THE FINAL CONQUEST OF ITALY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE
Notwithstanding the signal success of Belisarius in his Italian
campaign, the Gothic Kingdom was even further from being actually
subjugated to the Byzantine power than was Africa after the capture of
Gelimer. The first care of Justinian was to appoint Alexander, an
eminent Logothete, popularly known as "the Scissors," to supervise the
financial administration of the country. His distinguishing sobriquet
had been acquired through his remarkable dexterity in clipping round the
gold coin according to an ingenious method of his own, which left the
margin apparently intact. This noted extortioner descended on the
Italians and sacked them mercilessly for suppositious debts, so that in
a short time the public allegiance was wholly alienated from the
victors. Even the army of occupation was defrauded of its pay to such an
extent that the soldiers began to view the hostile operations of the
enemy with complete indifference.[599]
After the departure of Belisarius, Ildibad applied himself to revive the
spirit of the remnants of the Gothic forces, and to attract to his
standard all the malcontents among the Italians. He made Ticinum[600]
his headquarters, and soon found himself strong enough to join battle
with the only Roman army which was willing to take the field. He
defeated these troops with great slaughter, and was on the way to win a
reputation in arms, when, as the result of a private feud, he was
assassinated at a banquet. To him succeeded Eraric, but his elevation
was displeasing to the Goths in general, and in a few months he also was
killed insidiously to make room for Totila, a nephew of Ildibad.
Totila, or Baduela,[601] the most illustrious King of the Goths in Italy
after the great Theodoric, had already made his submission to Justinian,
when the messengers arrived to offer him the crown of his nation. He was
in command of Tarvisium, and explained to them candidly his position,
but promised that, if they should take off Eraric by a certain day,
before his truce expired, he would accept the sovereignty. The
distasteful king disappeared; he was already a traitor, and had stated
his price to the Emperor, and the election of Totila was unanimously
ratified by the Goths (541).
For many years Totila engaged himself in the reconquest of Italy, during
which time he traversed the peninsula from north to south, and recovered
nearly all the towns which had been lost to the Goths. The Byzantines
failed to put an army into the field which could oppose him, and in two
minor engagements they were defeated with considerable loss. The first
blood was drawn at Faventia, whither Totila, in the year after his
accession, hastened to meet the enemy. His whole force amounted to five
thousand men, the relics of two hundred thousand whom the Goths had at
their command eight years previously at the outset of the war. The
Romans were twice as numerous, and the battle was begun by a single
combat between Artabazes, an Armenian general of the Persian contingent
transported from Sisauranum, and a strenuous Goth who proposed himself
as a champion. The Armenian was the victor, but received a fortuitous
wound, which ultimately proved fatal. A general collision followed, when
a skilfully posted ambush created a panic among the Byzantines, who were
dispersed with great carnage and the loss of all their ensigns.
The year after this success, to which was added the capture of several
towns and districts, Totila laid siege to Naples. In general he adopted
a policy of clemency towards those communities which fell into his
hands, a disposition which disarmed resistance, and often much
facilitated his progress. Thus he approached the Neapolitans with
liberal promises, but they were influenced by the Roman garrison to
decline a surrender. A blockade was established, therefore, in regular
form. After some time, when the inhabitants began to be severely pressed
by famine, an attempt to raise the siege was made by Demetrius, a Master
of Soldiers who had just arrived from Constantinople. A few hundred
infantry constituted his sole force, but he endeavoured to make the most
of his slight resources by putting into Sicily, and, while there,
loading a large number of freight vessels with provisions. Having given
this fleet the semblance of conveying numerous troops, he set sail for
Naples, whereupon the small Gothic army were thrown into consternation,
believing that he was advancing against them with an overwhelming force.
Hence they were on the point of breaking up their camp, when he, not
being resolute enough to push the enterprise to a practical issue,
declined from his course and steered for the port of Rome. There he
essayed to transform the semblance into a reality by enlisting soldiers
from among those who had crowded to the capital, where John, nephew of
Vitalian, was in command. Their experience of the Goths, however, had
lately been discouraging, wherefore they refused to associate themselves
to his expedition. He was obliged, therefore, to proceed to the relief
of Naples without any increment of force. But in the meantime, Totila,
having become enlightened in the matter, posted a number of war-galleys
in hiding, and attacked the provision ships as soon as a landing was
attempted. All the vessels were taken, the crews were mostly captured or
slain, whilst the residue, including Demetrius, managed to escape in
small boats. Later on, another effort was made, which was even more
disastrous. A newly-created Praetorian Praefect, in command of a
considerable war fleet, manned by Thracians and Armenians, was
despatched by Justinian to regulate the affairs of Italy. As a purely
civil official he was incapable of maturing any plan of campaign, and,
after wasting much time on the voyage, at length arrived at Sicily. Here
he yielded to urgent pressure, and entrusted his forces to Demetrius,
who again made sail for Naples. A storm arose, however, and all the
vessels were cast ashore in confusion in the vicinity of the Gothic
camp, where they at once became the prey of the enemy. The general
himself was taken prisoner, and immediately utilized by Totila to bring
about a surrender of the town. With a rope round his neck he was led
before the walls and compelled to proclaim to the citizens that all hope
of relief for them was at an end. Shortly afterwards the Gothic King
himself came up and harangued a meeting of the Neapolitans to induce
them to desist from their futile resistance. He represented to them that
on account of their determined defence against Belisarius he not only
regarded them with no animosity, but was even grateful for the loyalty
they had shown on that occasion. He besought them, therefore, to let him
take peaceful possession, and to receive him as a friend whose
intentions were wholly amicable. They asked for thirty days; he replied
by granting them three months; but in a short time they surrendered
voluntarily, glad to be relieved from the intolerable state of
destitution to which they had been reduced. Totila then acted with the
greatest benignancy. The small Byzantine garrison were dismissed safe
and sound, and even assisted with horses and supplies to enable them to
make their way to Rome. As for the inhabitants, he was so solicitous
about their health that he posted guards at the gates to see that
foodstuffs were at first introduced sparingly, lest a sudden surfeit of
the long-famished stomachs should engender a fatal illness throughout
the city. His last procedure was to level the greater part of the walls
to the ground, a method of treatment he applied to all other strongholds
when captured, in order to deprive the Byzantines of places of shelter
from which they could safely carry on the warfare.
In those cases, however, where Totila considered severity to be
expedient he showed himself to be as relentless as the most tyrannical
monarch. Thus, among his prisoners was one Demetrius, the commissary of
Naples, who during the siege had thought fit to provoke him by the most
unlicensed insults if he came within earshot of the walls. This man he
punished by excising his tongue and amputating both his hands, after
which infliction he set him at liberty. In another instance an Italian
complained to the King that his daughter had been ravished by a Gothic
guard, who happened to be a soldier of distinguished prowess. He was at
once committed to custody, but his companions pleaded earnestly on his
behalf. Thereupon Totila made them a speech in which he dwelt on the
necessity for the Goths to adhere to the principles of rectitude and to
maintain an honourable reputation among the people of the country. He
also referred to the case of Theodahad, who by his iniquities had become
the prime cause of the present war. Having persuaded his hearers by
these arguments, he had the culprit executed, and assigned his
possessions to the girl who had been outraged.
Totila now began to turn his attention to the recovery of the capital,
and his first move towards that object was to address a letter to the
Roman Senate with the view of pre-disposing their minds in his favour.
He reproached them gently with having forgotten the generous treatment
they had received at the hands of Theodoric and his successors, and
contrasted the behaviour of the Byzantines since they had gained a
footing in Italy with that of the Goths. At the moment, indeed, he was
able to use as an object-lesson, not only the reinstituted financial
oppression, but the conduct of the army of occupation, who were leading
a dissolute life in the fortresses among prostitutes, whilst they
pillaged the people of the neighbourhood without compunction for the
supply of their wants. The King followed up this missive by causing
agents who were in collusion with him in the city to post up notices
full of liberal promises to the Roman citizens should they return to the
Gothic allegiance. Whatever effect these overtures may have had on the
minds of the Romans, they were not immediately fruitful to Totila, and
the Byzantine garrison continued to retain a firm hold on the capital.
Not for another twelvemonth, however, was a Gothic encampment again seen
before the walls of Rome (545); but in the meantime Totila had
elaborated his preparations so as to render a siege effective to the
utmost. By capturing the fortress of Tibur, situated on the Anio, twenty
miles to the north-east of the capital, he was enabled to command the
fluviatile navigation and to prevent supplies reaching Rome from the
fields of Tuscany. On the other hand, by posting numerous war-galleys
among the islands off the coast, in the track of the corn-ships which
sailed from Sicily, he cut off all possibility of the Roman granaries
being replenished by sea-borne provisions. Bessas was now governor of
Rome, but the garrison under his command amounted to only three
thousand, and their ardour was soon damped by the result of the first
sally against the enemy. A band of Goths approached the gates and drew
upon themselves the attack of two eager lieutenants, who chased them in
simulated flight until they fell into a skilfully-contrived ambush, from
which few of them returned. After this mishap, which was incurred
against the advice of Bessas, no more sallies were made by the besieged.
Such was now the prosperous position of Totila's affairs. Yet a
twelvemonth had already elapsed since Belisarius had received a
commission from Justinian to go to the relief of Italy. But he dismissed
him to this command without resources from the state, telling him coldly
that out of his own great wealth he was to provide for the expenses of
the expedition. The Constable, for such he is now to be called,
travelled slowly through Illyricum and arrived at Salona with four
thousand recruits, whom while on his way he had induced with difficulty
to join his standard. He now embarked for Pola in Istria, from whence
after a short delay he arrived at Ravenna. At the former place he was
met by a group of Gothic spies, who explored his camp and then returned
to Totila with the report that his martial equipment was contemptible.
They deceived the general by presenting a forged letter pleading for
help on behalf of Bonus, the governor of Genoa, who was said to be in a
sore strait. At Ravenna Belisarius issued a proclamation expressed in
seductive terms, inviting Italians and Goths to join him, but his appeal
met with no response, for the reputation of the Byzantines was at the
lowest ebb throughout the country. From the time of his arrival at Pola
he had begun to send out small bands both by land and sea to attempt
something against the enemy, but success had generally been
counterbalanced by disaster. He now decided to apply to the Emperor for
assistance; and he intrusted his despatch to John, whose place at Rome
he filled by transferring Bessas from Spoleto. His petition was
conceived as follows: "Most puissant Prince, we have arrived in Italy,
and, if nothing but the presence of Belisarius were necessary, the
country would now be subjugated to your dominion. For here I am in the
midst of the Italians—but without soldiers, horses, arms, or money. If
such resources be requisite to carry on warfare it must be allowed that
I am totally unprepared. As I passed through Thrace and Illyria I
enlisted a few volunteers, but they are only raw recruits, who shun the
enemy, desert their horses, and fling their arms on the ground. We have
no money at command; the Goths have already collected whatever was due
to us from the taxpayers. If I essay to address the soldiers my mouth is
stopped by knowing that they are hungering after their pay; whilst
numbers, who should be with us, have gone over to the enemy. I beg of
you to send me my veteran guards, and at the same time as many troops of
Huns and other barbarians as possible. Funds also are urgently needed."
These representations produced no immediate result, and nearly a year
passed away before the desired reinforcements began to arrive. In the
meantime Belisarius had returned to Dalmatia, where he established his
headquarters at Epidamnum. His main object was now to take action for
the relief of Rome, but he seemed to have lost much of the energy and
enterprise which formerly characterized him. As soon, however, as he had
received an increment of force he sent two of his lieutenants to Portus,
at the mouth of the Tiber, where a strong fort was still held by the
Byzantines. From thence, with the co-operation of Bessas, they were to
assail the Goths, both parties acting simultaneously from opposite
sides. They made two attacks, in accordance with their instructions, but
nothing could move Bessas to emerge from his shelter; and on the second
occasion the Goths, having been forewarned, caught them in an ambush
with a fatal result to almost the whole band, including the leaders.
So far military assistance had failed, but an effort to re-provision the
capital was now made from another quarter. Vigilius, the Roman Pontiff,
was at the moment staying in Sicily, where he possessed large estates.
He, therefore, freighted a fleet of corn-ships and directed them to sail
up the Tiber by the way of Portus. But while they were still a long
distance off their approach was signalled to the Goths, who thereupon
came down in effective force and concealed themselves near the mouth of
the river. The movement was observed by the garrison of the fort, who at
once climbed to the highest points of the battlements, and by waving of
hands and garments tried to warn the convoy off. The ships' crews,
however, mistook the gesticulations and imagined that their advent was
being hailed with rejoicings, wherefore they redoubled their energies in
order to complete the voyage. Hence they steered straight into the
ambuscade of barbarians and were all captured without a chance of being
rescued. Among the prisoners was a bishop, whom Totila relieved of both
his hands, as the penalty of answering falsely to his interrogations.
At the beginning of the next year (546) the Romans were hard pressed by
famine, and began to debate the advisability of surrender. As a
preliminary they sent an envoy to Totila to ask for a short truce on
condition that if succour did not arrive in the interval they would give
themselves up. Pelagius, the chosen deputy, was a man who acted a
considerable part on the ecclesiastical stage, and was already well
known to Justinian, at whose Court he had resided for several years as
Papal legate. The Gothic king received him warmly, but interrupted him,
as he was about to begin his exhortation, in order to enter on a
justification of himself. First he warned Pelagius that there were three
things which it would be useless for him to solicit, viz., clemency
towards the Sicilians, to spare the walls of Rome, or to deliver up
fugitives who had joined his army. He went on to picture the happy state
of Sicily when the Goths first conquered the peninsula, abounding in
wealth through the splendid fertility of its soil, and able to export
copious supplies for the sustenance of Rome. At the prayer of the Romans
Theodoric had left the island almost ungarrisoned, lest the inhabitants
should be disturbed in their peaceful occupations to the detriment of
the capital. Yet when a small Byzantine force landed they were received
everywhere with open arms and the island was allowed to become a base
for the invasion of Italy. As for Rome itself, the Greeks had shut
themselves up there and harassed the Goths by artifices and stratagems
without ever daring to march out and meet them fairly in battle. The
citizens, he added, would profit by the destruction of those walls which
were the cause of their being reduced to destitution while the hostile
armies were intent on their schemes of attack and defence. In reply to
this harangue Pelagius merely protested that he had not been permitted
to deliver his message, and, on his return to the city, declared that he
had found the King in too impracticable a mood to be influenced by any
entreaties.
The Romans now felt desperate and approached Bessas and his staff with
supplications that he would either provide them with food, turn them out
of the city, or at least end their sufferings by killing them at once.
His only answer was a recommendation to contain themselves for the
present, as Belisarius would soon be at hand with an army of relief.
Thus the reign of famine was prolonged until the last stages of
starvation were reached. Money and every kind of property were
sacrificed to buy any residue of corn that could be discovered or the
meanest description of animal food. When horses, dogs, and mice were
consumed, the people took to feeding on nettles, which grew in profusion
among ruins and around the inner circuit of the walls. Deaths and
suicides from the unbearable distress were of frequent occurrence.
Nevertheless the garrison was fairly nourished, for Bessas had stored a
large quantity of grain in well-guarded granaries, from which he not
only maintained his men, but sold portions regularly to the richer
citizens. Thus he kept on amassing wealth at a rapid rate, and was
unwilling that the siege should be raised as long as his lucrative trade
continued. In the direst extremity some citizens purchased from the
soldiers the right to escape, for the last payment they were able to
make; and, ultimately, large numbers were turned adrift to perish by the
wayside or to be seized and slain by the Goths.
By this time Belisarius, having been joined at Epidamnum by as many
troops as he saw any prospect of obtaining, determined to proceed with
all his force against Totila. John had at last returned,[602] and with
him he concerted his measures of transit and attack. The former, with a
portion of the army, was to land at Hydruntum,[603] and make his way
northwards with Rome as his objective; while the Constable, with the
bulk of the troops, was to sail round the peninsula, and make a descent
on the enemy from the waters adjacent to the capital. As for the part
played by John in this campaign, it may be dismissed at once by saying
that after landing he carried on a desultory warfare in southern Italy,
made marches and counter-marches through being impeded by the enemy, but
never arrived within striking distance of Rome.[604] Belisarius,
however, soon achieved his proposed voyage, and appeared at the mouth of
the Tiber, where he at once began offensive operations against the
Goths. One of his first steps was to relieve himself of the delicate
charge of his wife, and to have her guarded in a place of safety. He,
therefore, consigned her to the fortress of Portus, under the charge of
one of his lieutenants named Isaac, whom he enjoined to devote all his
attention to shielding her from harm. "Remain at your post," said he,
"even should you hear that I am slain."
The most pressing necessity was now to revictual Rome, and this
Belisarius essayed to do by carrying a fleet of provision ships up the
Tiber. He had at his disposal two hundred war-galleys, which he loaded
with foodstuffs and also equipped most effectively with a view to
forcing a passage. Thus on the forecastle of each vessel he constructed
a wooden bulwark after the pattern of mural battlements, from the
shelter of which his marines could safely discharge their darts. As
Totila had foreseen that such attempts would be made he had long taken
measures to render them ineffectual. Across the river, at a narrow part
about three miles up, he had raised an obstruction in the form of a
wooden bridge, at each end of which on the bank he built a large tower,
also of timber. In addition chains were used to close the passage over
the water farther down. With a view to assailing this structure the
Roman general joined together laterally two of his vessels, and on them
he erected a tower, high enough to overtop those constructed by the
Goths at the sides of the stream. A boat filled with combustibles,
pitch, sulphur, resin, was placed on the summit of the tower; and this
fabric he caused to be navigated in advance of his flotilla. His spare
cavalry and infantry he drew up on the river bank near the sea; and he
notified Bessas to make a diversion by sallying forth and assaulting
simultaneously the Gothic camp.
Everything prospered as had been intended; the chains were broken
through, the defenders of the wooden bridge were severely smitten by the
arrows which were showered from the galleys, and the floating tower was
brought into close contact with the obstructive barrier. Then the boat
was set alight and launched on to the top of one of the enemy's towers,
which took fire and was consumed with two hundred of its occupants. One
detail only of the manœuvres failed of accomplishment; Bessas never
moved, wholly engrossed as he was with his mercenary avidity.
Suddenly, when success appeared to have been almost attained, the
operations were abandoned and Belisarius drew off his forces without
attempting to push his advantage. Antonina, though unwittingly, was the
cause of this disastrous collapse. While the assault was proceeding a
glowing account of the victorious progress of the Byzantines was brought
to Portus, whereupon Isaac, inflamed with ardour, collected a hundred
cavalry, and made a dash for a section of the Gothic army which was
encamped near Ostia. At first the enemy were dispersed, but they shortly
rallied, and, recognizing the paucity of their adversaries, charged
them, with the result that many were slain, while Isaac and some others
were captured. A few, however, escaped, who rode full speed to
Belisarius and informed him that Isaac was taken prisoner. The general,
without stopping to inquire, immediately sounded the signals of retreat,
and made all haste to Portus, concluding that his wife had fallen into
the hands of the Goths. There he learned the true details as to the
temerity of Isaac, which affected him so deeply that he became seriously
ill, and was incapacitated for some time from taking the field. Such was
the last effort to save Rome from being retaken by the Goths, and before
long Totila succeeded in making himself master of the city.
Nothing could have been more languid and ill organized than the defence
of Rome under Bessas. The garrison lost all sense of discipline, no
strict watch was kept, and the officers rarely went on their rounds to
see that the sentinels remained awake at their posts. Under these
circumstances four Isaurians, who were on guard at the Asinarian gate,
conceived the possibility of making their fortunes. Choosing a quiet
hour of the night, they let themselves down the wall by ropes, and paid
a visit to the barbarian King in his camp. There they explained to him
with what facility they were able to pass in and out, and proffered to
introduce Gothic soldiers in the same manner. He promised liberally, but
distrusted his informants and sent back two of his men to put the matter
to the proof. They passed in and reported favourably, but still Totila
hesitated, suspecting a stratagem. A few nights later the Isaurians
returned and made the same representations, whereupon the King repeated
the experiment by the agency of two other spies. They also entered the
city, and explored the feasibility of the scheme, but Totila delayed
taking any decisive step. The question, however, was talked over in the
Gothic camp, and soon after a Roman patrol, coming on a group of the
enemy loitering near the walls, seized them and brought them before
Bessas. On being examined they confessed that they had hopes of the city
being betrayed by some Isaurians, but he dismissed their statement as
being not worth considering. For the third time the traitors approached
Totila, and he now sent two officers of his staff, in whom he reposed
the utmost confidence, to investigate the proposal. On their confirming
the previous reports he decided to act.
One evening after nightfall Totila got all his men under arms, and
marched in silence to the Asinarian gate. Four Goths, selected for their
strength and courage, surmounted the wall by means of ropes let down to
them by the Isaurians. Inside they attacked the gate with axes, and cut
away all the woodwork in which the locks and bolts were fixed. The
portal was then thrown open, and the King entered with his troops. Still
apprehensive of some deception, he drew them up in close order in the
nearest open space and waited for daylight. Insensibly a report as to
what had happened spread through the city, upon which the garrison
crowded to Bessas, and all fled through one of the opposite gates. Of
the citizens a few nobles and about five hundred of the proletariat were
all that remained within the walls; and these, emaciated by famine,
dragged themselves with difficulty to take refuge in the churches. As
soon as morning broke the Goths laid aside their suspicions and began to
scour the streets, when a few soldiers, who had remained, and about
threescore civilians, fell victims to their rage. Totila wended his way
to the church of St. Peter, with the intention of offering up a
thanksgiving, and was met on the threshold by Pelagius, who adjured him
by the Gospels which he held in his hand, to spare the Romans. "Still a
suppliant, Pelagius!" exclaimed the King. "Yes," replied the priest,
"since God has made me your servant."
The victor now issued his commands to stay all further massacre, but,
with reservations as to his own share, permitted his soldiers to spoil
the houses. Much wealth came into his hands from the palaces of the
nobles, and especially the immense treasures accumulated by Bessas as
the gains of his nefarious traffic. Such poverty now prevailed at Rome
that members of the noblest families might be seen in mean apparel
begging their bread through the streets from the enemy. Among these was
Rusticiana, the daughter of Symmachus and widow of Boethius, who had
expended all she possessed in relieving the indigent. Some time
previously she purchased from the Byzantine rulers at a great price the
privilege of overthrowing the statues of Theodoric in revenge for his
having executed her father and husband.[605] The Goths would now have
retaliated, but Totila saved her from their hands, and also restrained
them from violating any of the females found in the city.
The day after the capture the Gothic King convened his forces, and
preached them a sermon on the advantages of ethical conduct in warfare.
He pointed out to them that in the first campaign, although numerous and
rich, they had succumbed to seven thousand Greeks, because they shrunk
from no excesses and committed every crime that seemed expedient at the
moment. Now, however, through adhering to the principles of rectitude,
although diminished to a mere handful with slight resources, they had
triumphed over twenty thousand of the enemy. He also addressed the
Romans in the same sense as his former despatch and proclamations,
reproaching them for their ingratitude to the Goths, and again
expressing his amazement at their indiscretion and prejudice in
preferring the oppressive rule of the Byzantines.
Totila's next procedure was to send a legation, of whom Pelagius was the
chief, to solicit an equitable peace from Justinian. They were the
bearers of a letter in which he prayed for a restoration of the amicable
relations which had prevailed between Anastasius and Theodoric; but they
also had verbal instructions to threaten the total destruction of Rome,
the massacre of the Senate, and a Gothic invasion of Illyricum. In
response the Emperor did not enter into any negotiations, but merely
indicated that Belisarius was his plenipotentiary, through whom only he
was willing to treat.
When this answer was conveyed to Totila, he resolved to raze Rome to the
ground, and transform the area into a sheep pasture; after which he
planned a march into Southern Italy against John, who had lately
inflicted some damage on the Gothic forces in that region. He began by
ruining the walls, of which he had levelled about a third part of the
circumference, when he received an expostulation from Belisarius, who
had been apprised of his design. "Men of wisdom," wrote the general,
"have always been characterized by the desire to build great cities, but
to ruin them can only be described as the work of fools. Rome, by reason
of its extent and magnificence, is the most excellent of all the cities
of the earth; built gradually in the course of many ages by a long
series of emperors, with the assistance of numerous architects and
artificers; the realization of immense resources brought together from
every part of the world. Destroy this splendid creation, and you will
incur eternal obloquy in the memory of succeeding generations. But pause
and reflect that the issue of this war must be one of two events: either
you conquer or are defeated. In the first case you will find that the
injury is your own, and you have demolished the proudest ornament of
your kingdom. In the second you have aroused the just resentment of the
victor, and can expect no clemency at his hands." Totila was persuaded
by these arguments, and refrained from doing any further damage to the
capital. The Senators, however, he placed under guard in his camp as
hostages, and the residue of the inhabitants he deported into Campania.
He then removed from the neighbourhood to inspect the progress of his
affairs in other parts of Italy. Rome was thus left wholly
deserted.[606]
As soon as Belisarius heard of the departure of Totila, he determined to
re-occupy the vacant capital. He brought all his men up from Portus,
therefore, and set them to work in rebuilding in a temporary fashion the
ruined stretches of wall. The stones, which lay scattered around, were
collected and placed in position, without mortar, as accurately as
possible; stakes were planted outside; the fosse was cleared; and the
adjacent ground was plentifully sown with calthrops. In three weeks the
work was completed, and, before long, many of the Romans, eager to
occupy their old domiciles, returned, for whom the general laid up a
copious store of provisions. When Totila heard of this procedure, he was
much annoyed, and hastened back with all speed to recapture the city.
The Goths delivered several assaults, but were invariably repulsed with
loss, notwithstanding that they had torn down and destroyed all the
gates, which had, therefore, to be defended by bodies of men packed in
the open passages. Seeing no prospect of success, the Gothic King soon
retired with his army, from whom he had to endure many reproaches for
not having adopted more effective measures to render Rome untenable. In
his retreat on this occasion he destroyed all the bridges over the Tiber
except the Milvian. Belisarius now fitted new gates to the city and
again went through the form of sending the keys to Justinian.
During the next year (547) the hostile armies frequently came into
collision, but no decisive success was won. In 548 Belisarius recognized
that the peninsula could not be conquered without much greater forces
than he had at command, but Justinian appeared to be lukewarm in the
matter, and the contingents he despatched from time to time were barely
sufficient to counterbalance the losses. The Constable resolved,
therefore, to send his wife on a special mission to Constantinople,
hoping that, if she brought the question before the Empress, her
exceptional influence might obtain for him the needed reinforcements.
Antonina arrived at the Imperial capital, but only to learn that the
Augusta had died a few weeks previously, whilst Justinian was immersed
in theological studies to such an extent that his administrative energy
had completely deserted him. She acted, therefore, on the alternative,
which doubtless had been proposed by her husband, and petitioned the
Emperor for his recall. Her request was readily granted, and thus
terminated the second campaign of five years which Belisarius had
conducted in Italy. This time he returned home without martial honour,
but with a considerable accretion of wealth, which he had exacted with
little scruple from the Italians, according to the usual practice of the
age, whenever an opportunity offered.[607]
After the departure of Belisarius, Totila breathed more freely, and
determined to devote all his energies to the recovery of Rome. During
the last year of his stay the Constable, by hovering around Southern
Italy with his fleet, had confined the attention of the Gothic King to
that quarter, while the capital had been committed to the charge of an
excellent soldier named Diogenes, with a garrison of three thousand
picked men. Early in 549 the third siege of Rome by the Goths was begun,
but the city was now well provisioned, and the governor vigilant, so
that for several months the enemy made no sensible progress. There was
still, however, among the defenders a band of Isaurians, to whom was
entrusted the custody of a gate on the south, that named after the
Apostle Paul; and they also conceived the idea of betraying their charge
to Totila. As the reward of their treachery, they saw some of their
former comrades abounding in wealth, whilst the arrears of pay due to
the Byzantine army already extended over several years. They opened up
communications, therefore, with the King; and in collusion with the
traitors a plan of capture was soon agreed upon. But the circumstances
were now very different, and an elaborate scheme had to be devised in
order to attain to the same result. Success, however, was made
commensurate with the greater complication of detail. The Tiber was now
entirely at the command of Totila, as he had recently taken the fortress
of Portus; whilst the only stronghold in the vicinity still held by the
Romans was Centumcellae, a seaport nearly forty miles to the north.
Having posted a strong ambush on the road to the latter place, the King
led the bulk of his forces secretly in the first watch of the night to
the neighbourhood of the gate in question. At the same time he
instructed two boats carrying trumpeters to row quietly up the river,
and, as soon as they arrived at the north wall of the city, to begin
sounding their instruments with all their force.[608] Everything turned
out as had been anticipated; when the garrison heard the blast of the
trumpets, all rushed to the proximity of the Aurelian gate, thinking
that a surprise assault was being delivered on that side. Thus the
Isaurians were left in sole charge of the gate of St. Paul, which they
immediately opened for the admission of the Gothic army. The news
quickly circulated that the enemy were within the walls, with the usual
consequence of panic and flight by those gates which were remote from
the vicinity of the hostile troops. Centumcellae was the destination of
most of the fugitives, where they expected to find a safe retreat, but
on the way they fell into the ambuscade set by Totila, so that almost
all perished. Four hundred of the garrison, however, fortified
themselves in the tomb of Hadrian and nearly as many took refuge in the
churches, but they were soon induced by Totila's liberal promises to
give themselves up. A majority of them even took service with his
forces.
Totila now did all in his power to restore Rome to its pristine
splendour, as he had lately been taunted by Theodebert with not being
the actual sovereign of Italy, since his capital, besides being held by
the Greeks, was partly in ruins. He had sought an alliance with the
Franks through marriage with one of the King's daughters, and on these
grounds the hand of the princess had been refused to him. Hence he
re-established a Senate composed of Italians and Goths, and tried to
repatriate as many as possible of the inhabitants who had been scattered
in various directions.
At this period the Gothic King again attempted to compose a peace with
Justinian, but his overtures were treated with unconcern. It is probable
that at this juncture the Emperor would have been willing to ratify a
treaty, but he had at his side an adviser who urged him persistently not
to abandon Italy to the dominion of the Arian heretics. Pope Vigilius
had been for a couple of years resident at the Byzantine Court, and, as
the representative of Orthodox Italy, he could by no means endure that
the Papal seat should be under the control of the Goths. Germanus was,
therefore, appointed to be commander-in-chief, but he died on his way
through Illyricum, and for the next two years the war continued to be
waged by land and sea on the same indecisive lines. The principal
exploit of Totila was the reconquest of Sicily, but he left it
incomplete; and shortly afterwards Artabanes virtually recovered the
island for the Empire.
In the autumn of the year 551, a naval battle off Ancona, disastrous to
the Goths, again induced Totila to approach the Emperor with peace
proposals, but Justinian remained obdurate, and seemed to be possessed
with a rooted prejudice against entering into any convention with the
Goths. The name had become odious to him, and, after so many years of
quasi-occupation of Italy, he doubtless looked on that nation merely as
heretic rebels who disturbed the peace in an integral part of his
dominions.
In this naval engagement, the only express conflict on the water in this
century, the Romans were provided with fifty warships of the utmost
capacity, the Goths with forty-seven.[609] John was in chief command on
the side of the Romans, Indulfus, a renegade officer of Belisarius, on
that of the Goths. The fight was begun with great ardour on both sides,
and conducted as nearly as possible in the form of a battle on land. A
cloud of arrows was interchanged by the hostile crews, and then the
ships were impelled against each other in order to facilitate the use of
swords and spears. The Byzantine fleet, however, was manned by sailors
who were skilful in manœuvring their vessels, but the barbarians, not
being a maritime nation, could not dispose of crews who were versed in
nautical evolutions. On the one side the ships were navigated
methodically and kept in just array, while on the other they were urged
indiscriminately to the attack. Certain groups of the Gothic fleet were
marshalled with an excessive interspace, and among these the Romans
drove in, isolating the vessels, and easily sinking them by their
combined action. In other positions the ships of the barbarians were
packed together so closely that they hampered each other's progress and
checked the use of the oars; and in such cases their efforts were
perverted into a contest to regain their freedom of movement. Hence the
battle resulted in thirty-six vessels being destroyed by the Byzantines,
whilst the remaining eleven escaped to the shore, where they were burnt
to save them from the enemy. The preservation of Ancona for the Empire
was the immediate result of this victory.[610]
After the death of Germanus the Emperor decided to appoint Narses to the
command of the war in Italy, although the eunuch was now a very old man,
and, according to evidence which cannot be ignored, probably almost an
octogenarian.[611] We are also told that he was short of stature and
slightly built, but mentally strenuous and decisive in character to a
remarkable degree.[612] As soon as the question was broached of
ordaining him to the conduct of the Gothic war, he declared frankly that
he would not accept the commission unless he were granted resources
adequate to the magnitude of the enterprise. Justinian yielded, with the
result that an invasion of Italy was planned by the eunuch on a scale
which was a revelation to those habituated to the fitful and partial
efforts of the last dozen years. Not only did he levy an army
commensurate with the undertaking, but he insisted on being provided
with funds to liquidate the arrears due to the half-hearted troops who
had languished in the country for so long without receiving their pay.
Narses set out for Italy in 551, but he was delayed on his route by an
eruption of the Huns, which it was no part of his duty to arrest. He
established a camp, therefore, at Philippopolis, and waited calmly until
the barbarians had divided into two streams, one of which bore
destruction to Thessalonica, and the other in the direction of the
metropolis. The Illyrian frontier, was, indeed, the training school of
Byzantine generals, and the eunuch himself was one of those who had
often been engaged in the task of resisting barbarian raids by which the
Danubian provinces were continually pillaged and depopulated. His
progress was also impeded somewhat by a deficiency in the commissariat,
which arose from a convoy of provision ships having been captured in the
Adriatic, previous to the battle of Ancona, by Totila's fleet. Early in
552, however, he was able to concentrate all his forces at Salona, where
the vital problem of transit into Italy began to be discussed. Besides a
numerous Byzantine army of the conventional type, he had been joined by
fully ten thousand barbarian auxiliaries from tribes not regularly drawn
upon, as Foederati for the Imperial Service. Lombards, Herules, Huns,
and Gepaeds crowded to his standard, and he even disposed of a
considerable Persian contingent led by Cavades, the real or reputed
grandson of the late Shahinshah.[613] All those who made a profession of
arms among the Byzantines or their allies, both officers of rank and
private soldiers, were eager to take part in this expedition; the one
class attracted by the illustrious dignity held by Narses at Court, the
other by the munificence displayed by him towards the armies he had
commanded, and because of the benignancy of his personal bearing among
the troops.[614]
Totila, on his side, had not been idle, but had made himself well
acquainted with the extent of the hostile preparations which were
impending against him, and he, therefore, employed every means that
foresight could devise to render the invasion of his kingdom difficult
and dangerous. He knew that the prime objective of the Byzantine general
would be Ravenna, but he had ascertained that he did not possess such a
fleet of transports as could convey the whole army at once across the
Ionic Gulf. Should the troops, however, sail by detachments, he expected
to be able to cut off the separate brigades when they were in the act of
disembarking. On the other hand, should Narses elect to march by land,
it was necessary for him to round the head of the Adriatic Sea and
pursue his route along the foot of the Alps through the plains which
stretched past the city of Verona. To the latter district, therefore, he
sent his most able general Teïas, instructing him to render the passage
arduous and impracticable by every art known to the military engineer.
Thus Teïas obstructed and broke up the ground in the vicinity of the Po
in all conceivable ways. Over a width of several miles trees were felled
and strewn in the paths of access, broad and deep trenches were
excavated, precipitous gulches were delved, and extensive areas were
hollowed out, into which water and mud were allowed to run from adjacent
streams. On the proximate side of this rudely diversified barrier the
Gothic general awaited the Byzantine army, to attack them with his
troops should they venture to pass.
Having determined to march overland, Narses advanced with his army from
Salona to the north of Istria, where he halted on the border of the
Venetian territory. Under the semblance of a friendly pact with the
Goths, the Franks, still cherishing the design of extending their
dominions, were in occupation of Transpadane Italy in its whole breadth.
A recent legation from the Emperor to win them over as allies against
Totila had failed; and, if the Byzantines were to pass by the route of
Verona without being harassed by the Franks, it was obligatory to have
some prior understanding with them. The emissaries, however, sent by
Narses to the generals of that nation returned with a specious refusal,
but at the same time informants arrived who made him aware that the
permission, if granted, would have been futile owing to the obstructive
dispositions of Teïas. A military council was now held; there was still
a third way of entering the peninsula, which Totila had left unguarded,
beset as it was by obstacles which seemed to preclude the passage of an
army. By proceeding along the coast they would be secure from hostile
interruption, but the land line was irregular, marshy, and broken by
numerous estuaries of navigable rivers. By the advice of John, however,
whose experience of a decade in the country qualified him to act as
guide, this seemingly impassable route was undertaken and successfully
accomplished. All the available ships and boats followed the army close
to the shore; and by means of them, as often as the mouth of a river was
reached, a floating bridge was improvised, over which the troops passed
in safety.
After Narses arrived at Ravenna he gave the whole army a nine days'
rest, during which time he received a further accession of strength
through being joined by all the Byzantine detachments remaining in that
region.[615] Just as the work of recuperation was completed the Gothic
governor of Ariminum, Usdrilas by name, taking umbrage at his apparent
inactivity, addressed him a sharp, provocative letter. "After filling
all Italy with rumours of the terrible host of barbarians, which you are
bringing against us," said he, "you now stay loitering behind the walls
of Ravenna. Come out at once and show your spirit to the Goths; no
longer tantalize us, who are eager to meet you in the field." The eunuch
smiled at the bravado of the Goth, and shortly afterwards resumed his
march with all his forces. The first skirmish with the enemy occurred at
the crossing of a small stream near Ariminum, from whence Usdrilas came
out at the head of a troop of horse; and the Romans were elated by the
happy omen, as they considered it, of the boastful Goth being slain in
this encounter. Narses now pushed onwards with all speed, having the
Flaminian Way on his left, and began to move through the Apennines
towards the fields of Tuscany.
In the meantime Totila, having effected a junction with Teïas in the
vicinity of Rome, pressed forward to meet the invaders at a distance as
far as possible from the capital. As soon, however, as news was brought
in of their rapid progress, he called a halt and pitched his camp near
the village of Taginae, among the western slopes of the Apennines.[616]
Before long the approach of the Byzantine army was signalled; and when
Narses found himself within a dozen miles of the enemy's camp he sent
forward his legates with an invitation to the Gothic king to surrender
peacefully, representing to him that he could not hope to resist the
whole force of the Roman Empire. As an ulterior proposal, should they
find him resolved to fight, he was to be asked to name a day of battle.
Being admitted to an audience they submitted the prescribed offer, to
which Totila replied angrily that he would accept no terms, but that
they must prepare for a conflict. Thereupon the legates at once
propounded the request: "Appoint a time then, good lord, to decide the
matter by arms." "On the eighth day from the present," said the King,
and dismissed his interrogators.
On receiving this response Narses immediately began to instruct his line
of battle, anticipating that Totila would advance to the attack without
delay, in the hope of finding him unprepared. Nor was he deceived, for
on the following day the whole Gothic army poured into the neighbourhood
and drew themselves up not farther than a couple of bowshots from his
own position. The site of hostilities was a small plain surrounded by
eminences, which were popularly supposed to be the sepulchral mounds of
a Gallic host who had been slaughtered here by Camillus in the early
years of the Republic. Hence the place was named the "Graves of the
Gauls." Close to the Roman army on the left was a low hill, which
protected them from being assailed directly on that flank, but which, if
held by the enemy, might become the source of a deadly play of darts.
The night was tempestuous, and, while it was yet dark, the eunuch sent a
squad of fifty infantry to occupy this elevation. Directly day broke
Totila saw the advantage which had been gained, and determined to
dislodge the occupants. A troop of cavalry were sent against them, but
what with the adverse slope, the discharge of arrows, the spear thrusts,
and the clashing of shields, which terrified the horses, the Goths could
make no headway, and had to retire discomfited. A second, and a third
time, Totila urged a similar attack, but nothing could overcome the
strenuous resistance offered by the Byzantines, and at length he had to
desist from his efforts.
The time of the main battle was now at hand, and on each side the
generals delivered an exhortation to their troops. Narses lauded the
superiority of his own men and spoke of the enemy with contempt,
asserting them to be mostly renegades from the Imperial service, whose
best prospect was to perish while making a desperate onslaught. Totila
encouraged his army by impressing on them that this was the critical day
of the war, and by a present victory they would irretrievably crush the
power of the Emperor. As for the forces opposed to them he pointed out
that they were only mercenary barbarians, who would be chary of risking
their personal safety merely in exchange for the high pay by which they
had been allured.
Both armies were now marshalled over against each other in a long and
deep array. Narses collected all his barbarian auxiliaries, with whom he
was unfamiliar, into the centre, and made them stand dismounted from
their horses. The flower of the Roman troops he placed in the wings,
four thousand foot-archers in front, and behind them fifteen hundred
cavalry in each division. On the opposite side the Goths were ranged in
two lines, all their cavalry being in front and the infantry behind. The
two generals now rode along their respective battle fronts, uttering
words of encouragement; and Narses added the objective stimulus of rich
jewels, armlets, necklets, and golden chains, displayed aloft on the
points of spears, and promised the bestowal of them as the rewards of
valour. As in most cases, there was a single combat in the interspace,
the champions this time being a Roman renegade and an Armenian, when the
triumph of the latter infused an access of confidence into the Imperial
troops. Totila, however, was anxious for a short delay, as he was
awaiting the advent of two thousand horse, whose approach had just been
intimated to him. In the meantime he essayed to divert the attention of
the enemy by exhibiting his address in equitation and play of arms. He
was dressed with regal magnificence, and his weapons and armour were
resplendent with gold. Purple plumes flowed from his helmet and lance,
and he was mounted on a charger of faultless proportions. He began to
caracole along the front of his line, wheeling his horse in circles and
pulling him up short at one instant or another to turn in a different
direction. Simultaneously his spear was tossed into the air and caught
dexterously with interchanging hands, now by one part, now by another.
In this saltatory exercise he frittered away the whole forenoon; and
then he sent a herald to ask for a parley with Narses. The eunuch,
however, replied that it was mere trifling for him to propose a debate
on the field, which he had declined at the fitting time.
It was now announced to Totila that the expected accession of cavalry
had arrived, whereupon he retired to his tent and passed the word for
his troops to fall out and partake of their midday meal. With a swift
change, however, all returned to their ranks, and the Gothic cavalry at
once began an impetuous charge against the enemy, thinking to catch them
in disorder. But Narses had suspected a ruse, and therefore had
restrained his men from breaking into loose order or laying aside any
part of their equipment. At the same time, lest they should suffer by
fasting, he caused them to be served with refreshments while standing in
line with their eyes fixed on the movements of the enemy. As soon as he
perceived in what manner the battle had begun, the Roman general
executed an evolution which was fatally adverse to the chances of the
attacking troops. The wings were signalled to deploy towards the centre,
and thus in a moment the Byzantine army assumed a crescentic formation,
which embraced the Gothic cavalry between its extended horns. From each
side the four thousand archers poured their arrows into the dense
squadrons of horse, who by some strange perversity or misjudgment had
been ordered to rely solely on their spears and the force of their
charge to overthrow the ranks of the enemy. A small proportion only of
the Gothic horsemen succeeded in reaching the Roman line, most of them
falling or becoming disabled the moment they entered the deadly
interspace between the two fires. Nevertheless they maintained their
efforts with tenacity till the decline of day, when the Byzantine army
by a unanimous impulse began to move forwards against them in firm
array. Gradually the Goths were pushed backwards, becoming more and more
disordered as they retreated, until they again came in contact with
their own infantry. In proportion as the enemy yielded the ardour of the
Romans had become inflamed; men of all arms attacked fiercely, and soon
the retreat became a rout; whilst the Gothic infantry, seeing the defeat
of their main force, attempted no defence, but fled wherever the way
seemed to lie open for escape. Six thousand of the Goths were slain on
the field, and, in addition, a large number of the Imperial troops, who,
during the last decade, had from time to time deserted to their
standard.[617]
The life and fortunes of Totila were forfeited on the day of Taginae,
but the mode of death of the Gothic King is wrapped in some uncertainty.
At the outset of the battle, according to one account, a chance arrow
pierced him with a mortal wound, and compelled his removal from the
field. After his departure, the Goths engaged the enemy without tactical
direction, and failed through being deprived of his skilful supervision.
Another version relates that as soon as the catastrophe was complete he
fled through the darkness with a few followers, when he received a
lance-thrust from the hand of a barbarian, who was unaware that he had
struck the King. Whatever may have been the immediate cause of the
fatality, it seems certain that on that night he arrived at Caprae,
about ten miles from the scene of the battle, in a dying state. There he
shortly expired and was buried by his companions, who at once left the
neighbourhood. Soon afterwards a Gothic woman, resident on the spot, who
had seen the occurrence, told some Roman soldiers that the King was
dead, and indicated to them his grave. Disbelieving her story, they
disinterred the body and found that she had spoken the truth.[618]
Before they restored the corpse to the earth they stripped it of its
regal apparel, which they brought to Narses. He, in his turn, forwarded
the spoils to Justinian.[619] Such was the inglorious end of the reign
of Totila, whose martial talents and civil magnanimity deserved a better
fate; and we would fain believe that version of his death which
elucidates by an inevitable mischance the infelicitous result of this
ill-conducted battle so unworthy of his previous reputation.
Narses now marched on Rome, receiving on his way the submission of
several towns which had been taken and retaken during the present war.
At the same time the remnant of the Goths mustered at Ticinum, which
Totila had fortified as the repository of his treasure in North Italy,
and there they immediately elected Teïas as King. When the eunuch
arrived before the capital, he found the Gothic garrison prepared to
offer a vigorous resistance; but their dispositions were unskilful, and
they were far from being able to foresee the various possibilities of
capture. The siege, therefore, was of brief duration, and they were
shortly circumvented by a simple strategical ruse. Three simultaneous
assaults were made on distant portions of the wall; and the defenders
allowed their attention to be concentrated on these points, whilst
leaving the rest of the wide circuit vacant. Then Narses, seizing a
favourable moment, ordered one of his lieutenants named Dagisthaeus,
supported by a strong brigade, to make a sudden attempt with scaling
ladders on one of the deserted stretches of wall. They ascended, meeting
with no obstruction, gates were thrown open, and the Imperial standard
was displayed from the battlements; whereupon the Goths abandoned the
defence and saved themselves by every available outlet.[620] Thus for
the fifth time in less than a score of years was Rome captured by one or
other of the contending nations; and again on this, the third occasion,
the Emperor had the gratification of receiving the keys of the city from
one of his generals.
Yet the subjugation of Italy was still far from complete; and an arduous
task had still to be executed by Narses before he could proclaim the
peaceful settlement of the ruined Gothic kingdom to be an accomplished
fact. Desperate bands of Gothic marauders now pervaded the country and
wreaked their vengeance uncontrolled on the Italians for the ill success
of their arms. All the Roman senators were murdered in Campania, where
for their own safety they had been located by Totila; and even at
Ticinum a band of hostages, selected from the noblest families, were
slaughtered by order of the new Gothic King. And Teïas, notwithstanding
his limited resources, was not in the least inclined to make his
submission to the victorious eunuch, but determined to oppose him to the
last by every means in his power. First, he tried to win the alliance of
Theodebald, who had lately succeeded his father on the throne of the
Franks, but that monarch declined to identify himself with a failing
cause.
The prime object of contention between the hostile generals was now the
city of Cumae in Campania, where Totila had deposited the richest
complement of his treasures and on that account provided it with a
strong garrison. At first John was sent into Tuscany to obstruct the
avenues of approach from the north; but Teïas eluded his vigilance, and,
by pursuing devious and unfrequented paths in the vicinity of the
Adriatic coast, penetrated into Campania before the Byzantines had
become aware of his escape. There he fortified his camp on the distal
side of Mount Vesuvius, close to the Bay of Naples. The position chosen
by the Goths was the south side of a bridge over the Draco, a small
river flowing between steep banks, impassable even for infantry. On this
spot they built wooden towers and constructed military engines, by means
of which, owing to the difficulty of access, they were able to withstand
the efforts of the whole Roman army for two months. With their fleet in
proximity they held the command of the sea, so that they suffered from
no lack of provisions. At the end of that time, however, the ships were
betrayed to the enemy by a traitorous Goth who was in charge of them,
and thus their supplies were cut off. They now took refuge on the
Lactarian Mount, which rises from the ridge of land separating the Bay
of Naples from that of Salerno. Here they soon found themselves in
danger of being starved out, and resolved, therefore, to make a
desperate effort to regain their freedom. Unexpectedly they came down on
foot in a solid mass, and threw themselves on the Byzantine troops.
Teïas, in the forefront of the battle, performed prodigies of valour,
and soon became the central aim for his adversaries. A dozen spears
became fixed in his shield, so that he could no longer wield it freely
to shelter himself. He called loudly for his armour-bearer, and an
attempt to exchange it was made, but for a moment his body remained
unprotected and he received a fatal wound. Nevertheless, his men fought
on till night terminated the conflict. At the dawn of day the fight was
resumed, and again persevered in till night. At last they sent a
deputation to Narses, proposing that they should be allowed to possess
themselves of whatever funds they had deposited at their homes in
various parts of the country, upon which they would leave Italy to go
and live according to their own laws among other barbarians. Following
the counsel of John, Narses made a convention to that effect; whereupon
the Goths agreed to surrender all their remaining strongholds and to
evacuate the peninsula.[621]
Such was the end of the dominion of the Ostrogoths in Italy, but Narses
still had a considerable war to wage, partly owing to the convention not
being strictly carried out, but chiefly because the Franks were firmly
convinced that they could make themselves masters of Italy. Their
resources were great, but for more than a decade they had been witnesses
of the successful resistance offered by Totila with his small army to
the anxious efforts of the Emperor; and hence they were itching to find
a plausible pretext for invading the country in force. Theodebald was a
feeble youth, evidently tottering to the grave, and two nobles of his
court, the brothers Leuthar and Butilin, professed to rule both the King
and the nation. As soon, therefore, as it became patent that the power
of the Goths in Italy was irretrievably shattered, they affected to be
moved by the prayers of a few refugees of that people, who had dwelt in
the Transpadane region, and had not been directly concerned in the
compact with Narses. Hence they quickly levied an army of over seventy
thousand men, and suddenly appeared in North Italy under the semblance
of being zealous allies of the Goths, but in reality because they
believed the country to be without a master. The Roman general had not
yet received the submission of Cumae, whilst some thousands of Gothic
soldiers had fortified themselves at Compsae under a bellicose Hunnish
leader, named Ragnaris; but on hearing of the Frankish invasion he
abandoned his operations against them, and marched into Tuscany. Here he
stayed to accept the capitulation of a number of towns, but sent on the
greater part of his forces to block the way of the invaders on the
southern bank of the Po. Some slight successes were obtained, but the
eunuch was really incapable of opposing the Frankish host, and he soon
retired to the shelter of Ravenna for the winter (553). Italy was now
virtually lost again to the Empire had the barbarians who invaded it
been capable of organizing a government or founding an administration.
But to indulge themselves in rapine was the only course that was
intelligible to them, and they possessed the country as brigands, not as
civilized conquerors. The bulk of their army was, in fact, composed of
German tribes, who had not yet been converted to Christianity. Even the
Goths recognized shortly that they had nothing to hope for from such
allies; and before long, Aligernus, the brother of Teïas, journeyed
voluntarily to the north and presented himself before Narses with the
keys of Cumae in his hand.
At the first flush of spring Leuthar and Butilin roused themselves to
prosecute their raid, and made a rapid and destructive march through
Central Italy until they arrived on the south of Rome. The brothers now
divided their forces, and, while one half carried their ravages down to
the Sicilian strait, the other devastated the eastern tract of the
peninsula until they were brought up by the waters of the Mediterranean.
The churches were broken into and rifled of all their precious ornaments
by the heathen Germans, but the Orthodox Franks abstained scrupulously
from any such sacrilege. The summer was already at its height, when
communication was reopened between the Frankish leaders; and Leuthar
announced his decision to return home forthwith in order to enjoy the
fruits of the expedition. He exhorted his brother to follow his example,
and not stake the rich spoils of Italy on the doubtful event of a war
with the Romans. Between Butilin and the Goths, however, a bond had been
executed in precise terms, by which it was prearranged that, should he
succeed in ousting the Byzantines, he should become their king. He,
therefore, remained in Campania, whilst his brother proceeded to retrace
his steps to the north. On the way a foreguard of three thousand men
fell into an ambush, contrived by Artabanes at Fanum, with disastrous
results, but the main army continued its march unopposed, crossed the
Po, and pitched their camp at Ceneta, in Venetia. Here they bewailed the
loss of much of their booty on the long route, and gave themselves up to
a life of indolence and relaxation in compensation for their protracted
predatory exertions. Soon, however, a pestilence invaded the camp,
emanating doubtless from an ill-ordered commissariat and defective
sanitation, by which most of them perished, including Leuthar himself.
As for Butilin and the moiety of the host which remained with him, they
also succumbed to disease in considerable numbers. The plenteous supply
of grapes in Campania induced them to indulge too freely in a raw wine
of their own concoction, and hence many of them fell victims to a fatal
flux from the bowels. Since Butilin hoped to obtain a permanent seat in
the country, he decided to fortify himself in a strong position, and
await the development of events. At Casilinum,[622] on the river
Vulturnus, he found a suitable spot, and there he fixed his camp within
an enclosure strongly fenced by wagons and stakes. Their front was
defended by the river, and wooden towers which they built at the foot of
an adjoining bridge. His army amounted to about thirty thousand men, and
he was also expecting reinforcements which had been promised by his
brother as soon as he had deposited his treasures in a place of safety.
Narses now thought himself strong enough to meet the diminished host of
Franks in the field; and he therefore came down from the north and
encamped on the other side of the river, almost in sight of the enemy.
His whole force, however, did not exceed eighteen thousand men, a great
many of the barbarians, who had accompanied him into Italy, having been
dismissed to their homes shortly after the defeat of Totila. He began
hostilities by cutting off the foraging parties, on which the Franks
were dependent for supplies, a proceeding which harassed them so much
that they decided to end the molestation by a battle. When the Roman
general noticed that the enemy were preparing to attack him he disposed
his forces in order, placing all his infantry in the centre, and his
cavalry on the wings. A certain number of his troops who were armed only
with missiles, bowmen, and slingers, he posted at the rear, and he also
concealed a detachment of horse in an adjacent wood. The martial
equipment of the army opposed to him was very incomplete. All were
infantry who bore no defensive armour, except shields and an occasional
helmet; and their only offensive weapons were a sword, a barbed javelin,
and a two-edged axe. They drew themselves up in the form of a wedge with
the apex in front, and when the order to charge was given they drove
down on the Roman centre with an impetus which carried them right
through the troops opposed to them, so that they seemed to be on the way
to capture the camp of their adversaries. Narses now signalled for his
wings to wheel round towards the centre, until they faced almost the
reverse way, and then to empty their quivers into the unprotected backs
of the enemy. At the same time they were assailed in front by a brigade
of Herules who had not arrived at their place in the centre before the
sudden onslaught of the Franks. The result of these tactics was the
practical annihilation of the barbarian host, along with whom Butilin
himself perished. While most of them were slain and many driven into the
river, it is said that only five escaped death on the field of battle.
Of the Romans only eighty were killed, and these were the men who stood
in the ranks where they had to withstand the first shock of the Frankish
charge. Shortly after this victory Narses proceeded to the reduction of
Compsae,[623] where the number of recalcitrant Goths, who had taken
asylum with Ragnaris, now amounted to seven thousand. The fortress was
blockaded during the winter; and at the beginning of spring (555), after
their leader had been slain in a chance encounter, the occupants
surrendered unconditionally to the eunuch, who sent them to
Constantinople, so that their services might be utilized for the future
in the defence of the Empire.
After a war of twenty years Justinian at last felt himself to be the
veritable sovereign of Italy; and he drew up forthwith a comprehensive
Act for the future government of the country. The title of this
document, the legate to whose hand it was entrusted, and the place
chosen for its promulgation, were all worthy of its importance. In the
autumn of 554 the exiled Pope Vigilius quitted the Imperial capital to
annunciate the Pragmatic Sanction from the throne of St. Peter as the
Emperor's message of amity to the Italian people. Yet the concessions
made to the inhabitants by this Constitution were, perhaps, not worthy
of the name; and many who benefited, through the adoption of a definite
Imperial policy, did so at the expense of others. Not altogether
inequitably, however, as the main object of the Emperor was to restore
the _status quo_ before the accession to power of Totila. The Pragmatic
Sanction, therefore, enacted a universal reinstatement of, and
restitution to those who were the losers by the interior administration
of that monarch. In his efforts to consolidate his power he had made, or
winked at, sweeping transfers of real and personal estate to his
supporters from those who were disaffected to his cause. Now everyone
was called on to take his own again wherever he could find it, without
being troubled to make out his claim in conformity with the niceties of
legal practice, it being conceded that there might have been an
indefinite loss or destruction of instruments of title during the
general upset. Lands and cattle, houses and movables, were to revert to
their original owners; slaves of both sexes, who had obtained or assumed
their freedom in the laxity of the times, were to return to the hand of
their masters; and even the marriage tie was declared to be a nullity if
contracted under the altered social conditions. Thus, husbands and wives
who relapsed into servitude could be repudiated by their hymeneal
partners; and even nuns, who had tasted of matrimony, had the option of
re-entering their convents. On the other hand, Justinian did not
encroach on the liberty of his new subjects by depriving them of
advantages which they had formerly enjoyed; for instance, the provincial
Rectors were to be chosen locally by the prelates of the Church from
among the Italians themselves; and the salaries customarily paid at Rome
for the promotion of liberal studies, literature, rhetoric, law, and
physic, were to be continued to the professors. He also invited the
Roman senators to visit him at the Byzantine Court whenever it pleased
them to do so; and enacted that travellers might pass without let or
hindrance between Italy and the rest of the Empire. The usual formulas
as to the efficient collection of the taxes and against fiscal
oppression were, of course, prominently expressed in this Constitution;
and in this department we may be sure that the Gothic rule was often
regretted.[624]
[599] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 1 (whence the narrative proceeds as
below). Cf. Anecd., 24, 26.
[600] Afterwards and now Pavia.
[601] Baduela on coins, but the Greeks always call him "Tõtilas,"
perhaps phonetically.
[602] He had delayed at CP. to celebrate his nuptials with the daughter
of Germanus; Procopius, _loc. cit._, 12.
[603] Now Otranto, the nearest point to the opposite coast of Greece.
[604] He was really afraid to be in the vicinity of Antonina, says
Procopius (Anecd., 5), as he believed that she had a mandate from
Theodora to make away with him, the latter having an inveterate enmity
against Germanus and his family.
[605] See p. 546.
[606] In a later part of his work, however, Procopius says (_loc. cit._,
iv, 33) that Totila also burnt many of the buildings at this time.
Marcellinus Com. (an. 547) corroborates, and says that for forty days
there was neither man nor beast within the city.
[607] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 35; Anecd., 5. He left Italy this
time as in surreptitious flight, glad to abandon his task. In this year
(548), Procopius tells us (De Bel. Goth., iii, 29), the great whale
Porphyrio (see p. 368) was found stranded near the mouth of the Euxine.
It had got into shallow water, too eager in its pursuit of dolphins. The
measurements were 45 by 15 feet, but some doubted it to be the same
animal as had been known in the Propontis for fifty years. Procopius
does not, however, mention the "wonderful dog," who visited CP. in 530,
and runs through all the Chroniclers from Jn. Malala to Zonaras. Rings
and coins placed in a heap on the ground he restored to their owners, or
fetched according to their value correctly. He also indicated to order
among the bystanders pregnant women, brothel-keepers, bawds, adulterers,
misers, and benevolent persons.
[608] Perhaps this is the origin of a statement by Paul Diac. (Hist.
Miscel., xvii) that on capturing Rome T. kept his trumpets sounding all
night to warn the citizens to take sanctuary from his turbulent
soldiery. "He lived among the Romans," says that historian, "like a
father with his sons." (The same passage occurs in Lib. Pontif.,
Vigilius.) "The teaching of St. Benedict," he adds, "had moulded his
character to this clemency."
[609] Altogether, however, Totila had equipped a war fleet of three
hundred first class ships (Procopius, _loc. cit._, 22); with these he
made some successful descents on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.
[610] These Italian campaigns had evidently caused the Byzantines to
develop their naval power, and caused a reversal of the state of things
which prevailed at the beginning of the Vandal war. See p. 503.
[611] Just previously he had built a church and monastery in Cappadocia,
to which he intended to retire for the rest of his days (John Ephes.,
Hist. (Smith), p. 75).
[612] Agathias, i, 16.
[613] See p. 415.
[614] This campaign of Narses occupies the latter part of the fourth
book of the Gothic War of Procopius. More than the first half of that
book is devoted to Persian affairs, and would properly be called the
third book of the Persian War.
[615] It will be observed that Ravenna was never captured unless by
stratagem. Both Theodoric (p. 545) and Belisarius (p. 581) entered by a
pretended treaty with the occupants.
[616] "Taginae lies just below the central watershed of the Apennines,
near the modern Gubbio" (Oman, _op. cit._, p. 32).
[617] Founding on Theophanes, an. 6044, and Cedrenus, i, p. 659, this
battle must have been fought in July, or at latest the beginning of
August.
[618] Procopius (_loc. cit._, iv. 32) gives both stories of his death,
the first vaguely, the second, which he appears to believe,
circumstantially.
[619] Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 486; Theophanes, _loc. cit._
[620] Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv. 33) notes a curious parallel between
the careers of Dagisthaeus and Bessas. The latter, as we have seen,
disgraced himself at Rome, and subsequently distinguished himself by the
capture of Petra (p. 601). But just before Dagisthaeus had been deported
under arrest from Lazica, where he had held the command, on the charge
of accepting bribes from the Persians. He now retrieved his disgrace by
the capture of Rome.
[621] This is the last scene in the historical work of Procopius.
Agathias now takes up the narrative and begins with an epitome of his
predecessor. In his first and second books he treats of the further
warfare of Narses.
[622] Modern Capua, the ancient town, retaining its name, having been
moved to this site.
[623] Apparently a town near the Aufidus, on the northern border of
Lucania.
[624] The Pragmatic Sanction is found at the end of all editions of the
Corpus Juris Civilis. In the affix Narses is named as the Praepositus of
the Sacred Cubicle, that is Grand Chamberlain, or Chief Eunuch, the
title under which he became military governor of Italy. He was provided
with a Praetorian Praefect. There is a fragment of a later Act in which
J. legalises a composition _pro rata_ between debtors and creditors,
having regard to the losses caused by the Frankish invasion.