CHAPTER XXX

THE BEST PREPAREDNESS

Henry Ford saw that the meaning of his work was about to be lost. He was

in for the greatest fight of his life.

He counted his resources. The mammoth factory was still running to

capacity, the farm tractors, which would mean so much in increased

production of food, in greater comforts for millions of farmers, were

almost ready to be put on the market. His plan for profit-sharing with

the buyers of his cars had recently been announced. Three hundred

thousand men in this country would have, during 1915, an actual proof in

dollars and cents of the practical value of coöperation, of Ford's

principle that "helping the other fellow will help you." Those men would

share with him the profit which would add still more millions to his

credit.

Ford had these things; he had also a tremendous fortune at his command.

He cast about for ways of using that fortune in this fight, and again

the uselessness of money was impressed upon him.

"Money is of no real value whatever," he says. "What can I do with it

now? I cannot pay a man enough to make him change his real opinions. The

only real resource this country has now is the intelligence of our

people. They must think right, they must know the true principles on

which to build a great, strong nation.

"They must hold firm to the big, true things, and realize--some way they

must be MADE to realize--that they are practical, that ideals are the

only practical things in this world.

"It is to everybody's interest to do right. Not in the next world, nor

in a spiritual way only, but in good, hard dollars-and-cents business

value.

"Let's be practical. Suppose we do prepare for war? Suppose we do take

the energies of our young men and spend them in training for war. Our

country needs the whole energy of every man in productive work, work

that will make more food, more clothing, better houses. But suppose we

turn that energy from real uses, train it to destroy, instead of to

create? Suppose we have half a million young men ready to fight? What

weapons shall we give them?

"Shall we give them guns? They will be out of date. Shall we give them

poisonous gases, or disease germs, or shall we invent something even

more horrible? As fast as we make these things, other nations will make

worse ones.

"Shall we turn our factories into munition plants? Shall we build

dreadnoughts? The submarine destroys them. Shall we build submarines?

Other nations will make submarine-destroyers. Shall we build

submarine-destroyers? Other nations will build war-aeroplanes to destroy

them. We must make something worse than the aeroplanes, and something

worse still, and then something still more horrible, bidding senselessly

up and up and up, spending millions on millions, trying to outdo other

nations which are trying to outdo us.

"For if we begin to prepare for war we must not stop. We can not stop. I

read articles in the magazines saying that we might as well have no navy

at all as the one we have; that we might as well have no army as the

army we have, if this country should be invaded. Yet we have already

spent millions on that army and that navy. Let us spend millions more,

and more millions, and more, and still, unless we keep on spending more

than any other nation can spend, we might as well have no army or navy

at all.

"And yet there are people who think that to begin such a course is

'practical,' is good common sense!

"I tell you, the only real strength of a nation is the spirit of its

people. The only real, practical value in the world is the spirit of the

people of the world. There were animals on the earth ages ago who could

kill a hundred men with one sweep of a paw, but they are gone, and we

survive. Why? Because men have minds, because they use their minds in

doing useful things, making food, and clothes, and shelters.

"A few hundred years ago no man was safe on the street alone at night.

No woman was safe unless she had a man with her who was strong enough to

kill other men. We have changed all that. How? By force? No, because we

have learned in a small degree that there are things better than force.

We have learned that to look out for the interests of every one in our

community is best for us in the end.

"Let us realize that to think of the welfare of the whole world is best

for each one of us. We do not carry a gun so that if we meet an

Englishman on the street and he attacks us we can kill him. We know he

does not want to kill us.

"We know that the real people of the whole world do not want war. We do

not want war. There are only a few people who think they want war--the

politicians, the rulers, the Big Business men, who think they can profit

by it. War injures everybody else, and in the end it injures them, too.

"The way to handle the war question is not to waste more and more human

energy in getting ready to hurt the other fellow. We must get down to

the foundations; we must realize that the interests of all the people

are one, and that what hurts one hurts us all.

"We must know that, and we must have the courage to act on it. A nation

of a hundred million people, of all nationalities and races, we must

work together, each of us doing what he can for the best good of the

whole. Then we can show Europe, when at last her crippled people drag

themselves back to their ruined homes, that a policy of peace and

hopefulness does pay, that it is practical.

"We can show them that we do mean to help them. They will believe it, if

we do not say it behind a gun.

"If we carry a gun, we must depend on the gun to save our nation. We

must frankly say that we believe in force and nothing else. We must

admit that human brotherhood and ideals of mutual good will and

helpfulness are secondary to power and willingness to commit murder;

that only a murderer at heart can afford to have them. We must abandon

every principle on which our country was founded, every inch of progress

we have made since men were frankly beasts.

"But if our country is not to go down as all nations have gone before

her, depending on force and destroyed by force, we must build on a firm

foundation. We must build on our finest, biggest instincts. We must go

fearlessly ahead, not looking back, and put our faith in the things

which endure, and which have grown stronger through every century of

history.

"Democracy, every man's right to comfort and plenty and happiness, human

brotherhood, mutual helpfulness--these are the real, practical things.

These are the things on which we can build, surely and firmly. These are

the things which will last. These are the things which will pay.

"I have proved them over and over again in my own life. Other men, so

far as they have trusted them, have proved them. America has built on

them the richest, most successful nation in the world to-day. Just so

far as we continue to trust them, to build on them, we will continue to

be prosperous and successful.

"I know this. If my life has taught me anything at all, it has taught me

that. I will spend every ounce of energy I have, every hour of my life,

in the effort to prove it to other people. Only so far as we all believe

it, only so far as we all use our strength and our abilities, not to

hurt, but to help, other peoples, will we help ourselves."

This is the end of my story, and the beginning of Henry Ford's biggest

fight.

THE END

End of Project Gutenberg's Henry Ford's Own Story, by Rose Wilder Lane

Henry Ford's Own Story How a Farmer Boy Rose to the Power that goes with Many Millions, Yet Never Lost Touch with Humanity · 第 30 / 30 章