders); ‘the sword which the Lord hath
made bare against the heathen, shall I sheathe the same? That be far
from me.’ Nevertheless, he summoned Khâlid to answer for the charge.
[Sidenote: Khâlid exonerated by Abu Bekr;]
Khâlid lost no time in repairing to Medina. He went up straightway
to the Great Mosque, and entered it in his rough field costume, his
clothes rubbed rusty with his girded armour, and his turban coiled
rudely about the head with arrows stuck in it. As he passed along the
courtyard towards the Caliph’s place, Omar could not restrain himself,
but seizing the arrows from his turban, broke them over his shoulders,
and abused him as hypocrite, murderer, and adulterer. Khâlid, not
knowing but that Abu Bekr might be of the same mind, answered not a
word, but passed into the Caliph’s presence. There he told his story,
and the explanation was accepted by Abu Bekr;--only he chided him
roughly for having thus incontinently wedded his victim’s widow, and
run counter to the custom and feelings of the Arabs in celebrating his
nuptials on the field. As Khâlid again passed Omar, he lightly rallied
him in words which showed that he had been exonerated. Motammim then
pressed the claim, as one of honour, for payment of his brother’s
blood-money, and release of the prisoners that remained. For the
release Abu Bekr gave command, but the payment he declined.
[Sidenote: but held guilty by Omar.]
Omar remained unconvinced of the innocence of Khâlid, and still was of
opinion that he should be withdrawn from his command. He persevered
in pressing this view upon Abu Bekr, who would reply, ‘Omar, hold thy
peace! Refrain thy tongue from Khâlid. He gave an order, and the order
was misunderstood.’ But Omar heeded not. He neither forgave nor forgot,
as in the sequel we shall see.
[Sidenote: Mâlik’s death commemorated in verse by his brother.]
The scandal was the greater, because Mâlik ibn Noweira was a chief
renowned for his generosity and princely virtues, as well as for
poetic talent. His brother, Motammim, a poet likewise of no mean fame,
commemorated his tragic end in many touching verses. Omar loved to
listen to his elegies; and he used to tell Motammim that if he had
himself possessed the poetic gift, he would have had no higher ambition
than to mourn in such verse over the fate of his own brother Zeid, who
shortly after fell at Yemâma.[46]
[Sidenote: The affair leaves a stain on Khâlid’s fame.]
The materials are too meagre to judge conclusively whether the right in
this grave matter is on the side of Omar or of the Caliph, Abu Bekr.
Although the hostile bias of Khâlid against Mâlik led undoubtedly
to the raid upon his tribe and the harsh treatment which followed
thereupon, still, with the conflicting evidence, we may hold the deeper
charge unproven. But in wedding the widow of his enemy while his blood
(shed as we are to believe in misconception of his order) was fresh
upon the ground, Khâlid, if he gave no colour to darker suspicions,
yet transgressed the proprieties even of Arab life, and justified the
indictment of unbridled passion and cold-blooded self-indulgence.[47]