the reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he
was, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by
which is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the
character of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a
shepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He
likewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic
monstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in
Boeotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria,
[1254][Greek: Poimandria]; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It
is said to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by
interpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the
title of [Greek: Poimen laou], so frequently to be met with in Homer. That
excellent Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of
antiquity: and has continual references to the antient history of Egypt,
and to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere
superstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they enriched
his verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one
occurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he
bestows on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the
sons of Chus, as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their
kings. Hence the writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the
Shepherd Prince, as we may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was
written in imitation of the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.
Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their
different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took
in their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians
and Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre
and Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts
of Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256][Greek: Kasos, kai Belos, Inachou
paides, pros toi Orontei potamoi ten nun Antiocheian tes Surias polin
ektisan.] _Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria,
which is now called Antioch upon the river Orontes._ By Casus is meant
Chus; and Belus is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate
descendants, who are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the
Euphrates, and from thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of
Amonians, and particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history
of Cadmus: but more especially from the similitude of language, person, and
manners, which subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very
explicit upon this head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham
in these parts, and shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were
guilty. [1258][Greek: Hoide ge paides tou Cham ten apo Surias kai Abanou
kai Libanou ton oron gen kateschon, kai hosa pros thalassan auton
etetrapto, mechris okeanou, kateilephasi.] _In respect to the sons of Ham,
they seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from Syria, and
particularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the region,
which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean._ Of
these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been
sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as
well as those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant
Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte AEgypti potitos, ac mox
[1260]proprias urbes, Hebraeasque terras, et propiora Syriae coluisse. As the
Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it
to have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and
Egypt. It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the
head of Osiris was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was
reported to have been just seven days in its passage; and the whole was
performed [Greek: theiei nautiliei], by a voyage truly miraculous. There
are many proofs that the religion of Syria came in great measure from
Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon his account at Sidon,
and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the
same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the pompous temple at
Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the neighbourhood, not of
Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were received by the
natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not see: but
speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.
These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to
disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove
the great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from
whence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some
particular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among
numberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others,
that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and
Canaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to
differ from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that
the true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with
great pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest,
that they were for the most part the Auritae, those shepherds of Egypt. This
people had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in
time forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In
consequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were
probably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites,
and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and
Gedrosia, under the name of Oritae. They are to be found in Boetica upon the
Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace,
Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the
Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per aequora vecti.
These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote
in a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed [Greek: peri ton
Aiguption apoikias]. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus
Siculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the
Egyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the
earth. [1266][Greek: Ho de oun Aiguptioi phasi kai meta tauta apoikias
pleistas ex Aiguptou kata pasan diasparenai ten oikoumenen.] Of these
migrations there were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of
Chus, concerning whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites,
which was somewhat later than the former. The author above takes notice of
both these occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius;
wherein he does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of
these emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account
is very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated.
[1267][Greek: Euthus oun hoi xenolatoumenon ton alloethnon hoi
epiphanestatoi, kai drastikotatoi sustraphentes exerrhiphesan, hos tines
phasin, eis ten Hellada, kai tinas heterous topous, echontes axiologous
hegemonas; hon hegounto Danaos, kai Kadmos, ton allon epiphanestatoi. Hode
polus leos exepesen eis ten nun kaloumenen Ioudaian.] _Upon this, as some
writers tell us, the most eminent and enterprising of those foreigners, who
were in Egypt, and obliged to leave the country, betook themselves to the
coast of Greece, and also to other regions, having put themselves under the
command of proper leaders for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by
Danaus, and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of the whole. There were
beside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the
province called now [1268]Judea._
When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can
carry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we
may accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269][Greek: Ek
Chaldaion gar legetai phoitesai tauta pros Aigupton kakeithen pros
Hellenas.] _All these things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence
were derived to the Greeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What
preceded the arrival of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts,
is utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is
true, there are accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and
other antient kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica,
just as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It
was therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by
the Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country, and of
the wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of
their histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271][Greek:
Kekropos te, kai Erechtheos, kai Erichthoniou, kai Erisichthonos, ton te
allon.] _For instance, the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius,
Erisicthon, and others._ [Greek: Kai ta ton Gunaikon kai tauta.] _The names
also of their women were the same._ In reality, they were all titles of the
Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the
sea, and as such worshipped by the very people who enlisted him among their
kings. This may be proved from Athenagoras. [1272][Greek: Athenaios
Erechthei Poseidoni thuei.] _The Athenian sacrifices to Erectheus the same
as Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient names were
foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he
is certainly right in his opinion.
What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of
Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges,
and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument
can possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long
obscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the
first principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these
great truths determined.
This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the
principal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a
foundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be
previously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand
foremost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little
consideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing
the high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by
shewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was
the repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius,
Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their
recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a
mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in
their computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the
contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the aera when they
flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but
failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken
notice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons
lived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very
precarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed
state things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance.
But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile
writer, instead of carrying the aera of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of
Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the
times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done;
for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might
indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but
nothing certain could have ensued.
END OF VOL. II.
W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.
[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and
Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare
puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Poenus, and
Punicus.
[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan.
Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.
[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.
[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.
[5] Zachlas adest AEgyptius, propheta primarius,--et cum dicto juvenem
quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et
adusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.
[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleae, palmae victricis foliis intextae. Ibid.
l. 11. p. 241.
[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.
[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.
[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.
[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l.
3. c. 6.
[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. [Greek: Hieron Heliou to phuton, ageron
te on]. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.
[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. [Greek: Peribeblemenoi stolas leukas, kai
Phoinikes en tais chersin auton.]
[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.
[14] [Greek: Hekkaidekate dunasteia Poimenes Hellenes Basileis.] Syncellus.
p. 61.
[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1
Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.
[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.
[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.
Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.
[18] Herodotus brings the Phoenicians from the Mare Erythraeum; by which he
means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.
[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and
the Amalekites, adds: [Greek: nemontai d' auten Phoinikes]. De V. Mosis.
vol. 2. p. 115.
[Greek: Phoinikon kome], in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.
[20] Phoenicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.
[21] [Greek: Aphroi Phoinikes]. Glossae.
[22] [Greek: Kata Bouthroton Phoinike]. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.
Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. [Greek:
Olumpos polis megale kai oros homonumon, ho kai Phoinikous kaleitai].
Strabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes Phoenic and Phoenices ([Greek:
Phoinikes]) to be derived from Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the
sons of Anac: but how can this be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm
tree? I am happy, however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a
principal part, I am countenanced by that learned man.
Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.
[23] Hesychius.
[24] A city and mountain in Boeotia, called Phoenice: the natives,
Phoenicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.
[25] Chron. p. 27.
[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.
[27] [Greek: Belos ap' Euphretao. ktl.] Nonnus.
[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.
[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.
[30] Gellius. Ibidem.
[31] Iliad [psi]. v. 454.
[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.
[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.
[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.
[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.
[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.
[37] AElian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.
He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.
[38] [Greek: Ethnos einai phasin Aithiopon, hopou, kuon basileuei, kai
basileus prosagoreutai, kai hiera kai timas echei basileon. Andres de
prassousin, haper hegemosi poleon prosechei, kai archousin.] Plutarch
adversus Stoicos. vol. 2. p. 1064.
[39] Ibid.
[40] Lycophron. v. 439.
[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.
[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.
[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.
[Greek: Hexes de estin ho kunopolitis nomos, kai Kunon polis, en hei
Anoubis timaitai, kai tois kusi time, kai sitis tetaktai tis hiera.]
Strabo. l. 17. p. 1166.
[44] [Greek: Selenen de graphontes, E OIKOUMENEN, e grammatea, e hierea, e
orgen, e kolumbon, kunokephalon zographousi.] l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.
[45] [Greek: Hierogrammatea te palin, e propheten, e osphresin, e ptarmon,
e archen, e dikasten, boulomenoi graphein kuna zographousin.] l. 1. c. 39.
p. 52.
[46] [Greek: Eo gar tous Aiguptious, hoiper kai deisidaimonestatoi eisi
panton; homos tois theiois onomasin eis koron epichromenous; schedon gar ta
pleista EX OURANOU estin.] Lucian de imaginibus.
See Observations on Antient History. p. 166.
Solebant autem AEgyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque
imponere.--Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce
Evangelica diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.
[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6.
v. 20.
[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. [Greek: Chenosiris].
[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in
Greece. They changed it to [Greek: koes], and [Greek: koies]; but still
supposed it to signify a priest. [Greek: Koies, hiereus Kabeiron, ho
kathairomenos phonea.] Hesychius. [Greek: Koiaitai hieraitai.] Ibid.
It was also used for a title of the Deity. [Greek: Koias, ho strongulos
lithos]; scilicet [Greek: Baitulos]. Moscopulus. p. 5. The Baetulus was the
most antient representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l.
1. v. 919.
[50] [Greek: Ou, kathaper ta loipa zoa en hemerai miai teleutai, houto kai
toutous: alla meros auton kath' hekasten hemeran nekroumenon hupo ton
Hiereon thaptesthai. ktl.]
[Greek: Heos d' an hai hebdomekonta kai duo plerothoisin hemeras, tote
holos apothneskei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.
[51] [Greek: Eis hieron epeidan prota komisthe Kunokephalos, delton autoi
paratithesin ho Hiereus, kai schoinion, kai melan, peirazon, ei ek tes
epistamenes esti sungeneias grammata, kai ei graphei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c.
14. p. 28.
[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. [Greek: Dodekatis tes hemeras kath'
hekasten horan ourei; tode auto kai tais dusi nuxi poiei. ktl.] Speaking of
the two Equinoxes.
[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.
Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.
[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vita
Isidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.
[55] By Strabo expressed [Greek: Keipos], who says, that it was reverenced
by the people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek:
Keipon de Babulonioi hoi kata Memphin (sebousi)].
[56] Babun, [Greek: Babun], of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenaeus. l. 15. p. 680.
called Bebon, [Greek: Bebon], by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p.
371, 376. Babon was thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some
esteemed a female, and the wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.
The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and
likewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus
mentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda.
Historia Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples,
called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a
religious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.
[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.
Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.--Per immensa spatia
seculorum, ne profana loquacitate vulgarer, AEgyptiorum clausa adytis
occulebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.
[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat.
anno 1639.
He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have
understood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary,
in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides
AEgyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos
studii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suae totam fere praeripuerint
gloriam.
[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.
[Greek: Kuna sebeis; tupto d' ego.] Anaxandrides apud Athenaeum. l. 7. p.
300.
[Greek: Hermen kuna.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.
[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Kunokephalon de (timosin)
Hermopolitai.]
[61] [Greek: Hermopolitike phulake]. Strabo. ibid.
[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade,
whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled [Greek:
athanatos], immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.
It consisted of ten thousand men.
[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.
[64] [Greek: Dodekatis hemeras kath' hekasten horan OUREI Kunokephalos.]
Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16.
[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.
Upon the Mare Erythraeum, [Greek: hidruma Kunoskephalon kaloumenon]. Strabo.
l. 16. p. 1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in
Ethiopia and India.
[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.
[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon
inquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to
this etymology. [Greek: Kunoskephale, LOPHOS tis Thessalias.] Stephanus
Byzant. from Polybius. l. 17.
[Greek: Kunonkephalai] near Scotiussa. [Greek: LOPHON puknon parallelon
AKRAI.] Plutarch in Flaminino, of the same place.
The citadel at Thebes was called [Greek: Kunoskephale] by Xenophon. Those
who speak of the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers.
Megasthenes per diversos Indiae montes esse scribit nationes caninis
capitibus. Solinus. c. 52.
A promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned above
from Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. l.
3. c. 27.
[68] Solinus. c. 4. and Isidorus. Origi l. 9. de Portentis.
[69] Steph. Byzantinus.
[70] Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 15.
[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Lacedaemon, [Greek: Phule Lakonike]: and
Cunosouroi, the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. l.
1. c. 17.
[72]
Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur
Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. l. 3. v. 107.
[73] L. 3. p. 207.
[74] V. 99.
[75] Palaephatus [Greek: peri epheureseos konchules.]. p. 124.
[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littore
projecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliter
humorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et ut
est mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exempla
meditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. l. 9. c. 36.
See also Chronicon Paschale. p. 43. Achilles Tatius. l. 3. Julius Pollux.
l. 1. c. 4. p. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. l. 9. c. 36.
[77] Cyrus Prodromus [Greek: epi apodemoi tei philiai].
[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 40. p. 1034.
[79] Etymologicum Magnum.
[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purple
was the discovery [Greek: kunos poimenikou] which in the original history
was undoubtedly a shepherd king.
[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.
[82] [Greek: Oude Sokrates ton kuna kai ton chena omnus epaizen.] Porphyry
de Abstinentia. l. 3. p. 286.
It is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: [Greek:
Ekeleuse (Rhadamanthus) kata chenos, kai kunos, kai kriou omnunai.]
Eustathius upon Homer. Odyss. [Upsilon]. p. 1871.
See Aristophan. [Greek: Ornithes.] Scholia, v. 521. [Greek: Omnunai
keleusai (Rhadamanthun) chena, kai kuna, ktl.] from Socrates. l. 12. de
Rebus Creticis.
The antient Abantes of Euboea styled Zeus himself Cahen; called in
aftertimes Cenaeus. There was a promontory of the same name: [Greek: Kenaion
akroterion (Abanton)] Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to have
sacrificed after his conquest of AEchalia.
Victor ab AEchalia Cenaeo sacra parabat
Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 9 v. 136.
Sophocles in Trachin. v. 242, mentions, [Greek: Bomous, telet' enkarta
Kenaioi Dii].
[83] Plato in Gorgia. vol. 1. p. 482.
[84] Porphyry. l. 3. p. 286. so corrected by Jablonsky. l. v. c. 1. p. 10
[85] Clementis Cohortatio. p. 32.
[86] Pliny. l. 8. p. 446.
[87] Anthologia. l. 1. Epigram. 144.
[88] Theophrast. Charact.
[89] Hesychius.
[90] Diodorus Siculus de pompa Isiaca. l. 1. p. 78.
[91] Huetius. Praep. Evang. p. 86. from Cornutus de natura Deorum.
A like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, [Greek: peri
thaumasion akousmaton]: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands
of Diomedes.