"It is with very great regrate that I give your Grace any further

trouble on account of the melancholy story of my two brothers, who

had the misfortune to be murthered in the space of three dayes by

Lieutenant Sinclair, then in the regiment of Prestoun, in the year

1708. Your Grace was at the paines to be informed of the whole case,

and the murtherer, being a man of quality, had many to intercede for

him; your justice did overcome all other considerations and indeed

nothing could be more worthie of the great character your Grace has,

and the glorious name you must leave to posterity, than the

punishment of so cruel and bloodie a fact; but the criminal escaped,

and the sentence of death pronounced by the court-martial, and

confirmed by your Grace, was not executed; and I, having done all I

could to bring the murtherer of my unfortunate brothers to condign

punishment, was satisfied to pursue him no further, tho' the

atrocity of the crime committed against the law of nations would

have affoarded me ground to have prosecuted him in any country where

he could have been found. But to my surprize and sorrow, I have of

late been informed that Lieutenant Sinclair has added to the

repeated murthers the impudence of returning, an officer in a

Prussian regiment, to the army, where he was condemn'd, as it were

to affront justice, and glory in what he has done. I am wel

persuaded, that if his guilt had been known to the King of Prussia

or his Generals, his Majesty would not have suffered so odious ane

offender to be entertained in his service. Nor can the Generals or

Ministers of Prussia have anything to plead, why a sentence

pronounced by a British court-martial against one of hir Majesty's

subjects, and confirmed by your excellency her Generall should not

now be executed. I am confident your Grace will not sufferr publick

justice to be insulted in that affair, and I doe in the most humble

and earnest manner begg that your Grace would cause apprehend the

murtherer, that justice may be done upon him for his barbarous and

bloodie crimes. I had about two years ago four brothers, of whom I

may without vanity say, they were very gallant gentlemen; two were

murthered by Lieutenant Sinclair; the third died in the roome with

one of these, partly of his wounds received before Lille, and

pairtly out of griefe for his brothers' misfortunes, so that the

offender is not innocent even of his blood; the fourth was killed at

the battle of Mons. The blood of these that were barbarously slain,

call for vengeance; the law of God and nature requires it. They had,

and I in their name have a claime, in a particular manner, to your

Grace's justice, they having been all four under your Grace's

command; forgive it to my natural affection, if I use arguments with

your Grace to do an act of justice when the whole world, and I in

particular, have such proofs of the greatness of your minde and

virtue, I shall only add my most sincere and humble acknowledgement

of your Grace's justice and dispatch in the melancholie affair, of

which I shall ever retain the most gratefull sense; and remain under

the strictest tyes of dutie, with the most profound respect, my

Lord, your Grace's most humble, most obedient, obliged, and faithful

servant," &c.

With this letter, and some memorials of Sir John Schaw's public service,

end all known appeals for justice on the murderer. But conscience

avenged the crime. Many years afterwards, when living in opulence upon

his patrimonial estate at Dysart in Fife, the Master received from an

humble individual a bitter, though involuntary reproach. When preparing

to cross the Frith, he stopped at an inn in order to engage a running

footman to attend him. Detested by his neighbours, and ever in dread of

the Schaws, Sinclair preserved a sort of incognito. A youth was

presented for his approval. The Master inquired of the young candidate

what proof he could give of his activity, on which this remarkable reply

was given: "Sir, I ran beside the Master of Sinclair's horse when he

rode post from the English camp to escape the death for which he was

condemned for the murder of the two brothers." "The Master," adds Sir

Walter Scott, "much shocked, was nearly taken ill on the spot."[228]

During the insurrection of 1715, the Master of Sinclair took at first an

active part, and became the commander of a company of Jacobite gentlemen

of Fife. He joined the Earl of Mar at Perth,[229] and was employed in an

expedition which gained some credit to the Jacobites. Some arms having

been brought out of Edinburgh for the use of the Earl of Sutherland, and

being put on board a ship at Leith, the Earl of Mar resolved to

intercept these supplies. The wind being contrary, the master of the

vessel thus loaded had dropped into Brunt Island, and had gone into the

town on that island to see his family. A party of four hundred horse and

as many foot was meantime detached on the second of October, 1715, and

arrived at the island about midnight. They pressed all the boats in the

harbour, and boarded the vessel, carrying off three hundred and six

complete stand of arms, together with a considerable number which they

found in the town. This expedition was skilfully contrived and managed,

the horse surrounding the town whilst the foot ransacked it; and the

invasion was made so silently that the Duke of Argyle gained no tidings

of it.[230]

After this exploit the Master of Sinclair returned to the camp at Perth,

there to promote, if not actually to originate, divisions which were

fatal to the cause which he had espoused. Lord Mar, in his letters,

charges him, indeed, distinctly with being the very source of the

dissensions which soon sprang up among the Jacobite chiefs.[231] The

temper of Sinclair could ill brook submission to the Earl of Mar, whom,

as a General, he soon ceased to respect; and for whose difficult

situation he had no relenting feelings. "The Master," writes Sir Walter

Scott, "who was a man of strong sense, acute observation, and some

military experience, besides being of a haughty and passionate temper,

averse to deference and subordination, soon placed himself in opposition

to the general, whom he seems to have at once detested and

despised."[232]

The unfortunate result of the siege of Preston, soon brought to light

the discontents which the Master had nourished among the followers of

Mar. Parties had, indeed, for some time agitated the camp. When the

disasters in England gave them a fresh impulse, and Lord Mar feelingly,

and perhaps not too severely, described the influence of Sinclair when

he bitterly describes him as "a devil in the camp, known in his true

colours when calamity had befallen those with whom he was in

conjunction." It was henceforth in vain that Mar, to use his own

expression, "endeavoured to keep people from breaking among themselves

until the long-expected arrival of the Chevalier should, it was hoped,

check the growing jealousies in the camp;" a party arose, headed by Lord

Huntley, Lord Seaforth, and the Master of Sinclair, who soon obtained

the name of the Grumbler's Club, and who rendered themselves odious to

the sincere and zealous Jacobites.

Lord Huntley appears from Lord Mar's representations, "to have been

completely under the influence of the Master." "Lord Huntley," writes

Lord Mar, "is still very much out of humour, and nothing can make him

yet believe that the King is coming. He intends to go north, under the

pretext of reducing Lord Sutherland, and his leaving us at this time, I

think, might have very bad effects, which makes me do all I can to keep

him. The Master of Sinclair is a very bad instrument about him, and has

been most to blame for all the differences amongst us. I am plagued out

of my life with them, but must do the best I can."[233]

Lord Huntley, however, continued to manifest the greatest disgust and

suspicion of Lord Mar, often refusing to see him, and, though still

lingering at Perth, threatening continually to leave the camp and go

northward.

Lord Sinclair, meantime, having heard of these factions, and being

sincerely affected to the cause of the Stuarts, wrote to his son "a

sharp letter about his behaviour," and a visit of explanation from the

Master instantly followed. During his absence there was a revulsion of

feeling among the Grumblers, and some contrition was expressed by them

for the part that they had acted; but the fiend returned, and the

malcontents quietly relapsed.[234]

The news of James's certain arrival silenced, for a time, all

complaints; but again they revived. Lord Mar seems to have had some

misgiving of this, when he wrote, "Those that made a pretext of the

King's not being landed, are now left inexcusable, and if those kind of

folks now sit still and look any more on, they ought to be worse treated

than our worse enemies." Yet it appears by a subsequent letter, that the

grievances of which the General complained so bitterly, were not cured

even by the presence of the Chevalier; that those who had made a

pretext of his absence to complain and despond, desponded still, and

that, in fact, the malady was so deep-seated as to be incurable.

It may be urged, in vindication of the Master, who obviously aggravated

the spirit of the Grumblers, that the event proved that his

apprehensions were well founded. It was, indeed, natural for an

experienced officer who had served under Marlborough, to view with

dissatisfaction and suspicion the feeble and tardy movements of Lord

Mar. Yet a hearty well-wisher to any cause would have abstained from

infusing distrust into those counsels which, whether wise or foolish,

were destined to guide the adherents of the party. A man of honour will

enter, heart and soul, into what he undertakes, or not enter at all. The

conduct of Sinclair was that of a mean, morose spirit; and it is but

fair to conclude that his motives for adopting the name of Jacobite were

either those of personal advancement, or arose out of an enforced

compliance with the wishes of his father.

Whilst Sinclair was thus undermining the welfare of the party to which

he nominally belonged, his determined enemy, Sir John Schaw, after

assisting the Duke of Argyle in defending Inverness against the

insurgent troops, was marching with Lord Isla to rejoin the Duke of

Argyle in his march towards Perth. It so happened that Lord Isla and his

friends reached Sherriff Muir at the very moment when the Government

troops and the Jacobites were about to join in battle. "Sir John," says

Sir Walter Scott, "though he had no command, engaged as a volunteer; and

we may suppose his zeal for King George was heightened by the

recollection that the slayer of his brothers fought under the opposite

banners." He behaved himself with distinguished courage, receiving a

wound on his arm, and another in his side.[235] He was, at this time,

the only surviving brother out of four, his brother Thomas having been

slain at the siege of Mons a year after the death of the others. A month

before Sir John Schaw had joined the Duke, Lady Schaw, the daughter of

Sir Hugh Dalrymple, and a woman of singular energy and spirit, assembled

the Greenock companies in arms, and telling them that the Protestant

religion, with their laws, liberties, and lives, and all that was dear

to them as men and Christians, were in hazard by that unnatural

rebellion, exhorted them to conduct themselves suitably to the occasion.

The conduct of Sinclair at the battle of Sherriff Muir was not

inconsistent with his former life. He remained, in that engagement,

stationary, with the Marquis of Huntley, at the head of the cavalry of

Fife and Aberdeen; hence the lines in the old song on Sherriff Muir.

"Huntly and Sinclair

They baith play'd the Tinkler,

With consciences black as a craw, man."

Upon the return of the Jacobite army to Perth, where they waited, as

Scott remarks in a tone of mournful reprobation of Mar, "until their own

forces should disperse, those of their enemy advance, and the wintry

storm so far subside as to permit the Duke of Argyle to advance against

them," Sinclair was the chief promoter of a scheme formed by the

Grumblers for a timely submission to Government. Instigated by their

wishes, an attempt was made by Lord Mar to procure, through the Duke of

Argyle's mediation, some terms with Government; but it failed, and those

who had embarked in the cause were obliged to provide, as they best

might, individually for their safety. The whole tenour of Sinclair's

conduct was such as to draw down upon him the severest invectives of his

party. In one of the poems of the day he is thus described:

"The master with the bully's face,

And with the coward heart,

Who never fail'd, to his disgrace,

To act a coward's part,

Did join Dunbogue, the greatest rogue,

In all the shire of Fife,

Who was the first the cause to leave,

By counsel from his wife."

The Master quitted the insurgent party at Perth, and joined the Marquis

of Huntley at Strathbogie; thence he proceeded as a fugitive through

Caithness and Orkney, with a few friends, who, like himself, were

hopeless of pardon. After wandering in these remote districts for some

time, the Master and his friends seized upon a small vessel and fled to

the Continent. The Marquis of Huntley, more fortunate than his

political ally, obtained his full pardon in consideration of his having

left the rebels in time.[236]

The Master of Sinclair married, afterwards, the widowed Countess of

Southesk, whom he probably met when on the Continent, since it appears

that the Countess, for some time subsequent to the death of her husband,

lived at Brussels. In referring to this union, it may not be improper to

give some account of the family into connection with which it brought

the Master of Sinclair.

James Carnegie, Earl of Southesk, the first husband of the lady whom the

Master of Sinclair married, was descended from David Carnegie, an

eminent lawyer, who in 1616 was raised to the dignity of Lord Carnegie

of Kinnaird, and in 1623 was created, by Charles the First, Earl of

Southesk. Like most of those families who had been elevated by the

Stuarts to the peerage, the house of Carnegie retained a strong sense of

their duty of allegiance to the Crown; and the first Earl of Southesk

suffered for his principles by imprisonment and the extortion of a fine

of three thousand pounds from his estates in the time of Cromwell.

James, the fifth Earl of Southesk, although nearly allied by his

mother's side to the Maitlands, Earls of Lauderdale, had retained as

great an affection for the Stuarts as his ancestors had manifested. Of

the personal qualities of this nobleman little is generally known,

except that he has been designated, "Brave, generous Southesk!"--of his

fate, and of the subsequent fortunes of his family, still less is to be

ascertained. Some few particulars which are to be derived from the State

Papers are discreditable to the memory of this nobleman. Like several

other Jacobite noblemen who have been mentioned elsewhere, Lord Southesk

did not hesitate to summon his tenants to follow him to the field in the

most peremptory terms. His commands fell heavily, in one instance, upon

a poor man who lived on the Earl's estate, and bore also the name of

James Carnegie. This unlucky man was a natural son of Charles, the late

Earl of Southesk, and was therefore a brother of the present Earl James.

Like all dependants in those days, he seems to have entertained a deep

sense of his obligation to serve and to obey the head of the family; and

his obedience was probably ensured by the tie of blood, however

unacknowledged as constituting a claim between him and the Earl of

Southesk. James Carnegie exercised the profession of a surgeon in the

neighbourhood of Kinnaird, then the territory of Lord Southesk, and was

employed by the Earl, who appears to have entertained considerable

opinion of his skill. When the Insurrection of 1715 broke out, it would

have been consistent with the character of a "brave and generous man" to

have left this humble practitioner free to follow his own wishes, and

not to have embroiled him in the dangers of that disastrous undertaking.

A further claim upon the Earl's forbearance was the personal defect of

the poor surgeon, who was lame, and short in stature. He was

nevertheless ordered to meet Lord Southesk, at a certain place of

rendezvous, on a certain day. A compliance was expected as a matter of

course, for James Carnegie was a yearly pensioner of his noble and

powerful brother, and refusal was ruin.[237] Nevertheless, the surgeon

ventured on this occasion to judge for himself. He had, it appears, from

his subsequent declaration, been ever well affected to the reigning

Government and attached to the Revolution interest and, by his

disapprobation of the Insurrection of 1715, had given umbrage to his

nearest relations. Upon the command of Lord Southesk being issued to

follow him to the camp at Perth, Carnegie would have fled and hidden

himself but for the illness of his wife; he afterwards took refuge in

the house of Lord Northesk, but his seclusion was of no avail. The

following letter from Lord Southesk, the original of which is in the

State Paper Office, affords a curious insight into the despotism

exercised by the little kings of the Highlands over their subjects:--

"James,--

"After what I both wrote and spoke to you, I did not think you would

have made any furder difficultys of going to Perth with me. I know

very well your wife's circumstances are to be pityd; however, since

you have a pension from me, and served me since you have had any

business, there is nobody of your employment in this country that I

can put any confidence in, whatever may happen to me. Therefore I

desire you may make no furder excuses; and if you can't be ready to

wait upon me from Kinnaird upon Monday, I desire you may follow me

upon Teusday; if you do not, you will for ever disoblige

"SOUTHESQUE."

"Kinnaird, Sept. 17, 1715."

"I desire you may come and speak with me this night, or to-morrow,

at furdest."

"The Case of James Carnegie," also in the State Paper Office, furnishes

a supplement to this peremptory summons.

"The Case of James Carnegie showeth, that though he lived in a country

and amongst men the most notoriously disaffected of any in Scotland, he

had, ever since his appearance in the world, espoused the Revolution

interest, and given proofs of his affection to it, as would appear more

fully in a declaration from the Presbytery of Brichen, in whose bounds

he resided, and from another from Mr. John Anderson, his parish

minister. That upon the first suspision of the treasonable designs of

the rebells, Mr. James Carnegy would have set off and gone south, had

not his wife's dangerous state (thought to be dying) obliged him to

remain. That after the rebellion broke out, he firmly withstood all

solicitations to join it, his neighbours and friends there threatening

to burn house and land. He being disappointed of going south, attempted

to retire to Ethie, Lord Northesk's house in Forfarshire. He could not

remain concealed, the rebells being possessed of all the passes in the

country. Finding himself blocked up amongst his enemies, to avoid the

execution of the threatenings against him, he was induced, to his shame

and regret, to go to Perth, but permitted none of his dependants or

tennents to accompany him, and went with no arms but what gentlemen were

in the habit of wearing. In order to give no support to those traiterous

designs, he feigned illness at Coupar of Angus, but they forced him to

go."

The issue of this affair was mournful. At the battle of Sherriff Muir

where the Earl of Southesk appeared with three hundred men, the

unfortunate nobleman was supposed to be slain. His faithful, though

reluctant attendant, James Carnegie, was taken prisoner as he was

looking over the field of battle in order to find the body of his lord.

He was carried into prison at Carlisle, whence considerable exertions

were made for his release, not only by his own representations, but by

the mediation of Sir James Stewart, the governor of the castle. What was

the result, whether the blameless victim of the will of others was

released, or whether he sank among the many who could not sustain the

hardships of their fate, does not appear.[238]

The Earl of Southesk, although it was reported he had been killed,

rallied his men, and retreated with the Marquis of Tullibardine, the

Earl Marischal and several heads of clans to the mountains, to shelter

themselves from the pursuit of the Government troops. Some of these

chieftains afterwards made their escape to Skye, Lewis, and other of the

north-western islands, till ships came to their relief and carried them

abroad.[239] What was the fate of the Earl of Southesk afterwards is not

known: neither what became of his descendant.[240] He had married the

Lady Margaret Stewart, daughter of the Earl of Galloway, and by her,

according to some accounts, he had two sons; according to a contemporary

Scottish peerage, he had one child only. His widow also went on the

Continent, and the mention of her name by her brother, the Earl of

Galloway, in a letter written at Clery in France,[241] without that of

her husband, in May 1730, appears to indicate that she was then a widow,

and not married again.[242]

How long Lady Southesk lived, the wife of the Master of Sinclair, is

dubious. He survived her, and married afterwards, Emilia the daughter of

Lord George Murray, brother of the Duke of Atholl. This intimate

connection with one of the principal leaders of the Rebellion of 1745,

did not, however, induce the Master to enter a second time into a course

towards which he had, perhaps in truth, no sincere good will.

Upon his flight to the Continent, the Master of Sinclair was outlawed,

and attainted in blood for his share in the Insurrection of 1715. His

father being still alive, and not having taken an active part, his

estates escaped forfeiture, and Lord Sinclair endeavoured so to dispose

of them as to prevent their becoming the property of the Crown. It was

necessary, on this account, that Lord Sinclair should disinherit his

eldest son; and "as it would," says Sir Walter Scott, "have been highly

impolitic to have alleged his forfeiture for treason as a cause of the

deed, the slaughter of the Schaws was given as a reason for his

exheredation." The following is a clause of the deed by which the end

was to be accomplished:

"This new diposition of the family estate is explained and qualified by

the second deed, being a back bond running in the names of the said

James and William Sinclairs, which set forth that their father had been

induced to grant a disposition of his estate in their favour, and to

pass over their elder brother, to prevent all inconvenience and hazard

whatsoever which the rents of the said Lord Sinclair, his heritable

estate, or his moveables, might be liable to, if they were settled in

the said Master's person, '_on accompt of the said Master of Sinclair

his present circumstances, by means of an unfortunate quarrel that some

years ago fell out between the said Master and two sons of the deceased

Sir John Schaw of Greenock_; therefore," the deed proceeds to state, "it

was reasonable that they, James and William Sinclair, should grant a

back bond of settlement, binding themselves to manage the property, when

they should respectively succeed to it by advice of friends, overseers,

and managers,--viz. Sir John Erskine of Alva, Bart., Sir William Baird

of New Baith, Bart., Mr. John Paterson, eldest lawful son to the

deceased Archbishop of Glasgow, their brother-in-law--Sir John Cockburn

of that Ilk, Bart., and Mr. Mathew Sinclair of Hermiston, their uncles.

The said James and William Sinclair, as they should respectively succeed

to the estate, were obliged to make certain necessary expenditure to the

family for behoof of the Master; and the said James and William Sinclair

became also bound, in case the Master, their brother, should become free

of his present inconveniences, or should have a family of lawful

children, then, and in that case to convey the estate to the said

Master, or to his said children, at the sight of his trustees."[243]

Memoirs of the Jacobites of 1715 and 1745. Volume I. · 第 19 / 24 段