writers have supposed many persons of this name. Suidas takes notice of no
less than four in [1038]Thrace. But all these will not make the history
consistent. Vossius therefore, with good reason, doubts whether such a
person ever existed. Nay, he asserts, [1039]Triumviros istos Poeseos,
Orphea, Musaeum, Linum, non fuisse: sed esse nomina ab antiqua Phoenicum
lingua, qua usi Cadmus, et aliquamdiu posteri. There is great truth in what
Vossius here advances: and in respect to Orpheus, the testimony of
Aristotle, quoted by him from Cicero, is very decisive. [1040]Orpheum
poetam docet Aristoteles nunquam fuisse. Dionysius, as we learn from
Suidas, affirmed the same thing. Palaephatus indeed admits the man; but sets
aside the history. [1041][Greek: Pseudes kai ho peri tou Thrpheos muthos.]
_The history too of Orpheus is nothing else but a fable_. From what has
been said, I think it is plain, that under the character of this personage
we are to understand a people named [1042]Orpheans; who, as Vossius rightly
intimates, were the same as the Cadmians. In consequence of this, there
will sometimes be found a great similarity between the characters of these
two persons.
I have shewn, that Colonies from [1043]Egypt settled in the region of
Sethon, called afterwards Sethonia, upon the river Palaestinus. They were
likewise to be found in the countries of Edonia, Pieria, and Peonia: in one
of which they founded a city and temple. The Grecians called this city
Orpheus: [1044][Greek: Orpheus esti polis upo tei Pieriei.] _Orpheus is a
city of Thrace, below Pieria_. But the place was originally expressed
Orphi, by which is meant the oracular temple of Orus. From hence, and from
the worship here instituted, the people were styled Orphites, and Orpheans.
They were noted for the Cabiritic mysteries; and for the Dionusiaca, and
worship of Damater. They were likewise very famous for the medicinal arts;
and for their skill in astronomy and music. But the Grecians have
comprehended, under the character of one person, the history of a people.
When they settled in Thrace, they introduced their arts, and their worship,
among the barbarous [1045]natives, by whom they were revered for their
superior knowledge. They likewise bequeathed many memorials of themselves,
and of their forefathers, which were probably some emblematical sculptures
upon wood or stone: hence we read of the tablets of Orpheus preserved in
Thrace, and particularly upon mount [1046]Haemus. The temple which they
built upon this mountain seems to have been a college, and to have
consisted of a society of priests. They were much addicted to celibacy, as
we may judge from their history; and were, in great measure, recluses after
the mode of Egypt and Canaan. Hence it is said of Orpheus, that he secreted
himself from the world, and led the life of a [1047]Swan: and it is
moreover mentioned of Aristaeus, when he made a visit to Dionusus upon mount
Haemus, that he disappeared from the sight of men, and was never after
[1048]seen. According to the most common accounts concerning the death of
Orpheus, it was owing to his principles, and manner of life. He was a
solitary, and refused all commerce with womankind: hence the Maenades, and
other women of Thrace, rose upon him, and tore him to pieces. It is said,
that his head, and lyre were thrown into the Hebrus; down which they were
wafted to Lemnos. What is here mentioned of Orpheus, undoubtedly relates to
the Orpheans, and to their temple upon mount Haemus. This temple was in
process of time ruined: and there is great reason to think, that it was
demolished upon account of the cruelties practised by the priests, and
probably from a detestation of their unnatural crimes, to which there are
frequent allusions. Ovid having given a character of Orpheus, concludes
with an accusation to this purpose.
[1049]Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor amores
In teneros transferre mares: citraque juventam
AEtatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores.
Those of the community, who survived the disaster, fled down the Hebrus to
Lesbos; where they either found, or erected, a temple similar to that which
they had quitted. Here the same worship was instituted; and the place grew
into great reputation. They likewise settled at Lenmos. This island lay at
no great distance from the former; and was particularly devoted to the
Deity of fire. It is said by Hecataeus, that it received the name of Lemnos
from the Magna Dea, Cybele. She was styled by the natives [Greek: Lemnos],
and at her shrine they used to sacrifice young persons. [1050][Greek: Apo
megales legomenes Theou; tautei de kai parthenous ethuon.] They seem to
have named the temple at Lesbos Orphi, and Orphei caput: and it appears to
have been very famous on account of its oracle. Philostratus says, that the
Ionians, and AEolians, of old universally consulted it: and, what is
extraordinary, that it was held in high estimation by the people of
[1051]Babylonia. He calls the place the head of Orpheus: and mentions, that
the oracle proceeded from a cavity in the earth; and that it was consulted
by Cyrus, the Persian. That the Babylonians had a great veneration for a
temple named Orphi, I make no doubt: but it certainly could not be the
temple at Lesbos. During the Babylonish empire, Greece, and its islands,
were scarcely known to people of that country. And when the Persians
succeeded, it is not credible, that they should apply to an oracle at
Lesbos, or to an oracle of Greece. They were too refined in their religious
notions to make any such application. It is notorious, that, when Cambyses,
and Ochus, invaded Egypt, and when Xerxes made his inroad into Greece, they
burnt and ruined the temples in each nation, out of abomination to the
worship. It was another place of this name, an oracle of their own, to
which the Babylonians, and Persians, applied. For it cannot be supposed, in
the times spoken of, that they had a correspondence with the western world.
It was Ur, in Chaldea, the seat of the antient Magi, which was styled
Urphi, and Orphi, on account of its being the seat of an oracle. That there
was such a temple is plain from Stephanus Byzantinus, who tells us,
[1052][Greek: Manteion echein autous (Chaldaious) para barbarois, hos
Delphoi par' Hellesi.] _The Chaldeans had an oracle as famous among the
people of those parts, as Delphi was among the Grecians_. This temple was
undoubtedly styled Urphi. I do not mean, that this was necessarily a proper
name; but an appellative, by which oracular places were in general
distinguished. The city Edessa in Mesopotamia seems likewise to have had
the name of Urphi, which was given on account of the like rites, and
worship. That it was so named, we may fairly presume from its being by the
natives called [1053]Urpha, at this day. It was the former temple, to which
the Babylonians, and Persians had recourse: and it was from the Magi of
these parts, that the Orphic rites and mysteries were originally derived.
They came from Babylonia to Egypt, and from thence to Greece. We
accordingly find this particular in the character of Orpheus, [1054][Greek:
einai de ton Orphea mageusai deinon], _that he was great in all the
mysteries of the Magi_. We moreover learn from Stephanus Monachius, that
Orphon, a term of the same purport as Orpheus, was one of the appellations,
by which the Magi were called. [1055]Orphon, quod Arabibus Magum sonat. In
short, under the character of Orpheus, we have the history both of the
Deity, and of his votaries. The head of Orpheus was said to have been
carried to Lemnos, just as the head of Osiris used to be wafted to Byblus.
He is described as going to the shades below, and afterwards returning to
upper air. This is similar to the history of Osiris, who was supposed to
have been in a state of death, and after a time to have come to life. There
was moreover something mysterious in the death of Orpheus; for it seems to
have been celebrated with the same frantic acts of grief, as people
practised in their lamentations for Thamuz and Osiris, and at the rites of
Baal. The Bistonian women, who were the same as the Thyades, and Maenades,
used to gash their arms with knives, and besmear themselves with
[1056]blood, and cover their heads with ashes. By this display of sorrow we
are to understand a religious rite; for Orpheus was a title, under which
the Deity of the place was worshipped. He was the same as Orus of Egypt,
whom the Greeks esteemed both as Apollo, and Hephaistus. That he was a
deity is plain from his temple and oracle abovementioned: which, we find,
were of great repute, and resorted to by various people from the opposite
coast.
As there was an Orpheus in Thrace, so there appears to have been an Orpha
in [1057]Laconia, of whose history we have but few remains. They represent
her as a Nymph, the daughter of Dion, and greatly beloved by Dionusus. She
was said, at the close of her life, to have been changed to a tree. The
fable probably relates to the Dionusiaca, and other Orphic rites, which had
been in early times introduced into the part of the world abovementioned,
where they were celebrated at a place called Orpha. But the rites grew into
disuse, and the history of the place became obsolete: hence Orpha has been
converted to a nymph, favoured of the God there worshipped; and was
afterwards supposed to have been changed to one of the trees, which grew
within its precincts.
Many undertook to write the history of Orpheus; the principal of whom were
Zopurus of Heraclea, Prodicus Chius, Epigenes, and Herodorus. They seem all
to have run into that general mistake of forming a new personage from a
title, and making the Deity a native, where he was inshrined. The writings,
which were transmitted under the name of Orpheus, were innumerable: and are
justly ridiculed by Lucian, both for their quantity, and matter. There were
however some curious hymns, which used to be of old sung in Pieria, and
Samothracia; and which Onomacritus copied. They contain indeed little more
than a list of titles, by which the Deity in different places was
addressed. But these titles are of great antiquity: and though the hymns
are transmitted in a modern garb, the person, through whom we receive them,
being as late as [1058]Pisistratus, yet they deserve our notice. They must
necessarily be of consequence, as they refer to the worship of the first
ages, and afford us a great insight into the Theology of the antients.
Those specimens also, which have been preserved by Proclus, in his
dissertations upon Plato, afford matter of great curiosity. They are all
imitations, rather than translations of the antient Orphic poetry,
accompanied with a short comment. This poetry was in the original Amonian
language, which grew obsolete among the Helladians, and was no longer
intelligible: but was for a long time preserved in [1059]Samothracia, and
used in their sacred rites.
CADMUS.
Although I have said so much about Dionusus, Sesostris, and other great
travellers, I cannot quit the subject till I have taken notice of Cadmus:
for his expeditions, though not so extensive as some, which I have been
mentioning, are yet esteemed of great consequence in the histories of
antient nations. The time of his arrival in Greece is looked up to as a
fixed aera: and many circumstances in chronology are thereby determined. He
is commonly reputed to have been a Phenician by birth; the son of Agenor,
who was the king of that country. He was sent by his father's order in
quest of his sister Europa; and after wandering about a long time to little
purpose, he at last settled in Greece. In this country were many traditions
concerning him; especially in Attica, and Boeotia. The particular spot,
where he is supposed to have taken up his residence, was in the latter
province at Tanagra upon the river Ismenus. He afterwards built Thebes: and
wherever he came, he introduced the religion of his country. This consisted
in the worship of [1060]Dionusus; and in the rites, which by the later
Greeks were termed the Dionusiaca. They seem to have been much the same as
the Cabyritic mysteries, which he is said to have established in
Samothracia. He fought with a mighty dragon; whose teeth he afterwards
sowed, and produced an army of men. To him Greece is supposed to have been
indebted for the first introduction of [1061]letters; which are said to
have been the letters of his country Phenicia, and in number sixteen. He
married Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus: and his nuptials were
graced with the presence of all the Gods, and Goddesses; each of whom
conferred some gift upon the bride. He had several children; among whom was
a daughter Semele, esteemed the mother of Bacchus. After having experienced
great vicissitudes in life, he is said to have retired with his wife
Harmonia to the coast of Illyria, where they were both changed to serpents.
He was succeeded at Thebes by his son Polydorus, the father of Labdacus,
the father of Laius. This last was the husband of Jocasta, by whom he had
Oedipus.
Bochart with wonderful ingenuity, and equal learning, tries to solve the
aenigmas, under which this history is represented. He supposes Cadmus to
have been a fugitive Canaanite, who fled from the face of Joshua: and that
he was called Cadmus from being a Cadmonite, which is a family mentioned by
Moses. In like manner he imagines, that Harmonia had her name from mount
Hermon, which was probably in the district of the Cadmonites. The story of
the dragon he deduces from the Hevaei, or Hivites; the same people as the
Cadmonites. He proceeds afterwards with great address to explain the rest
of the fable, concerning the teeth of the dragon, which were sown; and the
armed men, which from thence arose: and what he says is in many particulars
attended with a great shew of probability. Yet after all his ingenious
conjectures, I am obliged to dissent from him in some points; and
particularly in one, which is of the greatest moment. I cannot be induced
to think, that Cadmus was, as Bochart represents him, a Phenician. Indeed I
am persuaded, that no such person existed. If Cadmus brought letters from
Phenicia, how came he to bring but sixteen; when the people, from whom he
imported them, had undoubtedly more, as we may infer from their neighbours?
And if they were the current letters of Greece, as Herodotus intimates; how
came it to pass, that the tablet of Alcmena, the wife of Amphitryon, the
third in descent from Cadmus, could not be understood, as we are assured by
[1062]Plutarch? He says, that in the reign of Agesilaus of Sparta, a
written tablet was found in the tomb of Alcmena, to whom it was inscribed:
that the characters were obsolete, and unintelligible; on which account
they sent it to Conuphis of Memphis in Egypt, to be decyphered. If these
characters were Phenician, why were they sent to a priest of a different
country for interpretation? and why is their date and antiquity defined by
the reign of a king in Egypt? [1063][Greek: Tous tupous einai tes epi
Protei basileuonti grammatikes.] _The form of the letters was the same as
was in use when Proteus reigned in that country._ Herodotus, indeed, to
prove that the Cadmians brought letters into Greece, assures us, that he
saw specimens of their writing at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo
[1064]Ismenius: that there was a tripod as antient as the reign of Laius,
the son of Labdacus; with an inscription, which imported, that it had been
there dedicated by Amphitryon upon his victory over the Teleboae. I make no
doubt, but that Herodotus saw tripods with antient inscriptions: and there
might be one with the name of Amphitryon: but how could he be sure that it
was the writing of that person, and of those times? We know what a pleasure
there is in enhancing the antiquity of things; and how often inscriptions
are forged for that purpose. Is it credible that the characters of
Amphitryon should be so easy to be apprehended, when those of his wife
Alcmena could not be understood? and which of the two are we in this case
to believe, Herodotus or Plutarch? I do not mean that I give any credence
to the story of Alcmena and her tablet: nor do I believe that there was a
tripod with characters as antient as Amphitryon. I only argue from the
principles of the Greeks to prove their inconsistency. The Pheneatae in
Arcadia shewed to Pausanias an inscription upon the basis of a brazen
statue, which was dedicated to [1065]Poseidon Hippius. It was said to have
been written by Ulysses, and contained a treaty made between him and some
shepherds. But Pausanias acknowledges that it was an imposition; for
neither statues of brass, nor statues of any sort, were in use at the time
alluded to.
It is said of Cadmus, that he introduced the rites of [1066]Bacchus into
Greece. But how is this possible, if Bacchus was his descendant, the son of
his daughter Semele? To remedy this, the latter mythologists suppose, that
there was a prior Bacchus, who was worshipped by Cadmus. This is their
usual recourse, when they are hard pressed with inconsistencies. They then
create other personages, to help them out of their difficulties. They form,
with great facility, a new Semiramis, or Ninus; another Belus, Perseus,
Minos, Hermes, Phoroneus, Apis, though to little purpose: for the mistake
being fundamental, the inconveniencies cannot be remedied by such
substitutes. We are told that Cadmus was a Phenician: but Diodorus Siculus
speaks of him as assuredly of Egypt; and mentions moreover, that he was a
native of the Thebais: [1067][Greek: Kadmon ek Thebon onta ton Aiguption].
Pherecydes Syrus also, from whom most of the mythology of Greece was
borrowed, makes Cadmus an [1068]Egyptian, the son of Agenor and Argiope,
who was the daughter of Nilus. By others he is said to have been the son of
Antiope, the daughter of Belus: consequently he must originally have been
of Babylonish extraction. His father Agenor, from whom he is supposed to
have been instructed in the sciences, is represented by Nonnus as residing
at Thebes.
[1069][Greek: Patria thespesies dedaemenos orgia technes,]
[Greek: Aigupties sophies metanastios, emos Agenor]
[Greek: Memphidos ennaetes hekatompulon oikee Theben.]
We learn the same from the Scholiast upon Lycophron, who styles the king
Ogugus. [1070][Greek: Kai ho Ogugos Thebon Aiguption en Basileus, hothen ho
Kadmos huparchon, elthon en Helladi tas Heptapulous ektise.] _Moreover
Ogugus was king of Thebes in Egypt: of which country was Cadmus, who came
into Greece, and built the city styled Heptapulae_. It was from the same
part of the world, that the mysteries were imported, in which Cadmus is
represented as so knowing: and here it was, that he was taught
hieroglyphics, and the other characters, which are attributed to him. For
he is said to have been expert [1071][Greek: Cheiros opisthoporoio
charagmata loxa charasson.] These arts he carried first to the coast of
Sidon, and Syria; and from thence he is supposed to have brought them to
Greece: for, before he came to Hellas, he is said to have reigned in
conjunction with Phoenix, both at Sidon and Tyre. [1072][Greek: Phoinix kai
Kadmos, apo Thebon ton Aiguption exelthontes eis ten Surian Turou kai
Sidonos ebasileusan.] _Phoenix and Cadmus came from Thebes in Egypt, and
reigned at Tyre and Sidon._
Thus I have taken pains to shew, that Cadmus was not, as has been generally
thought, a Phenician. My next endeavour will be to prove that no such
person existed. If we consider the whole history of this celebrated hero,
we shall find, that it was impossible for one person to have effected what
he is supposed to have performed. His expeditions were various and
wonderful; and such as in those early times would not have been attempted,
nor could ever have been completed. The Helladians say little more, than
that he built Thebes, and brought letters into Greece: that he slew a
dragon, from the teeth of which being sowed in the ground there arose an
army of earthborn men. The writers of other countries afford us a more
extensive account: among the principal of which are to be esteemed
Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias. Some of them had their
[1073]doubts about the reality of this adventurer: and from the history
which they have transmitted, we may safely infer, that no such person
existed, as has been described under the character of Cadmus.
He is said to have sailed first to [1074]Phenicia and Cyprus; and
afterwards to [1075]Rhodes. Here he instructed the people in the religion
which he professed; and founded a temple at Lindus, where he appointed an
order of priests. He did the same [1076]at Thera, and afterwards was at
[1077]Thasus: and proceeding in his travels partook of the Cabiritic
mysteries in [1078]Samothracia. He visited [1079]Ionia, and all the coast
upwards to the Hellespont and Propontis. He was at Lesbos, which he named
[1080]Issa: where some of his posterity were to be found long after. He was
also at Anaphe, one of the Sporades; which island was denominated
Membliaros from one of his [1081]followers. Mention is made of his being
upon the [1082]Hellespont, and in Thrace. Here he resided, and found out a
mine of [1083]gold, having before found one of copper in [1084]Cyprus.
Hence he is said to have procured great wealth. [1085][Greek: Hode Kadmou
ploutos peri Thraken, kai to Pangaion oros.] We hear of him afterwards in
[1086]Euboea; where there are to be found innumerable traces of him, and
his followers. He was likewise at [1087]Sparta, as we may infer from the
Herouem erected to him by Eurotas, and his brethren, the sons of Huraeus. He
must have resided a great while in [1088]Attica; for there were many
edifices about Athens attributed to him. He settled at Tanagra in Boeotia;
where he lost all his companions, who were slain by a dragon. He afterwards
built Thebes. Here he was king; and is said to have reigned sixty-two
[1089]years. But as if his wanderings were never to be terminated, he
leaves his newly founded city, and goes to Illyria. Here we find him again
in regal state. [1090][Greek: Basileuei Kadmos ton Illurion.] He reigns
over the country which receives its name from his son. [1091][Greek:
Illuria--apo Illuriou tou Kadmonos paidos.] Now whoever is truly acquainted
with antiquity, must know, that, in the times here spoken of, little
correspondence was maintained between nation and nation. Depredations were
very frequent; and every little maritime power was in a state of
[1092]piracy: so that navigation was attended with great peril. It is not
therefore to be believed, that a person should so often rove upon the seas
amid such variety of nations, and reside among them at his pleasure: much
less that he should build temples, found cities, and introduce his
religion, wherever he listed; and this too in such transient visits.
Besides, according to the Egyptian accounts, the chief of his adventures
were in Libya. He married Harmonia at the lake [1093]Tritonis; and is said
to have founded in that part of the world no less. than an hundred cities:
[1094][Greek: Libustidi Kadmos arourai]
[Greek: Domesas polion hekatontada.]
Some of these cities seem to have been situated far west in the remoter
parts of Africa.
[1095][Greek: Kai Libues stratoonto par' Hesperion klima gaies,]
[Greek: Anchinephe naiontes Alemonos astea Kadmou.]
Carthage itself was of old called [1096]Cadmeia: so that he may be ranked
among the founders of that city. [Greek: Karchedon, Metropolis
Libues--ekaleito de Kaine polis, kai Kadmeia.] He is mentioned by Moses
Chorenensis to have settled in [1097]Armenia, where there was a regio
Cadmeia not far from Colchis. He reigned here; and is said to have been of
the giant race, and to have come from [1098]Babylonia. And as the city
Carthage in Libya was called Cadmeia, so in this region Cadmeia, there was
a city Carthage: [1099][Greek: Karchedon polis Armenias.]