Whilst the intense frost lasted, the three thousand Highlanders who were

encamped at Perth were able to defy the English army, although now

supplied with artillery and ammunition from Berwick. Their security was

furthermore increased by a heavy fall of snow succeeding a partial thaw,

and followed by a frost, which rendered the roads more impracticable

than ever, especially for the foot-soldiers. This circumstance had even

occasioned some deliberation whether it would not be advisable for the

Duke of Argyle to defer his march to Perth until the winter should be

ended. Until the middle of January, it was the full intention of the

Highlanders, and also that of the Earl of Mar, to stand the event of a

battle, let the enemy's force be what it might. That they purposed thus

to maintain their ancient character for valour, was, even as those most

adverse to them allow, the prevalent report. It is borne out by the Earl

of Mar's correspondence. On the twenty-third of January he thus writes

to Captain Straiton:

"The 23rd January.

"I have yours of the seventeenth and the twentieth both togather

last night, and a paket from H. in the last. I wrote to you on

Saturday the old way, and sent you a paket enclosed, which I belive

is of consequence, so I hope it's come safe, and that H. has gott

it. He has had two or three sent him from this of late, different

ways, and one goes of this day by the near way he sometimes uses. We

hear from all hands of the preparations against us, but we resolve

to stand it, cost what it will, and if they come out we will

certainly give them battle, lett their number be never so great. It

must now be plain to all that will allow themselves to see, that

nothing less is designed by the present managers than the intire

ruin and destruction of this poor country, and of every honest man

in it; and if this will not be an awakened people, I know nothing

that will. Since this then is plainly the case, there can be no

choise in dying honourably in the field for so just a cause, or

leving to see the ruin and intire destruction of our country, our

King, and our friends and relations. For my part, I shall prefer the

first with all cheerfulness, and never desire to live to be a

witness to the latter, which certainly will be the case if it please

God our King should be defeat."

The next paragraph of this letter speaks mournfully of disappointment in

those on whose aid the Earl had counted.

"It must be a strange infatuation that has gott amongst people,

especially those that always pretended to be friends to our cause,

many of whom told before the King came that they wad certainly joyn

him when he landed, and made his not being with us the only

objection, and now when he is come they make some other shift;--I

must say such people are worse than our greatest enemies; and if any

misfortune should befal the King or his cause, (which God forbid!) I

think they that pretended to be our friends have very much to count

for, and are more the cause of it than any others, since no doubt

the ashourances that many gave to joyn us when the King landed was

a chief motive for his comming to us. I hope in God we shall be able

to opose them tho' their numbers should be greater, and to their

shame and confusion be it if they come against us. I hope very soon

the King will have such assistance as will defeat all their designs,

and that his affairs will take a sudden turn in other pairts."

The most serious defection from the Jacobite cause was the submission of

the Marquis of Huntley and the Earl of Seaforth to the victorious arms

of the Earl of Sutherland, aided by Lord Lovat, in Invernesshire.

Seaforth had collected, on the Moor of Gilliechrist, twelve hundred men,

the remnant of those whom he had been able to save from Sherriff Muir;

but finding that Lord Sutherland had resolved to force him into an

engagement, he owned King George as his lawful Sovereign, and promised

to lay down his arms. This had occurred early in December, and,

according to Lord Mar, before the Earl of Seaforth, in those remote

regions, could have heard of the Chevalier's landing. Mar therefore

regarded it as a temporary cessation on the part of Seaforth and

Huntley, for a given period, of hostilities against the Government.

As far as related to Lord Seaforth, the belief of Lord Mar was correct.

At the end of the days agreed upon for the cessation of arms, Seaforth

drew his people together, the influence of clanship enabling him to

summon them at will, like a king; and again appeared in arms. This was

the consequence of the news that James had landed having reached

Inverness. But Seaforth could not retrieve the cause of James in the

North, nor repair the effects of even a temporary submission. Eventually

he returned to the party which he had espoused, and escaped to France.

The Marquis of Huntley made his own terms with the Government.

At this critical juncture, unanimity still prevailed, according to Lord

Mar, among the assembled chieftains at Perth. "I do assure you," he

writes, "that since the arms came here, there has not been a quarrel of

any kind happened among us--not even among the Highland men, which is

very extraordinary; and you may depend upon it there is the greatest

unanimity here just now, and all fully resolved to stand to it, let what

will come. I pray God preserve our King from the wicked and hellish

designs of his enemies! I hope we will be apprized of their motions, so

as to be in readiness to receive them."

These expressions were written, but the letter which contained them was

not sent, on the twenty-third of January. The postscript, written in a

hurried hand, shows that the camp at Perth was not unprepared for the

coming attack.

"Since writing of the inclosed, I have two from which I gott last

night with the paket; and ane account of that detachment of horse

comming out, who we hear came the lenth of Acterardie,[140] upon

which account the whole army here were ordred to be in a readyness

to march this morning, and we have no account they are returned: we

hear it was to vew the roads, and to try if it was practicable to

march their army, which they will find very hard to doe while this

weather holds. The account you gave in yours of their motions and

that detachment was very distinct. The K. read it himself,--it came

prety quick. I entreat you fail not to lett us have what accounts

you can learn, for what comes from you are among the best we can

gett.

"The K. ordered a review of the whole army here this morning, and

they are all to hold themselves ready at one half ane hour's

advertisment. Lett me hear from you soon. Adieu."

Again, on the twenty-fourth of January:

"What is above should have gone this morning, but was delyed. Six

hundered of the clans are gone out this night to reinforce the

garison of Braco and Crief. I hear they have orders to destroy the

corn-yards and barns about Achterardir and Black Ford, which we hear

were revewed by the enemy yesterday. The King signed thir orders, I

can ashour you, most unwillingly; and caused put it in the order

that every thing should be made good to the poor people, with a

gratuity; and if any of them pleased to come to Perth, they should

be maintained and all care taken of them. This you may take for

truth, for no doubt they will make a great noise about it.

"We have just now got ane account of a ship being come into

Montross, but we know not yett what she brings. Adieu,--writte soon.

I am in haste."

"Eleven att night."

On the twenty-fourth of January, the Duke of Argyle marched to Dumblane,

with two hundred horse, to reconnoitre the roads. The report that the

enemy was approaching, was quickly conveyed to Perth; and now was the

order to burn and destroy the village of Auchterarder, the contents of

the houses, all stores of corn and forage, mournfully and promptly

executed. It was supposed by this, that the march of Argyle's forces

would be impeded; but it produced no other inconvenience to that army

than obliging them to lie one night in the open air; whilst the

unpopularity it brought on James and his advisers, was long the subject

of comment to their enemies. It is consolatory to those who wish to

judge favourably of James to find this declaration in Lord Mar's

correspondence.

"The King was forced, sore against his will, to give these burning

orders, as all of us were, could we have helped it; but this

extraordinary manoeuvre of the enemy made it absolutely necessary.

A finger must be cut off to save the whole body. I have ordered some

copies of a proclamation to be sent you. There is about two of the

places burnt, and there's another ordred about the rest. Adieu.

"It was not amiss that this proclamation were sent to London."

In pursuance of the cruel and impolitic commands to which Lord Mar

refers, three thousand Highlanders were sent forth to the act of

destruction. Auchterarder, Crieff, Blackford, Denning and Muthel, were

mercilessly burned; and the wretched inhabitants turned out at that

inclement season to destitution without a roof to shelter them. Many

decrepid people and children perished in the flames.[141] Had James

sought, in truth, to prepare a way for the Government in the hearts of

the people, he could not have adopted a more suitable means. In the Duke

of Argyle, he had a generous and humane adversary to deal with,--one

whose forbearance laid him under the imputation of a want of zeal for

the cause of the Government, and rendered him no favourite at the

English Court. The fashion at the Court of St. James's, according to a

letter in the Mar Papers, was, to rail against the Duke, and even George

the First and those about him joined in the unjust and ungrateful abuse.

Even so late as Sunday, the twenty-ninth of January, when Argyle's

troops left Stirling and advanced to Braco Castle, Lord Mar appears to

have been in ignorance of their actual movements. Perhaps, like the busy

world of London politicians, he regarded the project of an attempt upon

Perth in such weather as impracticable. Such was the opinion at St.

James's. "Argyle's friends here," writes one near the Court, "speak of

the march and the attempt at present as madness." And another individual

writes, that "one half of their people must die of cold, and the other

be knocked o' the head. So it seems Argyle is dragg'd to this matter. We

cannot perceive, by all the letters that come up, any particular

certainty as to Lord Mar's number and his designs. The Court are

positive he will not stand; and they, as well as Ridpeath, assert

strongly that the Pretender is gone already as far as Glammis. The

Jacobites fancy that if he went thither, it was to meet and assemble

these officers that were landed."[142]

Whilst in this state of perplexity Lord Mar thus writes:

"Jan. 29th.

"Sir,

"I have keept the man that brought yours of the nineteenth and

twentieth, from A. W., on Saturday, till now, that I might have a

sure and speedy way of writeing to you when anything of consequence

happened, which we were expecting every minut last night. I wrote

one to you when I belived the enemie's front to be at Auchterarder,

and despatcht it; but late at night getting intelligence of that

party of the enemie who were marching towards Aucterarder haveing

marcht back without comeing the lenth of that place to Dumblain, if

not to Stirling, without halting by the way, I stopt my letter and

kepp it till they actually march, and then perhaps I may yet send it

to you, there being some other things in it necessary for you to

know upon that emergance which is needless other wayes.

"In it I told you of my haveing received yours of the eighteenth on

Sunday, and last night those of the fifteenth and twenty-first both

togither.

"By all appearance the enemie resolve to march against us, as one

might say, whether it be possible or not. They sent a party of horse

and foot to Dumblain on Sunday, which came near to Auchterarder

yesterday, I belive to try if the thing was practicable, but they

returned to Dumblain as above. We shall be forced to burn and

distroy a good deal of the country to prevent their marching, which

goes very, _very_ much against the King's mind, as it does mine and

more of us; but ther's an absolat necessity for it, and I believe it

will be put in execution this night or to-morrow morning, which

grieves me. Could it be helpt? this way of their makeing warr in

this, I may say, impracticable season, must have extraordinary

methods to oppose it. And I hope in God, any that suffers now, it

shall soon be in the King's power to make them a large reparation.

After all, when they have no cover left them, I see not how it is

possible for them to march. We are like to be froze in the house;

and how they can endure the cold for one night in the fields, I

cannot conceive; and then the roads are so, that but one can go

abreast, as their party did yesterday; and ther's no going off the

road for horse and scarce for foot, without being lost in the snow;

but if, after all, they do march, we must do our best, and I hope

God will preserve and yet prosper the King, who is the best prince I

belive in the world.

"As for news in the kingdome of Fife, I suppose you wou'd hear that

a party of the M^{c}Grigors some dayes ago from Faulkland attacquet

a party of Swise and militia from Leslie and beat them, takeing

thirty-two prisoners, wherof eleven horse, as I hear. I have not

time to say more, so adieu."

"January 29th, 1715-16."

Again, in another letter on the same day, the Earl still seems to

consider the game as not then lost. It is amusing to find how, in the

carrying on of his projects, he availed himself of the aid of ladies,

and how troubled he sometimes found himself with "busie women." Whilst

this letter was being penned, Argyle was employing the country people

around Auchterarder in clearing the roads of snow: and on the following

day, he had advanced towards Tullibardine, within eight miles of Perth.

On that very Sunday, Lord Mar thus writes: it is evident he had at this

time formed no plan of retreat.

"Sunday, 11 o'clock forenoon, Janu 29th, 1715-16.

"Sir,

"Since I wrote to you I have got yours of the twenty-second, one of

the twenty-third, and two of the twenty-fifth; the last of which,

tho' the first wrote, I got not til this morning. I wou'd have wrote

to you these two dayes by post, but we have had so many alarms of

the enimie's marching towards us, that I had not time, as I have

very little to say anything just now, for I expect ivery minut to

hear of their being marcht from Dumblain, where a considerable

number of them have been these two dayes this way.

"The enclosed you must take care to send by the first post which is

opened again on purpose for you to read, but I'm affraid you will

not understand it all. As to that paper you sent me which came from

England, there can be nothing said to it from hence just now, only

that they are to do the best they can; and I hope shortly that

country shall have sent them where withall to enable them to make a

better figur than they have hitherto done. We are not in a condition

here to give them any help just now. Ther's one Mrs. Lawson, who

seems to be a diligent body, that complains a little that you do not

allow her to see you often enough, which I take to be the complaint

of an over busie woman, than which ther's nothing more uneasie; but

just now such people must be humoured, and she has really been

usefull. Before this goes 'tis very likely I may have occassion to

inclose one I formerly wrote to you upon a certain occasion, but

did not then send as I told you in another, the thing not then

hapning, but we expect it every minut. Deserters of all kinds come

in to us pritty fast, foreigners as well as subjects; and if they

but give them time, I am perswaded great numbers will.

"'Tis now five o'clock and we have no accounts of any of the enimie

being come further than Dodoch, where a partie of them came last

night, so I'll detain the messenger. This goes by no stranger.

Perhaps they may find the roads impracticable, and by the burning

that they can advance no further,--at which, indeed, I shall not be

much surprised; and if so, may be forced to delay their

extraordinary march til more human weather for making warr. The King

was forced, sore against his will, to give these burning orders,--as

all of us were, could wee have helpt it; but this extrodinar manuver

of the enimie made it absolutly necessary: a fingor must be cut of

to save the whole body. I have ordered some copies of a proclamation

to be sent you, there is about two of the places burnt, and ther's

another order about the rest. Adieu.

"It were not amiss that this proclamation was sent to London. The

little young letter enclosed is for Lady Wigton, which pray cause

deliver."

On Tuesday, the last day of January, the Duke of Argyle passed the river

Eru, and took possession of Tullibardine. It has been stated by several

historians that the Jacobites fled from Perth on the same day; but the

following letter from Lord Mar, dated the first of February, shows that

the flight could not have taken place until the following day. This

curious letter, which was written at the early hour of six in the

morning, is unfinished. It is the last in the series of that

correspondence which has formed of itself a narrative of Lord Mar's

life, from his first taking upon himself the office of General and

Commander-in-Chief, to the hour when he virtually resigned that command.

In the midst of pressing danger his sanguine nature seems not to have

deserted him: his love of the underplots of life, the influence of "Kate

Bruce," and the arrangements for a coronation, were as much in his

thoughts as in the more hopeful days before Sherriff Muir and Preston.

"Wednesday, about six forenoon, ffebruary 1st, 1716.

"On Monday evening I gave you the trouble of a greatly long letter,

mostly on indifferent subjects, and sent it off yesterday to A. W.

If I was too tedious upon what concerned a woman and a Prince, it

was with a good intent, and to make matters plain. By what I hear

from R. B., and the Hole, that Argyle's forces were yesterday

forenoon at Stirling, and so was the regiments of dragoons there and

St. Ninian's, for accounts of motions there and thereabouts, on both

sydes of the river,--you may expect it best sent from R. B., the

Hole, and a grave gentleman.

"By yesternight's post I sent of M^{c}Quart's letter; and indeed, in

most or all letters I write to that quarter for ten weeks past, I

alwayes requested that whatever was to be done might be quickly

done. I lykeways sent to London between fyve or six, several honest

hands, to put off the proclamation declaration about burning, and

that paper of which I some days ago sent you two copies. And now I

begin to think I have been in the wrong to Mr. S----g, in the short

character I gave you of him, at least, if it be true that I am told,

that he is not only author of that paper I sent you the two copies

of, but has got a very great number of them printed; and tho' I may

be an insufficient judge, I must acknowledge I am very well pleased

with the paper, for I think it full of plain truths; and besydes

other dispersings, I did indeed yesterday cause putt in fiftein

copies of it in the Lords of Session's boxes.

"The litle letter to my good Lady W.[143] I caused carefully to be

delivered. I wish all women had some share of her good, sweet, easie

temper, for, as you will observe, over-busied women are most

uneasie; and I have had much experience of it within these four

months past in many instances, and with more persons than one or

two. The only inconvenience I had by Kate Bruce lodging in the same

house with me was, it brought in too many women upon me, and some

of these brought in others, and to this minute I cannot with

descretion get quit of them.

"A good time ago you were pleased to tell me you could not well

conceive how I got myself keept free, but if you now knew what a

multitude knows where I lodge, you would wonder more; and indeed it

is no litle admiration to myself: but as soon as I have so much

strenth, and can fynd a convenient place (which is not easie), I

will change my quarters, if it were for no other reason than to be

quit of useless people of both sexes, that interrupt me from

busieness, or trouble with impertinent questions. And whyle I am

accuseing others of indescretion, I wish I am not so myself in so

much insisting upon and troubling you with such matters.

"At Perth I have gott a collection of all papers relating to the

coronation of King Charles the First and Second, and shall send them

whenever you think fitt; but I suppose it may be convenient to lett

the present hurrie a little over before I send them to you.

"How the great Generalls can imploy their hors to great purpose in

the deep snow, or how men and hors will long hold out in such

weather, is what I do not understand. I hope a shorter time than

they imagine will destroy, even without the help of an enemy,--at

least, make many, both men and hors, inserviceable."

Much had been going on in the meantime, to which Lord Mar, perhaps from

the fear of spreading a panic, does not even allude to his correspondent

in Edinburgh. When it became known in Perth that Argyle had left

Stirling, the advisers of the Chevalier were dismayed and distracted by

contending counsels. But the mass of the army expressed a very different

sentiment, rejoicing that the opportunity of a rencontre with the enemy

was so near: congratulations were heard passing from officers to their

brother officers, and the soldiers, as they drank, pledged their cups to

the good day near at hand. The council, meantime, sat all night: the

irresolution of that body, towards morning, was disclosed to the

impatient soldiery: the indignation of the brave men, and more

especially of the Highlanders, burst forth upon the disclosure of what

had passed in the council. The gentlemen volunteers resented the

pusillanimity of their leaders: and one of them was heard to propose

that the clans should take the Chevalier out of the hands of those who

counselled him to retreat, and added that he would find ten thousand

gentlemen in Scotland that would risk their lives for him. A friend of

Mar, after remonstrating with these malcontents, asked "What they wished

their officers to do?" "Do!" was the reply; "what did you call on us to

take arms for? was it to run away? What did the King come hither for?

was it to see his people butchered by hangmen and not strike a note for

their lives? Let us die like men, and not live dogs."[144]

On the thirtieth of January the Chevalier himself opened another council

in the evening, and in a few words proposed a retreat. Lord Mar then

addressed the meeting, and advocated the measure with a degree of

ingenuity and eloquence which, at that moment, we are disposed rather to

condemn than applaud; yet, his reasons for abandoning Perth were such,

as in cool reflection were not devoid of justice, and they might be

founded upon a humane consideration for the brave adherents of a lost

cause. He stated, first, as the cause of his proposal, the failure of

the Duke of Ormond's invasion of England. Secondly, the accession of

foreign troops to the Duke of Argyle's force. Lastly, the reduced number

of the Chevalier's troops, which then amounted to four thousand, only

two thousand three hundred of which were properly armed. Even in that

weak condition the Chevalier would, according to Lord Mar's subsequent

statement, gladly have maintained Perth, or ventured a battle; but when

the enemy with an army of eight thousand men were actually advanced near

to the place, it was found impracticable to defend Perth, the town being

little more at that time than an open village; and the river Tay on one

side, and the fosse on the other, being both frozen over, it would have

been easy to enter the town at any quarter. Added to this, the mills had

been long stopped by the frost, so that there were not above two days'

provision in the town. There were no coals to be procured: the enemy had

possession of the coal mines in Fife, and wood was scarce. The Earl also

contended that the Highlanders, however able in attack, were not

accustomed to the defence of towns.

Reasons equally cogent were employed against going out to fight the

enemy, and a retreat northwards was at length proposed. But it was no

easy task to bring the brave spirits who had hailed the approach of

Argyle, to accord in sentiments which might spring from discretion, but

which ill agreed with the Highland notions of honour. The council, after

a stormy debate, was broken up in confusion, and adjourned until the

next morning.

Memoirs of the Jacobites of 1715 and 1745. Volume I. · 第 11 / 24 段