ROME IN THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAR WITH THE GOTHS IN ITALY
In the third quarter of the fifth century, the Teutonic invaders of the
Western Empire had established themselves firmly in all its provinces,
and wielded a predominant power in the government. In the year 476
Odovacar was the head of the barbarians in Italy, whilst a youth named
Romulus Augustulus was formally recognized as Emperor.[503] The potent
barbarian abolished the Imperial throne and relegated its occupant to a
decent exile in the castle of Lucullus in Campania.[504] At the same
time he deprecated the anger of Zeno, the Eastern Emperor, and forwarded
the Imperial regalia to Constantinople in token of his submission to him
as a vassal.[505]
A few years later Theodoric, the young King of the East Goths, exercised
an ascendancy in Thrace almost equal to that of Odovacar in Italy, and
ravaged the country up to the gates of the capital. Zeno effected an
accommodation with him, nominated him as Master of Soldiers at Court,
and even honoured him with the Consulship (484).[506] Theodoric,
however, was impatient of control; and he proposed to the Emperor that
he should march against Odovacar with his countenance, and reign
independently in Italy under his suzerainty should he succeed in
conquering that country.[507] Zeno, glad to dispense with his formidable
service, at once assented, and the Gothic King departed forthwith on his
enterprise (488).[508] For two years Odovacar opposed the invader in
battle, but the fortune of war declared for his adversary; and at last
he found himself immured compulsorily within the walls of Ravenna. For
three years he held this stronghold against the Gothic King, until the
misery caused by the siege rendered him willing to treat. A compact was
made that both kings should rule jointly, and Theodoric was allowed to
establish himself in the city.[509] Shortly it was whispered that
Odovacar was engaged in a plot, a danger which his colleague met by
devising another. In this contest the Goth again became the victor. The
associate King was invited to a banquet, his movements were hampered
under the pretence of calling his attention to a written petition, and
Theodoric dealt him a death stroke with his sword (493).[510]
The Goth now secured for himself the allegiance of all the barbarians in
Italy, and sent an embassy to apprize Anastasius, who had been raised to
the throne in the meantime, of the final success of his enterprise. The
new Emperor replied with congratulations, and returned to Theodoric the
Imperial insignia which had been sequestered at Constantinople.[511] The
reign of the Gothic king lasted for thirty-three years, and was
characterized by beneficence and religious toleration towards his Roman
subjects. His court was upheld politically by the most eminent men of
Latin race whom the West produced in his time. He retained, as his chief
ministers, Boethius and Cassiodorus, men of literary attainments, whose
works have come down to us and are still read for pleasure and
instruction. But in his last days the alien king became distrustful of
his officials of native lineage, and Boethius, with his father-in-law,
Symmachus, fell a victim to his morbid suspicions.[512]
Theodoric was succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, the son of his
daughter Amalasuntha, a boy only ten years of age. The mother, a
beautiful and accomplished woman, became queen-regent; but she soon
incurred the enmity of a powerful section of the Gothic nobles by
educating her son according to the scholastic discipline usual among
civilized nations.[513] They insisted that the use of arms was the only
fit training for a Gothic youth, asserting that "the boy who had
trembled beneath a rod would never endure the sight of a sword." As a
result his tuition in letters was abandoned, and Athalaric was left free
to follow his own devices. If he died in his eighteenth year, after a
short career of dissipation and debauchery, we may feel assured that he
was incapable of either arms or letters, and the issue need not be
attributed to his emancipation from tutorial control.[514]
Having despaired of her popularity among the chief men of her nation,
Amalasuntha began to nourish treacherous designs against the Goths.
While her son was in apparent health she concerted a flight to
Constantinople, with the interested connivance of Justinian, contingent
on her failure to destroy a faction whom she believed to be seeking her
own destruction. When his decease was in prospect she went further, and
meditated the total surrender of her kingdom into the hands of the
Eastern Emperor. Justinian listened, but the scheme was only remotely
feasible, and the Gothic queen made an effort to repair her feminine
disability by assuming her cousin Theodahad as her partner on the
throne. She offered him the name of King, with the convention that in
her alone should be resident the regal prerogative. He accepted, but in
bad faith and with a private reservation as to his own prepotency.
Theodahad was a married man of middle age, and has the distinction of
being the first recorded scholar of the great German nation whose work
in literature and science has so much contributed to the progress of
knowledge in modern times. He was a devoted student of Latin and Greek
philosophy,[515] but he was also noted for his avarice; and, as the
possessor of large estates in Tuscany, laboured to accumulate wealth by
unflinching extortion. Previous to this time Amalasuntha had been forced
to deal sternly with him in order to repress his unscrupulous exactions.
Exasperated by her interposition, he also had contemplated the betrayal
of his countrymen; and was at the moment in treaty for the delivery of
his province to Justinian in return for a position of honour at the
Byzantine Court, and a commensurate gift of money. As soon as he was
associated to the throne he leagued with the enemies of Amalasuntha, and
made away with some of her chief supporters. His next step was to seize
the person of the queen, whom he incarcerated in an island castle of the
Volsinian lake in Tuscany. At the same time he sent two legates, members
of the Roman Senate, to explain the matter to the Emperor. They assured
him that the prisoner would suffer no personal injury, and presented a
letter, written under constraint by Amalasuntha, in which she spoke
resignedly as to her captivity.
Immediately after the successful issue of the Vandal war Justinian
became ambitious of adding the kingdom of Italy to his dominions; and it
is probable that his wishes in this respect were more or less openly
expressed. Hence the overtures insidiously made by Amalasuntha and
Theodahad, who must have read clearly that any proposals of theirs,
which conduced to his cherished design, would be welcomed by the
Emperor. Justinian was, therefore, on the watch to find a case for war,
even in occurrences of little moment, which would ordinarily be settled
by a diplomatic conference. While Gelimer was still a fugitive, a force
was sent to occupy Lilibaeum, a fortress at the western extremity of
Sicily, on the grounds that it had been granted as a depôt to the
Vandals, on the marriage of Theodoric's sister to one of their
kings.[516] The lady, however, had been imprisoned and ultimately
executed by Hilderic, and the Goths had resumed possession of the
post.[517] Consequently the proposed Byzantine garrison was refused
admittance.[518] Further, ten Hunnish deserters from the Imperial army
had been received in asylum at Naples; and the Goths, while opposing an
inroad of the Gepaeds at Sirmium, had inflicted some damage on a
neighbouring town of the Empire. The queen-regent replied by pointing
out the triviality of the complaints, and the shadowy nature of the
claim to Lilibaeum; and concluded by maintaining that the Vandal
expedition would have been a failure only for the liberal succour she
had afforded to it as they lay off Sicily. These questions were agitated
ostensibly with the view merely of fixing the attention of the Gothic
nation; and when the Imperial legates repaired to the court of Ravenna
their real mission was to discuss the possibility of annexing Italy to
the Empire.[519] On their return to Constantinople the ambassadors had
to communicate, not only the measures concerted with Amalasuntha, but
also the proposals of Theodahad, by whom they had been secretly
approached during their stay in the Gothic kingdom. Justinian was
overjoyed at the receipt of their message, and began to hope for an
early realization of his project. Without loss of time, therefore, he
despatched another legation, more studiously constituted, at the head of
whom was Peter Magister. Events, however, had been proceeding rapidly in
Italy, and they started in ignorance of the death of Althalaric, the
elevation of Theodahad, and the deposition of Amalasuntha. In Macedonia
they were arrested by the Queen's emissaries, on the coast of Epirus by
those of the King: they halted and referred back to the Emperor. A
supplementary instruction was given them; they were to declare in no
uncertain tone that Justinian would defend the interests of Amalasuntha.
On his arrival at Ravenna Peter found Theodahad beset by a cabal who
demanded the death of the ex-queen as essential to their own and his
safety; and, notwithstanding the preponderant presence of the Imperial
legate with his special mandate to the point, it was shortly made public
that Amalasuntha had been privately executed. Peter denounced the act
with vehemence, and apprized the Emperor, who promptly resolved on war.
In the year of his Consulship (535) Belisarius sailed for Sicily with a
moderate force, professing, however, that he was on his way to Carthage.
Such was the prestige of his name that the Goths evacuated the island
almost without striking a blow.[520] On the last day of the year the
Roman general entered Syracuse to lay down his Consulship, which he did
with much popular applause and scattering of largess. At the same time
Mundus, the master of soldiers in Illyricum, had been commissioned to
attack the enemy in Dalmatia, where he quickly achieved a success by the
capture of Salona. Justinian now declared himself openly as the
regenerator of Italy against the Arian heretics, who had wrested it by
force from the Empire; and he sent letters to the Franks, who were
Orthodox, claiming their assistance in his enterprise. The specific
permission granted to Theodoric by Zeno, and the ratification of his
title by Anastasius were ignored, and the Goths were presented in the
same light as the heterogeneous horde of barbarians whom they had
displaced. As in the case of Africa the religious sympathies of the
native population in this war were on the side of the Byzantines.
Notwithstanding this state of active warfare, Peter had attached himself
to Theodahad, seeking an opportunity to extract from him a formal deed
of abdication. During these negotiations the Gothic King showed himself
to be a vacillating and incapable administrator. He signed a treaty in
the most abject terms, reserving to himself merely the name of King, and
dismissed the ambassadors. He became fearful, saw himself in the place
of Gelimer, recalled them, and tendered a second document, in which his
abdication was made absolute; but he imposed an oath on Peter not to
reveal it unless his first terms should be rejected. Justinian, however,
was soon made aware of the alternative proposals, whereupon he chartered
a commission to take over the government of Italy. But in the meantime
the Goths had massed their forces in Dalmatia, defeated and killed
Mundus, and regained their ascendency in that province. This success
effected a reversal in the attitude of Theodahad; he received the
Byzantine deputies haughtily, cited historical precedents to show that
the person of an ambassador was not always strictly inviolable, and
finally committed them to custody on the charge of harbouring
treasonable designs against the head of the State.
The conquest of Italy was now undertaken in earnest, and, while a new
general repaired the Roman disaster in Dalmatia, Belisarius crossed over
to the continent and laid siege to Naples. Having drawn up his fleet and
army in a threatening position, he called on the citizens to surrender
the town. Colloquies were held by the townspeople, and, while one party
urged that the example of Sicily be followed, another argued that the
vengeance of the Goths, to whom they had given hostages, was more to be
dreaded than the attack of Belisarius. Ultimately it was decided to
defend the city, and messengers were sent to solicit extraneous aid from
Theodahad. More than a fortnight had been consumed in futile assaults
and repulses, when the chance observation of an Isaurian soldier
suggested a means of capture by surprise. While curiously exploring the
aqueduct he noticed that the water entered the town through a natural
mass of solid rock, which had been bored to give it admission. The
channel, however, was too narrow to allow the passage of an armed man,
but would do so readily if slightly enlarged. A few men, therefore,
repaired to the place secretly, and, by dint of working away the stone
noiselessly with sharp tools, they opened a passage of sufficient width
into the city. Under cover of night four hundred select men entered the
channel, and followed the course of the aqueduct through the town in
quest of a place of exit. The waterway was a vaulted gallery roofed with
brick, but at length they arrived at a point from whence they could see
the sky. On each side, however, they were confined by high walls not
easy to scale. With some difficulty a man, stripped of his armour,
clambered up, and noticed a mean house close by, inhabited by a solitary
old woman. He reached it by the aid of a tree, which grew alongside, and
terrified the occupant into silence. He then attached a rope to the
tree, and threw the free end into the aqueduct. One by one the soldiers
drew themselves up and descended, till all had arrived safely on the
ground. The party then made a sudden onslaught on two towers of the
south wall, according to a prearranged plan, slaughtered the guards, and
took possession of their posts. In the meantime Belisarius and the army
were keeping watch outside, where they strove to monopolize the
attention of the garrison by shouting to them continually to capitulate.
Suddenly a clangor of trumpets rang out; it was the preconcerted signal,
and announced that a portion of the wall was occupied by the surprise
party. A rush with ladders was made to the place, several bands
ascended, gates were seized and thrown open, the whole army poured in,
and Naples was at the mercy of the Byzantines. On the spur of the moment
a massacre was begun, especially by the auxiliary Huns, who burst into
houses and captured women and youths, but Belisarius soon succeeded in
imposing a check on the inflamed soldiery, and peace was established
within the walls before the outrages had time to become general.
The fall of Naples provoked universal indignation among the Goths, and
they became filled with resentment against Theodahad. They determined to
depose him, and a military conventicle was held in the vicinity of Rome,
where the bulk of their forces were encamped. Vitigis was elected King,
a man of no birth, but a general of proved capacity, who had
distinguished himself in wars with the outer barbarians under Theodoric.
On the receipt of this news Theodahad fled hastily to Ravenna, but he
was hotly pursued, on the part of the new monarch, by a Gothic officer,
who owed him a private grudge. He was overtaken on the way and
remorselessly slain by his personal enemy, and thus ended his career
after a reign which had lasted three years (536). Vitigis now held a
council of war, at which it was resolved to march northwards in order to
effect an accommodation with the Franks, Venetians, and all external
tribes with whom there were disputes, by making liberal concessions in
each case. The Gothic troops occupied in such regions could then be
withdrawn and concentrated into one great army, with which to return to
the south and encounter Belisarius. Rome in the interval was to be
entrusted to a small garrison of four thousand men, while the
inhabitants were to be reminded that they had always been dealt with
liberally by the Goths, and should therefore adhere to them loyally.
These resolutions were acted on, and, while Vitigis retreated
northwards, the way was left open for Belisarius to march on Rome. The
Byzantine general lost no time, and his progress through the Campania
was soon announced. His reputation had preceded him, and the fate of
Naples had struck terror into the citizens of the Capital of the West. A
meeting of the Romans was convened by the municipality, and, chiefly at
the instigation of Pope Silverius, it was decided to submit without
resistance to the representative of Justinian. Thereupon the Gothic
garrison, recognizing that their position was untenable, made up their
minds to abandon the city and betake themselves to Ravenna. Belisarius
was met by a deputation which invited him to take possession of Rome;
and it happened that while the Imperial army entered the city from the
south, by the Asinarian gate, that named the Flaminian was being kept
open on the north to give egress to the Gothic brigade. The day was the
ninth of December, in the year 536, and just sixty years since the
metropolis had fallen into the hands of the barbarians led by
Odovacar.[521] On this occasion the formality was gone through of
sending the keys of the city to the Emperor at Constantinople.
Rome at this time, notwithstanding the vicissitudes it had experienced,
had lost, to the superficial eye, but little of its Imperial splendour.
A numerous population, amounting probably to more than one million,[522]
still maintained itself in affluence within the ample circuit of walls
built two centuries and a half previously by Aurelian.[523] The
construction of those walls had been necessitated by the expansion the
city had undergone since the age of the Republic and the first emperors.
Fourteen principal gates provided for communication with the surrounding
country, and an equal number of lofty aqueducts, in many situations
architecturally decorative and imposing, supplied water to the interior
from various outlying districts within a circumference extending to
sixty miles.[524] The transformation of Rome from a city of dingy and
tasteless aspect, which had arisen on the borderland of civilization, to
a handsome capital adorned by all the resources of unapproachable Greek
art, had been begun and almost accomplished by Augustus.[525] The pride
and magnificence of his successors, in their spirit of absolutism and
self-adulation, had continued his work lavishly until the seven hills,
with their disjunctive valleys, were hidden beneath a labyrinth of
sculptured stone and marble:—[526] pillared temples and palaces, great
halls upheld by endless ranges of ornate columns, continuous porticoes,
colonnaded squares occupied by lofty figured monuments and Egyptian
obelisks, public baths of immense area decorated inside with fresco and
mosaic,[527] theatres and circuses on a vast scale, stupendous triumphal
arches spanning the main thoroughfares at frequent intervals, splendid
fountains, a crowd of statues almost equalling in number the people to
be seen moving along the streets,[528] and, lastly, even sepulchres of a
magnitude and elaboration not surpassed by edifices intended for a
concourse of the living.[529] In their private sphere the great nobles
emulated the work of the emperors, and constructed such extensive and
costly dwellings that they were compared to reproductions in miniature
of the city without.[530] Beyond the walls the suxburban area was so
thickly populated as scarcely to be distinguished from the fortified
enclosure. In vain had Constantine striven to create a new Rome on the
Bosphorus which should rival in grandeur the historic capital; to the
last a native of Constantinople would be struck with wonder and
admiration on beholding the city of the Tiber.[531] From some elevated
post, such as the Capitol, crowned with its massive temples, an observer
might comprehend in a glance some of the main features of the
world-subduing metropolis. His eye would be riveted in succession by the
huge bulk of the Coliseum, girded with pillars and statues rising in
four tiers to a height of one hundred and sixty feet; by the tall
embossed columns of Trajan and Antonine projecting above their
respective peristyles; by the expansive dome of the Pantheon sheathed
with bronze tiles; by the Mausoleum of Hadrian, a commanding pile on the
river side, also encircled by superimposed rows of pillars and statues;
and by the tomb of Augustus, a lofty mound ascending from a cylindrical
base by a slope planted with evergreen trees, and surmounted by a
colossus of that emperor.[532] Yet were a Roman, who had lived in the
age of the Caesars, to revisit the capital in the sixth century, he
would be struck by some remarkable changes. Traces of the religious
revolution which had culminated in the fourth century were everywhere
apparent; Paganism effete, and Christianity bursting into bloom.
Deserted temples, neglected and often verging to dilapidation, their
columns tottering and sometimes fallen to the ground, offended the
artistic sense. On the other hand Christian basilicas had sprung up, and
in some localities were great and conspicuous objects. Below the Coelian
hill the Lateran gardens were occupied by the Constantinean Cathedral of
the Saviour; and the original basilica of St. Peter had taken possession
of the Vatican mount. Without the walls, on the south, the great church
of St. Paul had been built to supply the religious needs of the teeming
population of the suburbs.[533]
An observant historian, resident in the West during the latter part of
the fourth century, has left us a striking picture of Roman society in
his time, which, with essential modifications, may be applied to
illustrate the manners of the Italian capital under the rule of
Theodoric. The national aspirations and energies of the Roman people,
having been nurtured and gratified progressively by success during
several centuries, arrived at the stage of inflorescence in the
pre-Augustan age. The long-continued training and encouragement of
intellectual activity was then producing those fruits which are
characteristic of the highest degree of material prosperity; men
experienced in war, habitual conquerors ambitious to rule; accumulations
of wealth in the hands of numerous private persons; and a lively
interest in literature and art. Hence sprang civil wars ending in
despotism, boundless luxury, and new creations in the realm of poetry,
history, painting, and sculpture. But the outcome of the autocracy was a
cessation of mental activity, emulation became extinct, and a period of
stagnation set in, tending gradually towards settled apathy and
indifference to all purposive effort. About two centuries after the
foundation of the Empire these results began to be fully apparent, and
an aimless abandonment to pleasure became the distinctive mark of the
age. Thus arose the sociological phenomena which at the end of the
fourth century have been recorded by the historian of the period. The
nobles revelled in the enjoyment of their great wealth; the lower orders
became seditious unless they were provided with sustenance and amusement
without having to earn them by work. The rich devoted their time to
receptions at which they were waited on by a crowd of interested
flatterers eager to win substantial proofs of their favour. They never
tired of boasting to their audience of the extent of their possessions
and the revenue they derived from them.[534] Through lack of any
legitimate occupation their dormant energies could find no outlet except
by taking an overwhelming interest in the routine of petty acts
necessitated daily by physical existence. Meal-times, most of all,
absorbed their attention; a multitude of servants stood around, and the
introduction of every dish was an event of grave importance. Fish,
birds, and dormice were the chief constituents of their fare; and as
each cooked animal was placed on the table it was subjected to the
keenest observation. Should anything excessive in the way of size or
plumpness be apparent, all present ejaculated their admiration. A
weighing-machine was sent for in order to ascertain how much it would
scale, and a secretary brought a book in which to register the
particulars of the astounding occurrence.[535] The intervals between
their repasts were given over to gambling, less frequently to music, and
on rare occasions to reading. A game of skill with dice was the
favourite pastime, and one who had mastered all the shifts and
trickeries of this diversion, even though of base origin, received
universal homage as a man of eminence and distinction.[536] Musicians
were often entertained with honour in rich houses, singers being in
great request, as well as performers on the hydraulic organ or the lyre,
which had been increased to such a size as to exceed the modern
harp.[537] The era of light fiction had not begun, but some solace was
found in perusing the satires of Juvenal, who attracted by his
indecencies in spite of his ethics, and the compositions of Marius
Maximus, the author of copious and scandalous biographies of the
Caesars.[538] In their excursions out of doors both men and women of the
wealthy classes assumed the pomp of a royal progress. The noble occupant
of an ornate gilded coach was attended by stewards who marshalled all
the servile members of the household in a lengthy procession. First came
the handsome and finely-dressed slaves addicted to light employments;
then a grimy crew of those who were busied about the kitchen; and lastly
a company of eunuchs in two bands, those in front being old men with
wrinkled and distorted features, and behind a troop of boy castrates who
were prized for their fresh appearance.[539] Costly apparel was the
special extravagance of a certain class; and when walking they displayed
themselves clad in layer upon layer of fine mantles, held at the neck
only by a jewelled clasp, so that the loose folds constantly flying open
might exhibit their variegated embroideries picturing the forms of
different animals.[540] While such men would pass an ordinary citizen
without notice or with a supercilious glance of recognition, a noted
courtesan would be greeted with effusive compliments and caressed with
flatteries as if she were Semiramis or Cleopatra.[541] No section of the
community was more esteemed than the dancing-girls, and of these three
thousand were constantly figuring on the boards of the theatres. On one
occasion, when a dearth of provisions seemed imminent, and foreigners,
including many professors of the liberal arts, were suddenly expelled
from the city, the question of dismissing these sylphs, together with
their trainers and slaves, in number much greater than themselves, was
never once brought up for consideration.[542] In such a state of
intellectual torpor the slightest journey was regarded as an enterprise
demanding extraordinary fortitude; and if a noble paid a visit to his
provincial estates or undertook a short voyage in a painted
pleasure-boat to the watering places of Baiae or Cajeta, he afterwards
extolled his achievement as if he had performed something worthy of
Alexander or Caesar.[543] As for their religion, although they scoffed
at every formal belief, they were earnest votaries of magic, and
apprenticed slaves to professed sorcerers in order to encompass the art
of injuring or influencing other persons by means of mystical
operations.[544] Nor were they willing to arrange their meal-times,
their baths, or their appearances in public, without consulting an
almanac with the view of ascertaining the station of Mercury or the
position of the moon among the constellations.[545] In the reign of
Valentinian I an epidemic of poisoning became rife, and all inconvenient
relatives were got rid of by the administration of deleterious
drugs.[546] These excesses were rigorously repressed by that irascible
emperor, who even executed some men of senatorial rank for being
concerned in magical practices.[547] At the same time adultery and
seduction were dealt with by capital punishment, and both men and women
of noble rank perished for these crimes.[548] As for the common people,
they were indolent and dissolute, spent their time in wine-shops and
brothels, were addicted to gambling, and in their lower sphere imitated
the pride of their masters by pretending to high-sounding names and
descent from illustrious families, even though without shoes to their
feet. Their devotion to the games of the Circus was as intense as that
of the Constantinopolitans, but the factions of the Blues and Greens
were not of such political weight or such breeders of riot as their
fellows of the Byzantine capital.[549] But the Roman populace were more
expectant of public gratifications in the way of amusements, largess,
and bread, and broke into violent seditions when there was any prospect
of their being limited or withheld. If the corn-fleet were delayed their
animosity was directed against the Praefect of the City; if the public
spectacles were parsimoniously provided for, against the Praetor of the
Games; and, unless those officials found means to assuage the tumult,
their houses were liable to be attacked and burnt by an infuriated
mob.[550]
Such was Rome at the beginning of the fifth century. Secluded in the
heart of Italy, her tranquillity had never been disturbed by the
commotions which the turbulent barbarians were for ever exciting on the
distant frontiers. But in 410 the Visigoths raided Italy, and Alaric
forced Rome to capitulate. Forty-five years later the city succumbed to
Genseric, but in these cases, beyond the abstraction of a large amount
of treasure, it does not appear that any material damage was inflicted.
At the nominal fall of the Western Empire the capital was peacefully
transferred to Odovacar, and under Theodoric the Senate was maintained
in its privileges,[551] whilst the municipal officers continued to be
selected and appointed with studious regularity.[552] Repairs of the
walls and public buildings were executed systematically,[553] and the
Circus was kept up as formerly under governmental supervision.[554] But
Roman pride must have been sullied by the frequent submissions to
barbarian hosts; and the settlement of the intruders all over Italy on
private estates must have reduced the affluence of the nobles to
moderate proportions. The glowing picture of Roman life, as it comes
from the hand of the fourth-century historian, must therefore be
received with large abatement before it can be accepted as delineating
society in the capital as it was when entered by the Byzantines.
After the departure of Vitigis, Belisarius sent his lieutenants Bessas
and Constantine into Tuscany to test the attitude of the inhabitants,
and they soon had the good fortune to receive several submissions, among
them the towns of Varnia, Perusia, and Spoleto. During this period he
himself was busy in repairing the walls and replenishing the granaries
of Rome. In the meantime the Gothic king had established himself at the
court of Ravenna, where he took active measures to consolidate the
affairs of his nation. The Franks, who had already given pledges to
Justinian, were won over to a secret alliance by the cession of
Gallia;[555] and he repaired his defect of birth by coercing
Matasuentha, a maiden in her teens, the daughter of the late queen, into
a hasty marriage with him. He now infused all his energies into the war,
and, having despatched a fleet with reinforcements to Dalmatia, marched
on Rome at the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men. As the forces
under Belisarius were reported not to exceed a tithe of that number, he
advanced with great confidence, his only fear being that before his
arrival the Byzantine general should have saved himself by flight. While
he was on his way, Bessas and Constantine, at the call of their chief,
returned to Rome with their brigades, having left a small garrison in
each of the captured towns.[556]
The first collision with the enemy was brought about by Belisarius
himself, who went out to reconnoitre their approach accompanied by a
thousand horse. Having blocked the Milvian bridge over the Tiber, a mile
and a half to the north of the city, with a tower, he expected that
Vitigis would be delayed for some days before he could improvise means
for crossing the river. But the guards of the tower fled at the first
sight of the enemy, who at once broke through and poured into the plain.
Hence before he could effect a retreat he found himself confronted by
their cavalry in force, and a desperate encounter immediately ensued.
Mounted on a dark charger dashed with white over the forehead, the
Master of Soldiers, more admirable than prudent in his conduct, threw
himself into the fight with the utmost ardour. The horse, trained for
the battle-field, shared his rider's zeal. Belisarius was soon
recognized by some deserters, and the word ran through the Gothic ranks
that the fortunes of the war were identified with the most conspicuous
combatant. He at once became the central mark for javelins and spears,
while the bravest of the Goths rode to the spot, eager to fell him with
their swords. With untiring energy, wielding his sword, now on this
side, now on that, he struck down all who came within reach of his arm,
while his guards, with irresistible bravery, closed around him and
repelled the assailants. At length their unyielding determination won
the victory; the Goths broke and fled to their camp, leaving nearly a
thousand of their number on the field. The Romans pursued them, but were
soon driven back by a mass of infantry, and with difficulty regained the
walls of the city. There they clamoured loudly for admittance, but those
within were afraid to open the gates lest the enemy should enter along
with the fugitive band. It was now nightfall, and the hero of the day,
who was reported fallen, was unrecognizable in the dusky air under a
coating of blood and dust. Belisarius now rallied his men, and they
turned with a great shout against the attacking party, who thus received
the impression that reinforcements had issued from the city and beat a
hasty retreat. They were permitted to depart unmolested, and then, the
gates being opened, all were enabled to reach their quarters in safety.
Notwithstanding his titanic exertions Belisarius had escaped without a
wound.
Both sides now matured their dispositions for pressing on and sustaining
the siege. Belisarius posted divisions of the garrison at each gate,
drafting into the service all the available citizens, and walled up the
aqueducts at their place of entry, lest the enemy should be tempted to
imitate his own successful stratagem at Naples. At the same time he
exhorted the townspeople, who were inclined to jeer at his temerity in
defying such a huge army, to be of good cheer, as he had excellent
reasons for predicting that he should be victorious over the Goths. On
his side Vitigis disposed his forces in seven fortified camps on the
north of Rome, one being across the river near St. Peter's by the
Vatican. In each case he dug a foss and cast a rampart, the top of which
was defended by a line of stakes. Every channel by which provisions
could enter the city was blocked, and all the aqueducts were cut through
in order to produce a water famine. A variety of machines for storming
the fortifications were also constructed: battering-rams; wooden towers
as high as the battlements, rolling on four wheels and drawn by oxen;
ladders in great number; and bundles of sticks and reeds to fill up the
moat and thus give access over level ground to the walls. To resist such
attacks engines for throwing heavy stones and darts were placed on the
top of the walls by the besieged; huge beams, provided with teeth and
worked by ropes, were hinged to the gates so as to beat down the enemy
if they attempted to force the portals; and the towers were brought to a
standstill by killing the draught-oxen with arrows.
During the first few weeks of the siege many determined efforts to scale
the walls were made by the Goths, who expected to overwhelm the small
garrison by their superior numbers. The most notable of these attacks
was that made on the Aurelian gate, which stood on the river bank and
was connected by a bridge over the Tiber with the quadrangular base of
the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Constantine, with a small detachment of the
garrison, occupied the walls and the monument, from which a colonnade
extended to the church of St. Peter. Under cover of the portico the
Goths were able to advance to close quarters without fear of missiles
shot by hand or from the engines. They emerged from beneath in great
force, protecting themselves with large shields and carrying numerous
ladders. Some strove to ascend the monument; others crossed the bridge
to scale the city walls. As soon as they appeared in the open their
attack was hotly contested by the Byzantines, who aimed at them with
arrows and stones from the engines. By a sudden impulse, those who
defended the Mausoleum seized on the statues with which it was
decorated, broke them in pieces, and hurled the fragments with both
hands on the heads of the assailants. Thus for some time the battle
raged furiously, but at length the Goths were repulsed.
As the siege proceeded, weekly sallies from the gates were studiously
organized by Belisarius; and in these encounters the Goths almost
invariably suffered in extraordinary disproportion to what might be
expected from the paucity of combatants arrayed against them. On one
occasion, for example, in a battle at the Salarian gate, thirty thousand
of them are stated to have been slain, while the wounded totalled a
still larger amount. Having by such results proved his forecast that
victory would incline to his side, Belisarius condescended to explain to
his staff why he had expressed himself so confidently at the beginning
of the siege. The Byzantine army, he pointed out, was composed almost
entirely of skilful horse-archers, especially the Huns, whilst the
Gothic cavalry were provided only with swords and spears, being,
moreover, without protective armour. Hence, they were powerless except
in a hand-to-hand fight; but in conflict with his mounted bowmen most of
them were brought down before they could come to close quarters. Such
was his demonstration, but nevertheless, as weeks rolled over, the Roman
general found that his position was becoming precarious owing to the
diminutive size of his army and the immense host which they had to
resist. The Goths also, taught by experience, ceased to attack the walls
in a densely packed throng, a proceeding which was the prime cause of
their being repulsed with such huge slaughter, since every missile aimed
at them told with deadly effect. He began to fear, therefore, that in
the end his task might prove to be greater than he could cope with, and
set about devising expedients to lighten the situation. In one way the
besieged were not so hard pressed as might have been anticipated; owing
to the extensive circuit of the walls, even the very numerous forces of
the Goths were unable to maintain a strict blockade. Thus communication
with the outside world, though not devoid of risk, was still facile.
Belisarius now forwarded an earnest entreaty to Justinian, praying for
reinforcements, and representing that the hardships endured by the
Romans might induce a renewal of their allegiance to the Goths. He also
determined to empty the city of all inhabitants who were useless for its
defence; and this was done one night after the enemy had returned to
their camp. An immense multitude—women, children, and slaves—were cast
adrift, and some by boats down the Tiber, others on foot along the
Appian Way, fled to the south, ultimately finding a refuge in Campania
or Sicily. For a different reason Pope Silverius and several senators
were dismissed, as suspicions were aroused that they had begun to treat
clandestinely with the Goths.
After this departure, however, the horrors of the siege began to be felt
more acutely on both sides. Vitigis, seeing that his efforts were being
frustrated, stationed a body of troops at the mouth of the Tiber to
prevent supplies reaching the city by water; and he also transformed
some of the arches of each aqueduct into guard-houses so that they might
intercept the import of provisions from the surrounding country. Inside
Rome the agitation grew to an extreme, and, as famine and pestilence
became rife, a recrudescence of Pagan superstition began to be
manifested. In the night some eager hands essayed to open the temple of
Janus in the Forum, but the brazen doors, long rusted upon their hinges,
refused to turn; and a gaping at their junction was all that attracted
notice next day to indicate the ineffectual attempt. At the same time,
all who were fit to bear arms clamoured to be led out against the Goths.
Soon, however, fresh forces began to arrive from Constantinople, and a
regiment of fifteen hundred succeeded in entering the city. Later on, a
fleet manned by three thousand Isaurians reached Ostia and hovered about
the river mouth to convoy provision ships which were preparing to run
the blockade. Procopius and Antonina had, in fact, been sent to Naples
to organize relief measures, and they returned before long with copious
stores. A number of small boats navigated the Tiber and revictualled
Rome unopposed, although observed by the Goths, either because they had
become apathetic, or because overtures for peace had already been made
by their King.
The siege had commenced in March, and such was the progress of events
during the succeeding nine months. When December had already been
entered upon, Vitigis found that his position was becoming desperate,
whilst the capture of Rome seemed more hopeless than ever. An almost
endless succession of defeats, together with disease and deficiency of
food in his camp, had been productive of enormous losses to the Gothic
army; and it was now rumoured that both by land and sea a great
increment of forces was on the way from Constantinople. He resolved,
therefore, to make peace with the Empire, if any reasonable terms could
be obtained from his adversaries. A conference in Rome between three
Gothic delegates and the Master of Soldiers was the result of his
decision. With the tone adopted by the Byzantine Court at the beginning
of the war rankling in their mind, the representatives of Vitigis
recapitulated the story of Odovacar, Theodoric, and the Emperor Zeno;
and thence inferred the injustice of the present invasion of Italy.
Founding his arguments on the most arrogant pretence or ignorance,
Belisarius, in reply, asserted virtually that Theodoric had been merely
a general employed by Zeno to restore Italy to his dominions, and
charged him roundly with perfidy and ingratitude for setting himself up
on an independent throne in that country. In the face of such insolent
or ignorant assurance, expostulation was evidently futile, and the Goths
could only proceed to mention hesitatingly their bid for peace. They
would cede Sicily, Campania, and Naples, and would pay a yearly tribute
to the Emperor. He thanked them ironically for their generosity; they
would give away what was no longer theirs; Britain in return should be
presented to the Goths; a much finer island than Sicily; it had once
belonged to the Romans. "At least," they urged, "let us communicate with
the Emperor, and let there be a truce for three months until we receive
his answer." To this proposal he gave a careless acquiescence, and the
deputation then withdrew.
Belisarius, however, had no intention of not pushing his advantage in
arms. Reinforcements had been arriving in batches, whilst the enemy had
relaxed their vigilance in the belief that hostilities had practically
ceased. Finding himself, therefore, with a surplus of troops at Rome, he
began to throw detachments into every town of the neighbourhood, which
was not in a state of active defence. At the same time he ordered John,
a nephew of Vitalian, to proceed northwards with two thousand horse,
cautioning him in a tone of levity not to begin raiding the country at
once, but to await instructions. Seeing that the attitude of the Roman
general amounted to no more than a farcical observance of the truce,
Vitigis, on his side, began to ponder over some insidious stratagem by
which he might capture Rome. First, he attempted a nocturnal entry
through a subterranean aqueduct; but after exploring its channel for
some distance into the city, his men were brought up by the recent
obstructions and had to retreat. Then he bribed some of the purveyors of
wine to the garrison to ply the sentinels on the river wall, where they
were fewest in number, with drugged liquor, but one of his intended
agents betrayed the plot. He even tried to rush the walls at the Pincian
gate by a sudden onset with ladders and fire during the dinner hour, but
the approach of the surprise party was signalled, so that they were met
and repulsed.
Through the Goths being seduced into these attempts by his own
enterprises, Belisarius found the opportunity he was looking for, and
paid no further heed to the factitious truce. He now, therefore, gave
the expected cue to John, who at once began to devastate central Italy,
in a chase from Auximum to Urbinum, and shortly arrived within sight of
Ariminum on the Adriatic. Here was another traitress, ready to betray
her nation for the sake of personal pique and vexation; and John soon
received a message from Matasuentha, the unwilling wife of the Gothic
king, proposing that the city should be surrendered to him with her
collusion. This treachery was quickly consummated, and the
lieutenant-general took possession of that important stronghold.[557]
[Illustration: Seat of
JUSTINIAN'S WARS
in the West]
As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the Gothic camp
before Rome the moment the news arrived that their families and
homesteads to the north were being looted by the Byzantines; and
Vitigis, himself in great concern at the malevolence of his wife,
decided at once to raise the siege. With the least delay possible the
barbarian host, having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion
and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The unusual activity
was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon Belisarius discharged all his
available forces through the Pincian gate to assault the retreating
enemy. A sharply contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to
flight and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the crush
became excessive, with the result that numbers were drowned in their
armour as they attempted the narrow passage, whilst those in the rear
were falling under the weapons of their adversaries. Thus ended the
siege, having lasted for one year and nine days, during which time
sixty-nine battles were fought between the besieged and the besiegers.
Belisarius was now free to undertake the conquest of central and
northern Italy, and the next eighteen months were occupied by his
efforts in that direction. While he was still pent up within the walls
of Rome the Bishop of Milan and several of the chief citizens had waited
on him with a request that he would send a small garrison to take
possession of their city, and relieve them from the dominion of the
Goths. One of his first cares was to act in accordance with their
suggestion; and thus the greatest city of the West, after Rome,
surrendered voluntarily to the Byzantines. Subsequently many other
fortified towns, including Ancona, Urbinum, Faesulae, Civita Vecchia and
Auximum were captured or submitted as a matter of choice. The Goths, on
their side, were continually active and not always without success; but
they failed in their efforts to recapture Ariminum, the beleaguering
force having fled precipitately at the simultaneous appearance of
Belisarius on land and of a Roman fleet in the bay. Throughout this war
the Romans had the command of the sea, sometimes with much inconvenience
to the Goths, who were thus liable to have their supplies cut off, but
no naval battle was fought.
One of the most notable occurrences of this year (538) was the advent
into Italy of Narses, Count of the Sacred Largesses, with a command of
seven thousand men. The Illustrious rank of this official, and his
brilliant position at Court, seemed to unfit him for a subordinate post;
and immediately on his arrival doubts arose in the minds of many as to
whether he should not be regarded as the commander-in-chief. Although a
eunuch, he had proved himself to be a man of exceptional energy, and had
won a reputation for sagacity which placed him in the foremost rank
among the statesmen of his time. The two leaders met at Firmum, and
Narses at once adopted an attitude of independence by pronouncing an
opinion which was in conflict with that of the Master of Soldiers on a
vital question. Ariminum was hard pressed by the enemy, and appeals had
been sent out for succour. But the intervening country was held in force
by the Goths, and Belisarius thought a march to the place too risky to
be undertaken. In addition, his scheme for the defence of the town had
been nullified by John's refusal to follow his instructions, and he was
inclined to mark his sense of the infraction of discipline by leaving
him to his own resources. But the eunuch pointed out that the loss of
such an important stronghold, defended by a general of the first rank,
might be an irreparable blow to the Imperial prestige, whilst it might
be considered that John had been sufficiently punished by having been
reduced to such a strait. Belisarius yielded, and the town was relieved
successfully, as stated above; but John, on his release, declined to
express any thanks to his chief, declaring that to Narses only was his
gratitude due. After this incident the army was split into two factions,
one of which adhered to Belisarius, whilst the others ranged themselves
around Narses. Being anxious for unity, the former convoked a meeting of
the staff, and, having presented his plan of campaign, called upon the
eunuch to second his efforts with loyal consistency. Narses, however,
dissented from his views, and expressed his intention of leading the
forces which were at his disposal to a different part of the country.
Thereupon Belisarius produced a rescript from the Emperor, in which all
were enjoined to obey him as sole commander-in-chief, whilst Narses was
excluded by a special clause from having any claim to exercise such
authority. Nevertheless the dissident party, distorting a formal
expression of the rescript by a verbal quibble into permission to do as
they liked, seceded from the Master of Soldiers, and decamped with the
Imperial treasurer to wage war according to their own judgment in the
province of Aemilia.[558]
The greatest calamity which befell Italy during this war was the
recapture of Milan by the Goths, a disaster which appeared to be a
direct result of the counsels of Belisarius having been rendered
inoperative by Narses. As soon as the dedition of that city was
announced to Vitigis, he detached one of his generals to beset it with a
large force of Goths and ten thousand Burgundians sent to his aid
clandestinely by Theodebert, King of the Franks. Belisarius wished to
despatch one half of the Byzantine army at once to its relief, but
Narses disputed the necessity, so that his proposal fell to the ground.
A small force which was sent feared to advance beyond the Po because of
its manifest insufficiency, and when at last Narses had complied with an
earnest request of Belisarius to supplement it effectively, it was too
late to avert the capture. The city had been ill provided to stand a
siege, and, while the inhabitants were reduced to feed on dogs and mice,
the garrison, being at the last extremity, were induced to accept terms
as to their own safety from the Goths. Thus Milan was delivered up, and
the barbarians, being incensed beyond measure with the Milanese for
their defection, massacred them revengefully to the number of three
hundred thousand. When Justinian heard of this catastrophe, he recalled
Narses to Constantinople, recognizing that an injurious division of
authority was an inevitable consequence of his presence at the seat of
war.[559]
Early in the next year (439) Theodebert launched himself on a remarkable
enterprise, and, having crossed the Alps, appeared suddenly in Northern
Italy at the head of one hundred thousand men. With the exception of the
King and his staff, all these warriors consisted of infantry, their only
arms being a sword, a short-handled axe, and a shield. Their method of
fighting was to project the axe with the utmost force against their
opponent's shield, which was thus rendered useless by fracture, and then
to attack impetuously with the sword. This formidable host crossed the
Po, and soon came in sight of the Gothic camp, from which joyful
acclamations were forthwith sent up in anticipation of the splendid
assistance which was about to be rendered them by their ally. Soon,
however, they found themselves involved in a deadly tumult, myriads of
axes were flung, and their disabled comrades were slaughtered on every
side, until the whole Gothic army was routed and hurried with headlong
speed towards Ravenna. Shortly the disordered bands of Goths were
noticed flying across the country by the Roman forces engaged in that
district, among them being the redoubtable John, and they immediately
concluded that Belisarius had fought a successful battle, and was in hot
pursuit of the beaten enemy. All rose expectantly and advanced in the
direction of the impulse, when they also found themselves in collision
with the invading host, which bore down on them in an irresistible mass.
Overwhelmed by the immensely superior numbers, they turned and,
abandoning all their positions, hurried by forced marches to join
Belisarius in Tuscany. The reason of this extraordinary incursion was
now clearly apprehended; believing that the Romans and Goths had reduced
each other to a state of inanition, the King of the most faithless of
nations (the Franks are so characterized) thought the moment opportune
to possess himself of a large tract of Italian territory. A remonstrance
was at once addressed to him by Belisarius, who appealed to the
obligations of probity, and the compelling nature of his previous
engagements to divert him from his purpose. But a better argument was at
hand: bivouacked in an exhausted country, with a deficient commissariat
and no water supply but the tainted stream of the Po, an epidemic of
dysentery soon pervaded the teeming multitude, and they hastened to
regain their own habitations after losing a third of their number.[560]
Before the summer of this, the fifth year of the war, the Goths had been
driven from nearly all their principal strongholds, and Vitigis, with
the bulk of his troops, had been obliged to take refuge in Ravenna. But
the outposts of the Gothic capital, Faesulae and Auximum, both strong by
nature, and munitioned with especial care, had to be reduced before the
blockade of the regal seat could be safely undertaken.[561] Several
months were consumed in these operations, and the Byzantine army was so
distressed by the protracted defence of Auximum, which was attacked by
the Master of Soldiers in person, that the troops were on the verge of
mutiny. At length the garrison was induced to capitulate with the
honours of war, and Belisarius was free to devote all his strategy to
the capture of Ravenna. That city was built in a swamp near the
sea-shore, about forty miles below the estuaries of the Po, and was
unapproachable on all sides by an army in force.[562] It was necessary,
therefore, to produce a famine within the walls in order to bring about
its surrender. Under the circumstances, however, the Byzantine general
possessed every facility for achieving this object. The Goths had
neither an army nor a fleet which could succour them from without, and
hence the Romans were unhampered while making their dispositions for
cutting off supplies from every direction. The environs were hemmed in
by their land forces, whilst their fleet rode at anchor off the harbour.
At the same time the transit of provision boats down the Po from the
fields of the north and west was blocked by guards stationed on the
river banks.
Directly Theodebert heard that Vitigis was in a critical position, he
made a diplomatic attempt to encompass the subjugation of Italy. A
legation arrived with the proposal that the two kings should reign as
joint sovereigns, and contingently an army of fifty thousand Franks,
which had already surmounted the Alps, should at the first onset
annihilate the Byzantines with their axes. A companion embassy from
Belisarius, who had been apprized of the intended debate, was received
in audience at the same time. By them the Gothic king was warned not to
put his trust in numbers, but to believe that the Imperial army would
find means to deal with a multitude of Franks as effectively as it had
already done with his own very numerous forces. Moreover, he urged, the
perfidy displayed by the recent invasion proved that no compact would be
binding on the Franks. After consultation with his nobles Vitigis
decided that he would open peace negotiations with Justinian, and
dismissed the envoys of Theodebert with a negative reply. Legates were
then despatched to Constantinople, ready to accept any terms of peace
which should be granted by the Byzantine Court.
Belisarius now became intent on reducing the Goths to the direst
necessity through shortage of foodstuffs. Externally the exclusion of
supplies had been carried to perfection, but he had been informed that
the granaries of Ravenna were well stocked. Bribery of miscreants,
effected through the agency of Matasuentha, the vindictive queen,
removed this obstacle to the speedy capitulation of the city.
Incendiaries were set to work, and the public storehouses were suddenly
consumed by fire. At this juncture plenipotentiaries arrived bringing
the Emperor's answer to the peace proposals, which afforded complete
satisfaction to the Goths. Vitigis was to reign beyond the Po, and to
retain one half of the regal treasures, while the rest of Italy, and the
other half were in future to be subject to Justinian. It was essential,
however, that the Master of Soldiers should ratify this treaty, but when
the legates presented themselves in his camp for the purpose he refused
to be a party to it, feeling assured that he would soon be master of
Ravenna, and of the person of the Gothic king with everything
appertaining to him.
The Goths now became filled with distrust, and despaired altogether of
their fortunes. Vitigis, as an unfortunate leader, had lost their
confidence, and they feared that surrender would result in their all
being deported to some unwelcome habitation in the East. To their
anxious cogitations one way out of the impass at length presented
itself: Belisarius should be their King, and under his strenuous rule
prosperity would be restored to the Goths in Italy. Acting on the
impulse, they made the proposition formally to the general, and at the
same time a private intimation was conveyed to him from Vitigis that he
was ready to abdicate in his favour. But his ambition was not of the
autocratic order, and subservience to authority was one of the main
features of his character. The promise he had given ingenuously he
intended loyally to keep; and in the offer of kingship he saw no more
than an incident which enabled him to serve more promptly his Imperial
master. He prepared then to profit by the obsequious mood of the Goths
towards himself, and to gain his end by an astute policy of compliance
instead of by a protracted struggle in arms. His assurances, couched in
somewhat ambiguous language, were deemed by the Goths to be tantamount
to an acceptance, believing, as they did, their offer to be so tempting
as to constitute in itself a guarantee of his good faith. Belisarius now
removed from the vicinity of Ravenna on various commissions, all
officers with their commands, whom recent events had taught him to
distrust, retaining only those troops in whose attachment to himself he
had full confidence. With the latter he entered the city and at once
proceeded to arrange everything apparently in the sole interest of the
inhabitants. He was cordially received, but the Gothic women were
disappointed at the appearance of the Byzantines, and were inclined to
rate their own male relatives for allowing themselves to be beaten by
men of inferior physique to themselves. A plentiful market was
introduced by sea, and all the surplus Gothic forces were dismissed with
a safe conduct to their respective homes. Having thus equalized the
Roman and Gothic troops in the town, Belisarius repudiated his supposed
sovereignty, and declared himself to be merely the faithful vicegerent
of Justinian. He completed his measures by placing Vitigis amicably in
nominal custody, and took possession of the palace with all its valuable
contents.
As soon as the proceedings of Belisarius were disclosed to the Gothic
nation in general, they immediately elected a new King, choosing
Ildibad, a man of the first rank, for promotion to that dignity. At the
same time the Master of Soldiers was being criminated at the Byzantine
Court, the worst motives being attributed to him by his adversaries; and
his recall was shortly issued, but ostensibly merely that he might be at
hand in view of the threatening activity of the Persian monarch. When
this news was brought to the Goths, they assumed his imminent disgrace,
and made another determined effort to induce him to accept the kingship.
In him they saw the potential saviour of their race, and even Ildibad
was moved to declare that he was ready to deposit the crown and purple
at his feet. But Belisarius remained firm in his resolution: they
reminded him of his late breach of faith, even taunted him with
preferring servitude to independence, all to no purpose. Nothing could
shake his conviction that while Justinian lived, he was in honour bound
to shun any semblance of rivalry with his authority.
For the second time Belisarius returned to Constantinople with a captive
king and all the precious externals of majesty in his train. On this
occasion, however, no public spectacle was decreed to celebrate the
extension of the Empire, and the success of its arms. Perhaps that event
was now considered as merely normal by the Court; perhaps the Emperor
had felt insignificant in the popular eye when compared with the
victorious general who piled the spoils of victory before his throne.
The Senators were gratified with a sight of the treasures of Theodoric
heaped up within the palace, but the multitude were excluded from
contemplation of the exhilarating display. Yet the name of Belisarius
was on every tongue; and in his daily progresses through the capital he
was gazed on with admiration by the inhabitants. He moved about on
horseback amid a concourse of his personal guards, all mounted like
himself, whom he maintained to the number of seven thousand. Vandals,
Moors, and Goths swelled their ranks, and indicated by their distinctive
visages with what a variety of nations he had fought. Belisarius was
tall and handsome, with a countenance of singular dignity, equalled only
by the modesty and affability of his address. In war he was determined
and resourceful, but never oblivious of humanity, and always mindful of
the interests of those dependent on him. His soldiers were known to him
severally and constantly observed, their valour richly rewarded, their
losses repaired, whilst they were firmly restrained from all excess.
Hence he was adored by the rural population who came in contact with
him, since the grain crops and fruit trees were preserved from damage
under his generalship. He was not less distinguished for temperance than
for his other virtues; and, although the camp was often thronged with
beautiful female captives, he never even bestowed a concupiscent glance
on them; nor in the use of wine did he ever exceed the strictest
moderation.[563]
[503] Malchus, Exc. i, 3.
[504] Marcellinus Com., an. 476; Jordanes, De Reg. Suc., etc. He seems
to have made a show of resigning voluntarily; Malchus, _loc. cit._
[505] Anon. Vales., 64.
[506] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i. 1, etc.
[507] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 57.
[508] Marcellinus Com., an. 488.
[509] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Cassiodorus, Chron., etc.
[510] The only circumstantial account of this affair comes from Jn.
Antioch.; Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., v, p. 29.
[511] Anon. Valesii, 64.
[512] Procopius, _loc. cit._ The administration of Theodoric is fully
displayed in the so-called Epistles of Cassiodorus, his quaestor, which
form in reality a book of the Acts or rescripts of the Gothic King.
Everything in Italy was maintained according to the Imperial system of
Rome, and Theodoric differed only from the obsolete Western Emperors by
the modesty of his title and the limited extent of his dominions.
[513] Theodoric himself was illiterate, and is said to have used the
same device as Justin (see p. 303) for signing his name; Anon. Vales. A
critic suggests that the four letters were LEGI.
[514] For the events narrated henceforward in this chapter, there is
generally no source but Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, ii). Some jottings
occur in Marcellinus Com. and Jordanes, but the _Liber Pontificalis_ is
indispensable as regards the local Church history.
[515] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3. His own professions as to his
devotion to literature, etc.; _Ibid._, 6. The five last books of
Cassiodorus, written after the death of Theodoric, contain letters
supposed to have been dictated by Athalaric, Amalasuntha, and Theodahad,
etc.
[516] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 5.
[517] _Ibid._, i, 9; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., ix, 1. She was accused of
plotting against the King with her Gothic guards after her husband's
death.
[518] _Ibid._
[519] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 3, whence the narrative continues as
below.
[520] They held out at Panormus, but by means of archers hoisted in
boats to the mastheads of his ships, Belisarius overtopped the
sea-walls, and forced a speedy surrender.
[521] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 14.
[522] _C._ 400 Rome contained 1,797 palaces of nobles, etc., and 46,202
_insulae_; Notitia Occid. Including slaves, the first would account for
at least 100,000 inhabitants, and the latter (large apartment houses)
for something like 2,000,000. This is about the best basis for guessing
at the population.
[523] Hist. August., 21, 39.
[524] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 19; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 6.
The Porta Maggiore and the so-called Arch of Drusus belonged to
aqueducts.
[525] He perhaps equalled Justinian as a builder; Suetonius, Augustus.
See the Mon. Ancyr. for a list.
[526] Suetonius and Hist. August. enumerate most of their productions in
masonry.
[527] The Baths of Diocletian covered nearly thirty acres, and some
others were almost as large.
[528] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vii, 13, 15.
[529] The Notitia gives 423 temples, 11 great baths, 11 forums, 36
triumphal arches, 6 obelisks, etc.
[530] Olympiodorus, p. 469. A private circus was an essential part of
such establishments; and, of course, a temple, perhaps more than one.
[531] As in the case of Constantius II on his visit to Rome in 356;
Ammianus, xvi, 10.
[532] Strabo, V, iii, 8. The ring of wall which formed the base still
exists, and has recently been used as a circus.
[533] The churches said to have been built by Constantine are referred
to in the life of Pope Sylvester; Lib. Pontif. (Duchesne). St. Peter's
and St. Paul's are mentioned by Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 22; ii, 4,
etc.
[534] Ammianus, xiv, 6.
[535] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.
[536] Ammianus, xxviii, 4. The modern craze for "Bridge" may be
compared, and with the aid of Father Vaughan's denunciations of the
"Smart Set" at the West End, the parallel might be carried further. But
all this is merely a subsidiary part of our social fabric.
[537] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.
[538] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.
[539] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.
[540] Ammianus, xiv, 6. Garments of this pictorial class were of course
common to the whole Empire, and were inveighed against in the East about
the same time by Asterius, Hom. 1 (Migne, S. G., xl, 165).
[541] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.
[542] _Ibid._, xiv, 6.
[543] _Ibid._, xxviii, 4.
[544] _Ibid._, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.
[545] Ammianus, xxviii, 4.
[546] _Ibid._, 1. Cf. Voltaire's account of the fashionable poisoning
craze under Louis XIV.
[547] Ammianus, xxvi, 3; xxviii, 1.
[548] _Ibid._
[549] _Ibid._, xiv, 6; xxviii, 4; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i. 20; iii, 51,
etc.
[550] Ammianus, xix, 10; xxvii, 3.
[551] Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., i, 13, 27, 42; iii, 12; v, 41, etc.
[552] _Ibid._, vii. This book consists of forms of instruction to newly
appointed officers, from Consuls and Praetorian Praefects downwards.
[553] _Ibid._, i, 25, 28; iii, 31, etc. Procopius (De Bel. Goth., iv,
22) remarks that the Romans were proud of their buildings and took great
care of them.
[554] _Ibid._, i, 20; iii, 51, etc.
[555] A small part of southern France, modern Provence.
[556] Procopius, De Bel. Goth., i, 11-14, whence the narrative proceeds
as below.
[557] I forgot to mention that when Belisarius was merely on his way to
Naples, Ebrimuth, the son-in-law of Theodahad, came over to the
Byzantines. He was sent to CP., where he became a patrician, etc. There
were other unnecessary transfers of allegiance, showing that many of the
Goths were incapable of remaining true to themselves. In general,
indeed, the barbarians were dazzled by the glory of the Eastern Emperor,
and when they had been formed into cohorts under the title of
"Justinian's Goths," "Justinian's Vandals," etc., their ambition was
gratified to the utmost.
[558] Of the misery caused throughout Italy by the protracted war,
Procopius has some anecdotal illustrations to give about this time. In
one case a fugitive mother had to abandon her infant in its cradle,
whereupon the family goat, attracted by its wailing, entered the hut,
and managed to suckle the child effectively. This lasted for some time
till the villagers returned, when the maternal solicitude of the animal
for its anomalous nursling became a spectacle for exhibition in the
district. As agriculture was brought to a standstill in many places
famine was often urgent, and he mentions the instance of two women
killing and eating seventeen men whom they had received as guests, but
they were detected and killed by the eighteenth; De Bel. Goth., ii, 17,
20.
[559] It is curious that among the conquests of Narses in this campaign
should be mentioned "the island of the Vulsinian Lake," that is the
scene of Amalasuntha's death; Marcellinus Com., an. 538.
[560] At this date the French Kings alone, of the potentates outside the
Empire, issued a gold coinage bearing their own effigy. Even the
Shahinshah stamped his image on the silver currency only. The reason of
this restriction was that all but Byzantine gold, denoted by the figure
and superscription of the Eastern Emperor, was excluded from commerce as
suspect; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33.
[561] Here we are informed that the Byzantine infantry used a trumpet
made of wood and leather, the cavalry one of brass. They were, however,
merely blown on occasion to make an impressive noise. Procopius makes a
great point of his having suggested that the latter should be used to
sound an attack, the former a recall. Belisarius summoned a military
meeting, and formally adopted his suggestion; De Bel. Goth., ii, 23.
[562] The description of Strabo (V, iii, 7) shows that Ravenna was a
town like modern Venice, built in the brackish lagoons on piles, etc.
While the vine flourished in the vicinity, potable water was scarce and
valuable. Hence the joke (Martial, iii, 56, 57) that wine was cheaper
than water at R. Sidonius Apol. (Epist., i, 5, 8, _c._ 470) inveighs
against the bad water, turbid canals, stinging gnats, incessant croaking
of bullfrogs, etc. But the sea was receding, and even at that time much
new land was being recovered from the water; Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 29.
[563] Procopius begins the third book of his Gothic War with this
characterization and eulogy of Belisarius.