who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony
to 'the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic
Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,'
_Letter by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329.
Compare Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid,
1839, p. 34), 'Tan conocido llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los
reinos estraños por la rectitud de su carácter, que en las
desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian
en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus decisiones;' and
Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xl.),
'Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa;
todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan
por árbitro y mediador.' Evidence of the great respect paid to
Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 41-43, 253.
[1450] On the increase of the navy, compare _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. p. 127, with _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
Carlos III._, pp. 73, 82.
[1451] These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the
Frenchman, Cabarrus. See _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.
[1452] Rio, _ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 164-166, and _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.
[1453] 'La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra
agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de
1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió
el libre comercio de ellos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
vol. iv. p. 105. See also _Dillon's Spain_, p. 69, and
_Townsend's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this
great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that
year, 'Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz
que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos
dominios.' This document, which is important for the history of
political economy, is printed in the Appendix to _Campomanes_,
_Educacion Popular_, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.
It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the American Colonies
were, for the first time, treated according to the maxims of a wise and
liberal policy. The behaviour of the Spanish government in this respect,
contrasts most favourably with the conduct pursued at the same time
towards our great Colonies by that narrow and incompetent man who then
filled the English throne. While the violence of George III. was
fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies, Charles III. was busily
engaged in conciliating the Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the
object of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he did
everything which the knowledge and resources of that age allowed him to
do. In 1764, he accomplished, what was then considered the great feat of
establishing every month a regular communication with America, in order
that the reforms which he projected might be more easily introduced, and
the grievances of the Colonies attended to.[1454] In the very next
year, free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands, whose
abundant commodities were now, for the first time, allowed to circulate,
to their own benefit, as well as to the benefit of their
neighbours.[1455] Into the Colonies generally, vast improvements were
introduced, many oppressions were removed, the tyranny of officials was
checked, and the burdens of the people were lightened.[1456] Finally, in
1778, the principles of free trade having been successfully tried in the
American Islands, were now extended to the American Continent; the ports
of Peru and of New Spain were thrown open; and by this means an immense
impetus was given to the prosperity of those magnificent colonies, which
nature intended to be rich, but which the meddling folly of man had
forced to be poor.[1457]
[1454] 'Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron
con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la
metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de
24 de agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot
de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias;
desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en
balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos
escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y
provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la
Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro
paquebot para la Coruña.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
III._, vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which
aimed at making Coruña a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been
unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña, written in 1774, in
_Dalrymple's Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.
[1455] See the edicts in _Campomanes_, _Apendice_, vol. ii. pp. 37-47,
Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.
[1456] It was said, with reason, by Alaman, 'que el gobierno de América
llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 151. And
Humboldt observes (_Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
Nouvelle-Espagne_, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), 'C'est le
roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages
qu'énergiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a
annulé les _Encomiendas_; il a défendu les _Repartimientos_, par
lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les
créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail des natifs,
en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de mulets et
de vêtemens (_ropa_).'
[1457] _Cabarrus_, _Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and
Canga's note in _Martinez de la Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid,
1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar
with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.
All this reacted upon the mother country with such rapidity, that
scarcely was the old system of monopoly broken up, when the trade of
Spain began to advance, and continued to improve, until the exports and
imports had reached a height that even the authors of the reform could
hardly have expected; it being said that the export of foreign
commodities was tripled, that the export of home-produce was multiplied
fivefold, and the returns from America ninefold.[1458]
[1458] 'Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the
adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with
America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change
was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly
produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign
goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns
from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to
one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.'
_Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain_, London,
1818, p. 72.
Many of the taxes, which bore heavily on the lower ranks, were repealed,
and the industrious classes, being relieved of their principal burdens,
it was hoped that their condition would speedily improve.[1459] And to
benefit them still more, such alterations were effected in the
administration of the law, as might enable them to receive justice from
the public tribunals, when they had occasion to complain of their
superiors. Hitherto, a poor man had not the least chance of succeeding
against a rich one; but in the reign of Charles III., government
introduced various regulations, by which labourers and mechanics could
obtain redress, if their masters defrauded them of their wages, or broke
the contracts made with them.[1460]
[1459] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.
[1460] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. v. p. 331; 'to facilitate to artisans and
journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the
privileges and interest of the powerful.'
Not only the labouring classes, but also the literary and scientific
classes, were encouraged and protected. One source of danger, to which
they had long been exposed, was considerably lessened by the steps which
Charles took to curtail the power of the Inquisition. The king, was,
moreover, always ready to reward them; he was a man of cultivated
tastes, and he delighted in being thought the patron of learning.[1461]
Soon after his accession, he issued an order, exempting from military
service all printers, and all persons immediately connected with
printing, such as casters of type, and the like.[1462] He, also, as far
as he was able, infused new life into the old universities, and did all
that was possible towards restoring their discipline and
reputation.[1463] He founded schools, endowed colleges, rewarded
professors, and granted pensions. In these matters his munificence
seemed inexhaustible, and is of itself sufficient to account for the
veneration with which literary Spaniards regard his memory. They have
reason to regret that, instead of living now, they had not lived when he
was king. In his reign, it was supposed that their interests must be
identical with the interests of knowledge; and these last were rated so
highly, that, in 1771, it was laid down as a settled principle of
government, that of all the branches of public policy, the care of
education is the most important.[1464]
[1461] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 317,
318, and elsewhere.
[1462] '"Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono" (dijo el Rey en la
ordenanza de reemplazos) "ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte
de la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse sólidamente en
estos reinos, vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y
servicio militar, no solo á los impresores, sino tambien á los
fundidores que se empleen de continuo en este ejercicio, y á los
abridores de punzones y matrices."' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p. 213.
[1463] On the steps taken to reform the universities between 1768 and
1774, see _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol.
iii. pp. 185-210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296-299.
[1464] 'La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras letras
es uno y aun el más principal ramo de la policía y buen gobierno
del Estado.' _Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771_, printed in
Rio, vol. iii. p. 182.
But this is not all. It is no exaggeration to say, that in the reign of
Charles III., the face of Spain underwent greater changes than it had
done during the hundred and fifty years which had elapsed since the
final expulsion of the Mohammedans. At his accession, in 1759, the wise
and pacific policy of his predecessor, Ferdinand VI., had enabled that
prince not only to pay many of the debts owed by the crown, but also to
accumulate and leave behind him a considerable treasure.[1465] Of this
Charles availed himself, to begin those works of public splendour,
which, more than any other part of his administration, was sure to
strike the senses, and to give popularity to his reign. And when, by the
increase of wealth, rather than by the imposition of fresh burdens,
still larger resources were placed at his command, he devoted a
considerable part of them to completing his designs. He so beautified
Madrid, that forty years after his death, it was stated, that, as it
then stood, all its magnificence was owing to him. The public buildings
and the public gardens, the beautiful walks round the capital, its noble
gates, its institutions, and the very roads leading from it to the
adjacent country, are all the work of Charles III., and are among the
most conspicuous trophies which attest his genius and the sumptuousness
of his taste.[1466]
[1465] M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace displayed
by Ferdinand VI. (_Historia de España_, vol. i. p. 202, vol.
xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), 'De modo que con
razon se admira, y es el testimonio más honroso de la buena
administracion económica de este reinado, que al morir este buen
monarca dejára, no diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las
arcas públicas, como hiperbólicamente suele decirse, pero sí con
el considerable sobrante de trescientos millones de reales,
despues de cubiertas todas las atenciones del Estado: fenómeno
que puede decirse se veia por primera vez en España, y resultado
satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena administracion, solo
pudo obtenerse á favor de su prudente política de neutralidad y
de paz.'
[1466] 'But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its present
magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the
noble gates of Alcalá and San Vincente were raised; the
custom-house, the post-office, the museum, and royal
printing-office, were constructed; the academy of the three
noble arts improved; the cabinet of natural history, the botanic
garden, the national bank of San Carlos, and many gratuitous
schools established; while convenient roads leading from the
city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and
adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the
solicitude of this paternal king.' _Spain by an American_,
London, 1831, vol. i. p. 206; see also p. 297.
In other parts of the country, roads were laid down, and canals were
dug, with the view of increasing trade by opening up communications
through tracts previously impassable. At the accession of Charles III.,
the whole of the Sierra Morena was unoccupied, except by wild beasts
and banditti, who took refuge there.[1467] No peaceful traveller would
venture into such a place; and commerce was thus excluded from what
nature had marked as one of the greatest highways in Spain, standing as
it does between the basins of the Guadiana and Guadalquivir, and in the
direct course between the ports on the Mediterranean and those on the
Atlantic. The active government of Charles III. determined to remedy
this evil; but the Spanish people not having the energy to do what was
required, six thousand Dutch and Flemish were, in 1767, invited to
settle in the Sierra Morena. On their arrival, lands were allotted to
them, roads were cut through the whole of the district, villages were
built; and that which had just been an impervious desert, was suddenly
turned into a smiling and fruitful territory.[1468]
[1467] The following passage describes its state so late as the year
1766: 'Por temor ó por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de
sus casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y
los ejecutaban á mansalva, ocultándose en guaridas de que
ahuyentaban á las fieras. Acaso á muy largas distancias se
descubrian entre contados caseríos algunos pastores como los que
allí hizo encontrar el ilustre manco de Lepanto al ingenioso
hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra estuvo poblada en
tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia más que espesos
matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde
resonaron cánticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnífico triunfo
de las Navas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
vol. iii. p. 9. On the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred
years before this, see _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_,
Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296; where it is termed 'le lieu le
plus désert, et où il n'y a que quelques _ventas_ sans
villages.'
[1468] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 9-11,
35. By 1771, 'sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron
mantenerse al fin los colonos.' p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp.
114, 115. On the subsequent history of this settlement, see
_Inglis' Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 29-31, London, 1831.
Nearly all over Spain, the roads were repaired; a fund having been, so
early as 1760, specially set apart for that purpose.[1469] Many new
works were begun; and such improvements were introduced, while at the
same time, such vigilance was employed to prevent peculation on the part
of officials, that in a very few years the cost of making public
highways was reduced to less than half of what it used to be.[1470] Of
the undertakings which were brought to a successful issue, the most
important were, a road now first constructed from Malaga to
Antequera,[1471] and another from Aquilas to Lorca.[1472] In this way,
means of intercourse were supplied between the Mediterranean and the
interior of Andalusia and of Mercia. While these communications were
established in the south and south-east of Spain, others were opened up
in the north and north-west. In 1769, a road was begun between Bilbao
and Osma;[1473] and soon after, one was completed between Galicia and
Astorga.[1474] These and similar works were so skilfully executed, that
the Spanish highways, formerly among the worst in Europe, were now
classed among the best. Indeed, a competent, and by no means
over-friendly, judge gives it as his opinion, that at the death of
Charles III. better roads were to be found in Spain than in any other
country.[1475]
[1469] 'En 1760 se destinó por primera vez un fondo especial para la
construccion de caminos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
vol. iv. p. 123.
[1470] Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by two-thirds,
and, in some parts, by three-fourths. 'Antes se regulaba en un
millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo
ascendia á la tercera ó cuarta parte de esta suma.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 117.
[1471] A note in _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789,
4to. p. 158, terms this 'un camino alineado y sólido.' In
_Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called 'a
magnificent road.'
[1472] 'Para dar salida á los frutos, que regaban los pantanos de Lorca,
ejecutóse una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.
[1473] In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, 'the Biscayans are
actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao to
Osma.' _Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and
France_, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.
[1474] 'Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo ó
rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los
nueve primeros años de estar á cargo de Floridablanca la
superintendencia general de caminos, haciéndose de fácil y
cómodo tránsito puntos escabrosos como el del Puerto de la
Cadena y los que médian entre Astorga y Galicia, y Málaga y
Antequera.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
vol. iv. p. 115.
[1475] 'The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third produced
the most beneficial changes in this important branch of
political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully
levelled, and constructed with solidity. There are at the
present time in Spain several superb roads, such as may vie with
the finest in Europe; indeed, they have been made with superior
judgment, and upon a grander scale.' _Laborde's Spain_, edit.
London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.
In the interior, rivers were made navigable, and canals were formed to
connect them with each other. The Ebro runs through the heart of Aragon
and part of Old Castile, and is available for purposes of traffic as
high up as Logroño, and from thence down to Tudela. But between Tudela
and Saragossa, the navigation is interrupted by its great speed, and by
the rocks in its bed. Consequently, Navarre is deprived of its natural
communication with the Mediterranean. In the enterprising reign of
Charles V., an attempt was made to remedy this evil; but the plan
failed, was laid aside, and was forgotten, until it was revived, more
than two hundred years later, by Charles III. Under his auspices, the
great canal of Aragon was projected, with the magnificent idea of
uniting the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. This, however, was one of
many instances in which the government of Spain was too far in advance
of Spain itself; and it was necessary to abandon a scheme, to which the
resources of the country were unequal. But what was really effected, was
of immense value. A canal was actually carried to Saragossa, and the
waters of the Ebro were made available not only for transport, but also
for irrigating the soil. The means of a safe and profitable trade were
now supplied even to the western extremity of Aragon. The old land,
becoming more productive, rose in value, and new land was brought under
the plough. From this, other parts of Spain also benefited. Castile, for
example, had in seasons of scarcity always depended for supplies on
Aragon, though that province could, under the former system, only
produce enough for its own consumption. But by this great canal, to
which, about the same time, that of Tauste was also added,[1476] the
soil of Aragon became far more productive than it had ever yet been; and
the rich plains of the Ebro yielded so abundantly, that they were able
to supply wheat and other food to the Castilians, as well as to the
Aragonese.[1477]
[1476] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 287.
[1477] _Ibid._ vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
i. pp. 212-215. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 271. This canal,
which was intended to establish a free communication between the
Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in
_Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a
learned and valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain.
The economical value of this great enterprise, and the extent to
which it succeeded, are seriously under-estimated in _Ford's
Spain_, p. 587; a book which, notwithstanding the praise that
has been conferred upon it, is carelessly composed, and is sure
to mislead readers who have not the means of comparing it with
other authorities. M. Rio's History of Charles III. contains
some interesting information on the subject; but, unfortunately,
I omitted to mark the passages.
The government of Charles III., moreover, constructed a canal between
Amposta and Alfaques,[1478] which irrigated the southern extremity of
Catalonia, and brought into cultivation a large district, which, from
the constant lack of rain, had hitherto been untilled. Another and still
greater enterprise belonging to the same reign, was an attempt, only
partly successful, to establish a water-communication between the
capital and the Atlantic, by running a canal from Madrid to Toledo,
whence the Tagus would have conveyed goods to Lisbon, and all the trade
of the west would have been opened up.[1479] But this and many other
noble projects were nipped in the bud by the death of Charles III., with
whom every thing vanished. When he passed away, the country relapsed
into its former inactivity, and it was clearly seen that these great
works were not national, but political; in other words that they were
due merely to individuals, whose most strenuous exertions always come to
naught, if they are opposed by the operation of those general causes,
which are often undiscerned, but to which even the strongest of us, do,
in our own despite, pay implicit obedience.
[1478] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on the
authority or Florida Blanca himself.
[1479] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 199. _Townsend's
Spain_, vol. i. p. 304.
Still for a time much was done; and Charles, reasoning according to the
ordinary maxims of politicians, might well indulge the hope, that what
he had effected would permanently change the destiny of Spain. For these
and other works which he not only planned but executed,[1480] were not
paid for, as is too often the case, by taxes which oppressed the people,
and trammelled their industry. At his side, and constantly advising him,
there were men who really aimed at the public good, and who never would
have committed so fatal an error. Under his rule the wealth of the
country greatly increased, and the comforts of the lower classes,
instead of being abridged, were multiplied. The imposts were more fairly
assessed than they had ever been before. Taxes, which, in the
seventeenth century, all the power of the executive could not wring from
the people, were now regularly paid, and, owing to the development of
the national resources, they became at once more productive and less
onerous. In the management of the public finances, an economy was
practised, the first example of which had been set in the preceding
reign, when the cautious and pacific policy of Ferdinand VI. laid a
foundation for many of the improvements just narrated. Ferdinand
bequeathed to Charles III. a treasure which he had not extorted, but
saved. Among the reforms which he introduced, and which an unwillingness
to accumulate details has compelled me to omit, there is one very
important, and also very characteristic of his policy. Before his reign,
Spain had annually been drained of an immense amount of money, on
account of the right which the Pope claimed of presenting to certain
rich benefices, and of receiving part of their produce; probably as a
recompense for the trouble he had taken. Of this duty the Pope was
relieved by Ferdinand VI., who secured to the Spanish crown the right of
conferring such preferment, and thus saved to the country those enormous
sums on which the Roman Court had been wont to revel.[1481] This was
just the sort of measure which would be hailed with delight by Charles
III., as harmonizing with his own views; and we accordingly find, that,
in his reign, it was not only acted upon, but extended still further.
For, perceiving that, in spite of his efforts, the feeling of the
Spaniards on these matters was so strong as to impel them to make
offerings to him whom they venerated as the Head of the Church, the
king determined to exercise control over even these voluntary gifts. To
accomplish this end, various devices were suggested; and at length one
was hit upon, which was thought sure to be effectual. A royal order was
issued, directing that no person should send money to Rome, but that if
he had occasion to make remittances there, they should pass not through
the ordinary channels, but through the ambassadors, ministers, or other
agents of the Spanish crown.[1482]
[1480] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. v. p. 289. 'In many other parts similar works have
been promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging
agriculture and traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama
are continued by means of the national bank, which has
appropriated one-half of the profits derived from the export of
silver to this end.' ... 'The town of Almuradiel, formed in the
middle of the _campo nuevo_ of Andalusia, for the rugged pass of
Despeña Perros, is another example of agriculture for the
neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful
deserts, we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses,
plantations, and cultivated lands, producing every species of
grain and fruits, which border the road, and banish the danger
of robbers and banditti.' See also _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
Don Carlos III._, p. 5. 'Habiendo sido el reinado de Carlos III.
una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;' and the striking
picture (p. 15), 'Agricultura, artes mecánicas, comercio,
enseñanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion,
en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del
Estado, todo llamó la atencion de los ministros, y en todo
hicieron las mejoras que permitian las circunstancias.' On the
improvements in internal communications, see the same valuable
work, pp. 187-192.
[1481] Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see _Tapia_,
_Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82. 'Fué
este tratado utilísimo para la España, pues por él se libertó
del pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado á los
estados pontificos. En el informe canónico-legal escrito á
virtud de real órden en 1746 por el fiscal de la cámara de
Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se decia; que según el testimonio
del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de 30 años el solo
renglon de las coadjutorías y dispensas habia hecho pasar á Roma
de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos. Y
añade el mismo Jover que á principios del siglo xviii. subia aun
esta contribucion cada año en todos los estados de la monarquia
española á 500,000 escudos romanos, que era _un tercio poco mas
ó menos de lo que Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad_.'
[1482] See Appendix I. to _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v.
p. 334.
If we now review the transactions which I have narrated, and consider
them as a whole, extending from the accession of Philip V. to the death
of Charles III., over a period of nearly ninety years, we shall be
struck with wonder at their unity, at the regularity of their march, and
at their apparent success. Looking at them merely in a political point
of view, it may be doubted if such vast and uninterrupted progress has
ever been seen in any country either before or since. For three
generations, there was no pause on the part of the government; not one
reaction, not one sign of halting. Improvement upon improvement, and
reform upon reform, followed each other in swift succession. The power
of the Church, which has always been the crying evil of Spain, and which
hitherto none of the boldest politicians had dared to touch, was
restricted in every possible way, by a series of statesmen, from Orry to
Florida Blanca, whose efforts were latterly, and for nearly thirty
years, zealously aided by Charles III., the ablest monarch who has sat
on the throne since the death of Philip II. Even the Inquisition was
taught to tremble, and made to loosen its hold over its victims. The
burning of heretics was stopped. Torture was disused. Prosecutions for
heresy were discouraged. Instead of punishing men for imaginary
offences, a disposition was shown to attend to their real interests, to
alleviate their burdens, to increase their comforts, and to check the
tyranny of those who were set over them. Attempts were made to restrain
the cupidity of the clergy, and prevent them from preying at will upon
the national wealth. With this view, the laws of mortmain were revised,
and various measures taken to interpose obstacles in the way of persons
who desired to waste their property by bequeathing it for ecclesiastical
purposes. In this, as in other matters, the true interests of society
were preferred to the fictitious ones. To raise the secular classes
above the spiritual; to discountenance the exclusive attention hitherto
paid to questions respecting which nothing is known, and which it is
impossible to solve; to do this, and, in the place of such barren
speculations, to substitute a taste for science, or for literature,
became the object of the Spanish government for the first time since
Spain had possessed a government at all. As part of the same scheme, the
Jesuits were expelled, the right of sanctuary was infringed, and the
whole hierarchy, from the highest bishop down to the lowest monk, were
taught to fear the law, to curb their passions, and to restrain the
insolence with which they had formerly treated every rank except their
own. These would have been great deeds in any country; in such a country
as Spain, they were marvellous. Of them I have given an abridged, and
therefore an imperfect, account, but still sufficient to show how the
government laboured to diminish superstition, to check bigotry, to
stimulate intellect, to promote industry, and to rouse the people from
their death-like slumber. I have omitted many measures of considerable
interest, and which tended in the same direction; because, here, as
elsewhere, I seek to confine myself to those salient points which most
distinctly mark the general movement. Whoever will minutely study the
history of Spain during this period, will find additional proof of the
skill and vigour of those who were at the head of affairs, and who
devoted their best energies to regenerating the country which they
ruled. But, for these special studies, special men are required; and I
shall be satisfied, if I have firmly grasped the great march and outline
of the whole. It is enough for my purpose, if I have substantiated the
general proposition, and have convinced the reader of the clearness
with which the statesmen of Spain discerned the evils under which their
country was groaning, and of the zeal with which they set themselves to
remedy the mischief, and to resuscitate the fortunes of what had once
not only been the chief of European monarchies, but had borne sway over
the most splendid and extensive territory that had been united under a
single rule since the fall of the Roman Empire.
They who believe that a government can civilize a nation, and that
legislators are the cause of social progress, will naturally expect that
Spain reaped permanent benefit from those liberal maxims, which now, for
the first time, were put into execution. The fact, however, is, that
such a policy, wise as it appeared, was of no avail, simply because it
ran counter to the whole train of preceding circumstances. It was
opposed to the habits of the national mind, and was introduced into a
state of society not yet ripe for it. No reform can produce real good,
unless it is the work of public opinion, and unless the people
themselves take the initiative. In Spain, during the eighteenth century,
foreign influence, and the complications of foreign politics, bestowed
enlightened rulers upon an unenlightened country.[1483] The consequence
was, that, for a time, great things were done. Evils were removed,
grievances were redressed, many important improvements were introduced;
and a spirit of toleration was exhibited, such as had never before been
seen in that priest-ridden and superstitious land. But the mind of Spain
was untouched. While the surface, and as it were the symptoms, of
affairs were ameliorated, affairs themselves remained unchanged. Below
that surface, and far out of reach of any political remedy, large
general causes were at work, which had been operating for many
centuries, and which were sure, sooner or later, to force politicians to
retrace their steps, and compel them to inaugurate a policy which would
suit the traditions of the country, and harmonize with the circumstances
under which those traditions had been formed.
[1483] It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone the
voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled
but three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and
then merely for the sake of form. 'Les Cortès ne se réunirent
que trois fois pendant le dix-huitième siècle, et plutôt encore
comme des solennités formulaires pour la prestation du serment
aux princes héritiers de la couronne, que comme étant
nécessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des contributions.'
_Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, Bordeaux, 1815,
p. 270.
At length the reaction came. In 1788, Charles III. died; and was
succeeded by Charles IV., a king of the true Spanish breed, devout,
orthodox, and ignorant.[1484] It was now seen how insecure everything
was, and how little reliance can be placed on reforms, which, instead of
being suggested by the people, are bestowed on them by the political
classes. Charles IV., though a weak and contemptible prince,[1485] was
so supported in his general views by the feelings of the Spanish nation,
that, in less than five years, he was able completely to reverse that
liberal policy which it had taken three generations of statesmen to
build up. In less than five years everything was changed. The power of
the Church was restored; the slightest approach towards free discussion
was forbidden; old and arbitrary principles, which had not been heard of
since the seventeenth century, were revived; the priests re-assumed
their former importance; literary men were intimidated, and literature
was discouraged; while the Inquisition, suddenly starting up afresh,
displayed an energy, which caused its enemies to tremble, and proved
that all the attempts which had been made to weaken it, had been unable
to impair its vigour, or to daunt its ancient spirit.
[1484] By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and received
the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona, who,
in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him 'un monarca
tan piadoso.' _Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de
la Iglesia en España_, _por Domingo Costa y Borras_, Barcelona,
1857, p. 80.
[1485] Even in _Alison's History of Europe_, where men of his character
are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain.
'Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a
weak, incapable prince.' Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.
The ministers of Charles III., and the authors of those great reforms
which signalized his reign, were dismissed, to make way for other
advisers, better suited to this new state of things. Charles IV. loved
the Church too well to tolerate the presence of enlightened statesmen.
Aranda and Florida Blanca were both removed from office, and both were
placed in confinement.[1486] Jovellanos was banished from court, and
Cabarrus was thrown into prison.[1487] For, now, work had to be done, to
which these eminent men would not put their hands. A policy which had
been followed with undeviating consistency for nearly ninety years, was
about to be rescinded, in order that the old empire of the seventeenth
century, which was the empire of ignorance, of tyranny, and of
superstition, might be resuscitated, and, if possible, restored to its
pristine vigour.
[1486] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 167. I need hardly
say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the
account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted
with Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to
raise his own reputation, by defaming the character of some of
the ablest and most high-minded of his contemporaries.
[1487] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 277,
278.
Once more was Spain covered with darkness; once more did the shadows of
night overtake that wretched land. The worst forms of oppression, says a
distinguished writer, seemed to be settling on the country with a new
and portentous weight.[1488] At the same time, and indeed as a natural
part of the scheme, every investigation likely to stimulate the mind,
was prohibited, and an order was actually sent to all the universities,
forbidding the study of moral philosophy; the minister, who issued the
order, justly observing, that the king did not want to have
philosophers.[1489] There was, however, little fear of Spain producing
anything so dangerous. The nation not daring, and, what was still worse,
not wishing, to resist, gave way, and let the king do as he liked.
Within a very few years, he neutralized the most valuable reforms which
his predecessors had introduced. Having discarded the able advisers of
his father, he conferred the highest posts upon men as narrow and
incompetent as himself; he reduced the country to the verge of
bankruptcy; and, according to the remark of a Spanish historian, he
exhausted all the resources of the state.[1490]
[1488] 'In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil, political,
and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and
portentous weight, on the whole country.' _Ticknor's History of
Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 318.
[1489] 'Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which might
disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular
order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral
philosophy. "His Majesty," it was said in the order, "was not in
want of philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects."'
_Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 358.
[1490] 'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait épuisé toutes les ressources
de l'État.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 323.
Such was the condition of Spain, late in the eighteenth century. The
French invasion quickly followed; and that unhappy country underwent
every form of calamity and of degradation. Herein, however, lies a
difference. Calamities may be inflicted by others; but no people can be
degraded except by their own acts. The foreign spoiler works mischief;
he cannot cause shame. With nations, as with individuals, none are
dishonoured if they are true to themselves. Spain, during the present
century, has been plundered and oppressed, and the opprobrium lights on
the robbers, not on the robbed. She has been overrun by a brutal and
licentious soldiery; her fields laid waste, her towns sacked, her
villages burned. It is to the criminal, rather than to the victim, that
the ignominy of these acts must belong. And, even in a material point of
view, such losses are sure to be retrieved, if the people who incur them
are inured to those habits of self-government, and to that feeling of
self-reliance, which are the spring and the source of all real
greatness. With the aid of these, every damage may be repaired, and
every evil remedied. Without them, the slightest blow may be fatal. In
Spain, they are unknown; and it seems impossible to establish them. In
that country, men have so long been accustomed to pay implicit
deference to the Crown and the Church, that loyalty and superstition
have usurped the place of those nobler emotions, to which all freedom is
owing, and in the absence of which, the true idea of independence can
never be attained.
More than once, indeed, during the nineteenth century, a spirit has
appeared, from which better things might have been augured. In 1812, in
1820, and in 1836, a few ardent and enthusiastic reformers attempted to
secure liberty to the Spanish people, by endowing Spain with a free
constitution. They succeeded for a moment, and that was all. The forms
of constitutional government they could bestow; but they could not find
the traditions and the habits, by which the forms are worked. They
mimicked the voice of liberty; they copied her institutions; they aped
her very gestures. And what then? At the first stroke of adverse
fortune, their idol fell to pieces. Their constitutions were broken up,
their assemblies dissolved, their enactments rescinded. The inevitable
reaction quickly followed. After each disturbance, the hands of the
government were strengthened, the principles of despotism were
confirmed, and the Spanish liberals were taught to rue the day, in which
they vainly endeavoured to impart freedom to their unhappy and
ill-starred country.[1491]
[1491] In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed to the
liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being
aware of the reason. Mr. Walton (_Revolutions of Spain_, London,
1837, vol. i. pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, 'Public
indignation hurled them from their seats in 1814; and in 1823
they were overpowered, not by the arms of France, but by the
displeasure of their own countrymen,' &c. See also p. 290; and
_Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh_, London, 1824, p. 121,
where it is mentioned, that 'in all the towns through which the
King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy,
overturned the constitutional stone, and uttered the most
atrocious insults against the Constitution, the Cortes, and the
Liberals.' Compare _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès_, p. 335, and
_Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, p. 40. Indeed, a very intelligent
writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts, with, I believe,
perfect truth, that Spain is 'un pays où les populations sont
toujours, à coup sûr moins libérales que les gouvernemens.'
_Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p. 266.
What makes these failures the more worthy of observation is, that the
Spaniards did possess, at a very early period, municipal privileges and
franchises, similar to those which we had in England, and to which our
greatness is often ascribed. But such institutions, though they preserve
freedom, can never create it. Spain had the form of liberty without its
spirit; hence the form, promising as it was, soon died away. In England,
the spirit preceded the form, and therefore the form was durable. Thus
it is, that though the Spaniards could boast of free institutions a
century before ourselves, they were unable to retain them, simply
because they had the institutions and nothing more. We had no popular
representation till 1264;[1492] but in Castile they had it in
1169,[1493] and in Aragon in 1133.[1494] So, too, while the earliest
charter was granted to an English town in the twelfth century,[1495] we
find, in Spain, a charter conferred on Leon as early as 1020; and in the
course of the eleventh century the enfranchisement of towns was as
secure as laws could make it.[1496]
[1492] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.
[1493] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
p. xlviii.
[1494] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. xcvi.
[1495] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol. ii.
pp. 153-157, which must be compared with _Hallam's Supplemental
Notes_, London, 1848, pp. 323-327.
[1496] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 373. _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.
The fact, however, is, that in Spain these institutions, instead of
growing out of the wants of the people originated in a stroke of policy
on the part of their rulers. They were conceded to the citizens, rather
than desired by them. For, during the war with the Mohammedans, the
Christian kings of Spain, as they advanced southwards, were naturally
anxious to induce their subjects to settle in the frontier towns, where
they might face and repel the enemy. With this object they granted
charters to the towns, and privileges to the inhabitants.[1497] And as
the Mohammedans were gradually beaten back from the Asturias to Granada,
the frontiers changed, and the franchises were extended to the new
conquests, in order that what was the post of danger, might also be the
place of reward. But, meanwhile, those general causes, which I have
indicated, were predetermining the nation to habits of loyalty and of
superstition, which grew to a height fatal to the spirit of liberty.
That being the case the institutions were of no avail. They took no
root; and as they were originated by one political combination, they
were destroyed by another. Before the close of the fourteenth century,
the Spaniards were so firmly seated in the territories they had lately
acquired that there was little danger of their being again
expelled[1498] while, on the other hand, there was no immediate prospect
of their being able to push their conquests further, and drive the
Mohammedans from the strongholds of Granada. The circumstances,
therefore, which gave rise to the municipal privileges had changed; and
as soon as this was apparent, the privileges began to perish. Being
unsuited to the habits of the people, they were sure to fall, on the
first opportunity.[1499] Late in the fourteenth century, their decline
was perceptible; by the close of the fifteenth century, they were almost
extinct; and, early in the sixteenth century, they were finally
overthrown.[1500]
[1497] 'Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pélage descendirent de leurs
montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchées sur
des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des
fleuves, dans de fertiles vallées et sur les côtes de la mer; ce
fut alors que la ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes à
celui des Asturiens et chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces
habitants; ce fut alors, enfin, que commencèrent en Espagne ces
concessions de franchises municipales par lesquelles les rois et
les seigneurs chrétiens cherchèrent à attirer des populations
chrétiennes dans les lieux d'où ils avaient chassé les
Musulmans.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale_,
Paris, 1836, vol. iii. p. 215. See also _Sempere_, _Monarchie
Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.
[1498] On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the middle of
the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in _Mariana_,
_Historia de España_, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.
[1499] The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually overthrow
their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. 'Il
n'est pas étonnant que les monarques espagnols tâchassent
d'affermir leur autorité autant que possible, et encore moins
que leurs conseillers et leurs, ministres coopérassent à leurs
desseins. L'histoire de toutes les nations nous offre de
nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais _ce qu'il y a de plus
remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les députés des
villes qui auraient dû être les plus zélés défenseurs de leurs
droits, conspirèrent ouvertement contre le tiers-état_, et
tentèrent d'anéantir les restes de l'ancienne représentation
nationale.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 213.
It strikes one as singular, that M. Sempere should never have
inquired, why this happened in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later
writer, reflecting on the destruction of the municipal element
by the royal authority, gives a solution, which, like many other
so-called solutions, is merely a statement of the same fact in
different words. 'Al fin la autoridad real logró alcanzar un
gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los pueblos,
_porque_ los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron á eclipsar
la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los
pueblos.' _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion Española_,
Madrid, 1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is
simply narrating it afresh.
[1500] The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by many
writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite
certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of
gaining it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one
time, I had purposed tracing the history of the municipal and
representative elements during the fifteenth century; and the
materials which I then collected, convinced me that the spirit
of freedom never really existed in Spain, and that therefore the
marks and forms of freedom were sure, sooner or later, to be
effaced.
It is thus that general causes eventually triumph over every obstacle.
In the average of affairs, and on a comparison of long periods, they are
irresistible. Their operation is often attacked, and occasionally, for a
little time, stopped by politicians, who are always ready with their
empirical and short-sighted remedies. But when the spirit of the age is
against those remedies, they can at best only succeed for a moment; and
after that moment has passed, a reaction sets in, and the penalty for
violence has to be paid. Evidence of this will be found in the annals of
every civilized country, by whoever will confront the history of
legislation with the history of opinion. The fate of the Spanish towns
has afforded us one good proof; the fate of the Spanish Church will
supply us with another. For more than eighty years after the death of
Charles II. the rulers of Spain attempted to weaken the ecclesiastical
power; and the end of all their efforts was, that even such an
insignificant and incompetent king as Charles IV. was able, with the
greatest ease, rapidly to undo what they had done. This is because,
during the eighteenth century, while the clergy were assailed by law,
they were favoured by opinion. The opinions of a people invariably
depend on large general causes, which influence the whole country; but
their laws are too often the work of a few powerful individuals, in
opposition to the national will. When the legislators die, or lose
office, there is always a chance of their successors holding opposite
views, and subverting their plans. In the midst, however, of this play
and fluctuation of political life, the general causes remain steady,
though they are often kept out of sight, and do not become visible,
until politicians, inclining to their side, bring them to the surface,
and invest them with open and public authority.
This is what Charles IV. did in Spain; and when he took measures to
favour the Church, and to discourage free inquiry, he merely sanctioned
those national habits which his predecessors had disregarded. The hold
which the hierarchy of that country possess over public opinion has
always been proverbial; but it is even greater than is commonly
supposed. What it was in the seventeenth century, we have already seen;
and in the eighteenth century, there were no signs of its diminution,
except among a few bold men, who could effect nothing, while the popular
voice was so strong against them. Early in the reign of Philip V.,
Labat, who travelled in Spain, informs us, that when a priest performed
mass, nobles of the highest rank deemed it an honour to help him to
dress, and that they would go down on their knees to him, and kiss his
hands.[1501] When this was done by the proudest aristocracy in Europe,
we may suppose what the general feeling must have been. Indeed, Labat
assures us, that a Spaniard would hardly be considered of sound faith,
if he did not leave some portion of his property to the Church; so
completely had respect for the hierarchy become an essential part of the
national character.[1502]
[1501] 'Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou
Séculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Prêtre à s'habiller, et
le font avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en
font honneur, et à mesure qu'ils présentent au Prêtre quelque
partie des ornemens, ils lui baisent la main. On se met à genoux
pour donner à laver au Prêtre pendant la Messe, et après qu'il a
essuyé ses doigts, celui qui lui a donné l'eau demeurant à
genoux lui présente le bassin retourné, sur lequel le Prêtre met
sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour à la Sacristie, il
ne manque pas d'aider le Prêtre à se déshabiller, après quoi il
se met à genoux pour recevoir sa bénédiction et baiser sa main.'
_Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne et en Italie_, Paris, 1730, vol. i.
p. 36.
[1502] 'Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser douter
de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau,
si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à
l'Eglise.' _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, vol. i. p. 268.
A still more curious instance was exhibited on the occasion of the
expulsion of the Jesuits. That once useful, but now troublesome, body
was, during the eighteenth century, what it is in the nineteenth--the
obstinate enemy of progress and of toleration. The rulers of Spain,
observing that it opposed all their schemes of reform, resolved to get
rid of an obstacle, which met them at every turn. In France, the Jesuits
had just been treated as a public nuisance, and suppressed at a blow,
and without difficulty. The advisers of Charles III. saw no reason why
so salutary a measure should not be imitated in their country; and, in
1767, they, following the example which had been set by the French in
1764, abolished this great mainstay of the Church.[1503] Having done
this, the government supposed that it had taken a decisive step towards
weakening ecclesiastical power, particularly as the sovereign cordially
approved of the proceeding. The year after this occurred, Charles III.,
according to his custom, appeared in the balcony of the palace, on the
festival of St. Charles, ready to grant any request which the people
might make to him, and which usually consisted of a prayer for the
dismissal of a minister, or for the repeal of a tax. On this occasion,
however, the citizens of Madrid, instead of occupying themselves with
such worldly matters, felt that still dearer interests were in peril;
and, to the surprise and terror of the court, they demanded, with one
voice, that the Jesuits should be allowed to return, and wear their
usual dress, in order that Spain might be gladdened by the sight of
these holy men.[1504]
[1503] It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had
endangered his own soul. 'Dans un bref adressé à Charles III; il
déclara: "Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient
évidemment son salut en danger."' _Crétineau-Joly_, _Histoire de
la Compagnie de Jésus_, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.
[1504] As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly
(_Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol. v. p. 311) and other
writers (_Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 180), has been
much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I
will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information
respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from
eye-witnesses. 'A remarkable and alarming proof of their
influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion.
At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself
to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed
to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of
the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one
accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission
for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This
unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a
vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal
Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret
instigators of this tumultuary petition.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
of Spain_, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The
remarks made on this event by M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de
Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197-199) are not very
creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is
uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that
statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who
lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from
denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work
into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is
surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to
impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and
then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the
Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year.
For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; 'the year
_after_ their expulsion.'
What can you do with a nation like this? What is the use of laws when
the current of public opinion thus sets in against them? In the face of
such obstacles, the government of Charles III., notwithstanding its good
intentions, was powerless. Indeed, it was worse than powerless: it did
harm; for, by rousing popular sympathy in favour of the Church, it
strengthened what it sought to weaken. On that cruel and persecuting
Church, stained as it was with every sort of crime, the Spanish nation
continued to bestow marks of affection, which, instead of being
diminished, were increased. Gifts and legacies flowed in freely and from
every side; men being willing to beggar themselves and their families,
in order to swell the general contribution. And to such a height was
this carried, that, in 1788, Florida Blanca, minister of the crown,
stated that, within the last fifty years, the ecclesiastical revenues
had increased so rapidly, that many of them had doubled in value.[1505]
[1505] See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to _Coxe's
Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the
Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV.,
in 1788, 'the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing
number of monks of all orders and of all ages.' _Godoy's
Memoirs_, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the
state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some
interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; 'con qué
horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos estériles á
los operarios útiles y preciosos.' _Cartas escritas por el Conde
de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.
Even the Inquisition, the most barbarous institution which the wit of
man has ever devised, was upheld by public opinion against the attacks
of the crown. The Spanish government wished to overthrow it, and did
everything to weaken it; but the Spanish people loved it as of old, and
cherished it as their best protection against the inroads of
heresy.[1506] An illustration of this was exhibited in 1778, when, on
occasion of a heretic being sentenced by the Inquisition, several of the
leading nobles attended as servants, being glad to have an opportunity
of publicly displaying their obedience and docility to the Church.[1507]
[1506] Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully
says, 'Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á Naturales y
Estrangeros.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man
as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what
was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and
far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold
passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public
opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the
Inquisition. 'Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho tanto en
aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar
con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso
tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que
el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda
providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él
creia que los españoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo
manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, añadiendo que
en nada coartaba su autoridad.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition
seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections
on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt.
'L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.' _Mémoires de Louville_,
vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (_Tracts_, London, 1730, vol. i. p.
400) tells us that 'the Inquisition is not only established by
law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts
and affections of the people, that one that should offer the
least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness
in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.'
[1507] 'The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others,
grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or
swords.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419.
This was in the great case of Olavide.
All these things were natural, and in order. They were the result of a
long train of causes, the operation of which I have endeavoured to
trace, during thirteen centuries, since the outbreak of the Arian war.
Those causes forced the Spaniards to be superstitious, and it was idle
mockery to seek to change their nature by legislation. The only remedy
for superstition is knowledge. Nothing else can wipe out that
plague-spot of the human mind. Without it, the leper remains unwashed,
and the slave unfreed. It is to a knowledge of the laws and relations of
things, that European civilization is owing; but it is precisely this in
which Spain has always been deficient. And until that deficiency is
remedied, until science, with her bold and inquisitive spirit, has
established her right to investigate all subjects, after her own
fashion, and according to her own method, we may be assured that, in
Spain, neither literature, nor universities, nor legislators, nor
reformers of any kind, will ever be able to rescue the people from that
helpless and benighted condition into which the course of affairs has
plunged them.
That no great political improvement, however plausible or attractive it
may appear, can be productive of lasting benefit, unless it is preceded
by a change in public opinion, and that every change of public opinion
is preceded by changes in knowledge, are propositions which all history
verifies, but which are particularly obvious in the history of Spain.
The Spaniards have had everything except knowledge. They have had
immense wealth, and fertile and well-peopled territories, in all parts
of the globe. Their own country, washed by the Atlantic and the
Mediterranean, and possessed of excellent harbours, is admirably
situated for the purposes of trade between Europe and America, being so
placed as to command the commerce of both hemispheres.[1508] They had,
at a very early period, ample municipal privileges; they had independent
parliaments; they had the right of choosing their own magistrates, and
managing their own cities. They have had rich and flourishing towns,
abundant manufactures, and skilful artizans, whose choice productions
could secure a ready sale in every market in the world. They have
cultivated the fine arts with eminent success; their noble and exquisite
paintings, and their magnificent churches, being justly ranked among the
most wonderful efforts of the human hand. They speak a beautiful,
sonorous, and flexible language, and their literature is not unworthy of
their language. Their soil yields treasures of every kind. It overflows
with wine and oil, and produces the choicest fruits in an almost
tropical exuberance.[1509] It contains the most valuable minerals, in a
profuse variety unexampled in any other part of Europe. No where else do
we find such rare and costly marbles, so easily accessible, and in such
close communication with the sea, where they might safely be shipped,
and sent to countries which require them.[1510] As to the metals, there
is hardly one which Spain does not possess in large quantities. Her
mines of silver and of quicksilver are well known. She abounds in
copper,[1511] and her supply of lead is enormous.[1512] Iron and coal,
the two most useful of all the productions of the inorganic
world,[1513] are also abundant in that highly favoured country. Iron is
said to exist in every part of Spain, and to be of the best
quality;[1514] while the coal-mines of Asturias are described as
inexhaustible.[1515] In short, nature has been so prodigal of her
bounty, that it has been observed, with hardly an hyperbole, that the
Spanish nation possesses within itself nearly every natural production
which can satisfy either the necessity or the curiosity of
mankind.[1516]
[1508] An accomplished modern geographer says: 'From the extent of its
coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and
natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages
than any other country of Europe.' _Johnston's Dictionary of
Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography_, London, 1850,
p. 1213.
[1509] 'No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante que los
produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus
naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que
de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa.
En fin, España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones,
por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus
granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta
del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.'
_Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789, 4to.
p. 236.
[1510] 'The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty than
those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them
are in situations of easy access and communication with the sea;
but they have long been entirely neglected, the greater part
being unknown, even to the more intelligent of the natives.'
_Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of
Natural History at Madrid, 'the specimens of marbles are
splendid, and show what treasures yet remain buried in the
Peninsula.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 413.
[1511] 'Hay infinitas minas de cobre en España las quales nunca se han
tocado.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Discurso
Preliminar, p. 34.
[1512] In 1832, Cook writes, 'The lead-mines of the Sierra de Gador are
in a state of repletion at present from the enormous quantity of
the mineral, and the facility of raising it.' ... 'Lead abounds
in other parts of the same chain, nearer to Almeria.' _Cook's
Spain_, vol. ii. p. 75. 'The most valuable of the existing
Spanish mines are those of lead in Granada; and the supplies
obtained from them during the last twenty years have been so
large, that they have occasioned the abandonment of several less
productive mines in other countries, and a considerable fall in
the price of lead.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 705.
[1513] I use the popular language in referring coal to the inorganic
world, despite its cellular tissue and vegetable origin.
[1514] 'The most valuable of the whole mineral riches of Spain will be,
in all probability, in a few years, the iron, which is found
every where, and of the best qualities.' _Cook's Spain_, vol.
ii. p. 78. See also _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_,
pp. 56, 67, 106, 273, 346, 415, and _Ford's Spain_, pp. 565, 618.
[1515] 'The quantity is inexhaustible, the quality excellent, the
working of extraordinary facility, and they possess an easy
communication with the sea; yet they are practically useless,
and afford only a miserable existence to a few labourers and
mules used in conveying the mineral to Gijon.' _Cook's Spain_,
vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. 'In the immediate neighbourhood of Oviedo
are some of the largest coal-fields in Europe.' _Ford's Spain_,
p. 381; compare pp. 392, 606.
[1516] 'La nacion española posee casi quantas producciones naturales
puede apetecer la necesidad, ó curiosidad de los hombres.'
_Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv. p. vi.
Madrid, 1777.
These are splendid gifts; it is for the historian to tell how they have
been used. Certainly, the people who possess them have never been
deficient in natural endowments. They have had their full share of great
statesmen, great kings, great magistrates, and great legislators. They
have had many able and vigorous rulers; and their history is ennobled by
the frequent appearance of courageous and disinterested patriots, who
have sacrificed their all, that they might help their country. The
bravery of the people has never been disputed; while, as to the upper
classes, the punctilious honour of a Spanish gentleman has passed into a
bye-word, and circulated through the world. Of the nation generally, the
best observers pronounce them to be high-minded, generous, truthful,
full of integrity, warm and zealous friends, affectionate in all the
private relations of life, frank, charitable, and humane.[1517] Their
sincerity in religious matters is unquestionable;[1518] they are,
moreover, eminently temperate and frugal.[1519] Yet, all these great
qualities have availed them nothing, and will avail them nothing, so
long as they remain ignorant. What the end of all this will be, and
whether in their unhappy country the right path will ever be taken, is
impossible for any one to say.[1520] But if it is not taken, no
amelioration which can possibly be effected will penetrate below the
surface. The sole course is, to weaken the superstition of the people;
and this can only be done by that march of physical science, which,
familiarizing men with conceptions of order and of regularity, gradually
encroaches on the old notions of perturbation, of prodigy, and of
miracle, and by this means accustoms the mind to explain the
vicissitudes of affairs by natural considerations, instead of, as
heretofore, by those which are purely supernatural.
[1517] 'Ils sont fort charitables, tant à cause du mérite que l'on
s'acquiert par les aumônes, que par l'inclination naturelle
qu'ils ont à donner, et la peine effective qu'ils souffrent
lorsqu'ils sont obligés, soit par leur pauvreté, soit par
quelqu'autre raison, de refuser ce qu'on leur demande. Ils ont
encore la bonne qualité de ne point abandonner leurs amis
pendant qu'ils sont malades.' ... 'De manière que des personnes
qui ne se voyent point quatre fois en un an, se voyent tous les
jours deux ou trois fois, dès qu'ils souffrent.' _D'Aulnoy_,
_Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 374.
'They are grave, temperate, and sober; firm and warm in their
friendships, though cautious and slow in contracting them.' _A
Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys_, second edition, London,
1760, p. 3. 'When they have once professed it, none are more
faithful friends.' ... 'They have great probity and integrity of
principle.' _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
London, 1763, 4to. p. 334. 'To express all that I feel, on the
recollection of their goodness, would appear like adulation; but
I may venture at least to say, that simplicity, sincerity,
generosity, a high sense of dignity, and strong principles of
honour, are the most prominent and striking features of the
Spanish character.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, second
edition, London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 353. 'The Spaniards, though
naturally deep and artful politicians, have still something so
nobly frank and honest in their disposition.' _Letters from
Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 171.
'The Spaniards have fewer bad qualities than any other people
that I have had the opportunity to know.' _Croker's Travels
through Spain_, London, 1799, pp. 237, 238. 'Spanish probity is
proverbial, and it conspicuously shines in commercial
relations.' _Laborde's Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 423.
'Certainly, if it be taken in the mass, no people are more
humane than the Spaniards, or more compassionate and kind in
their feelings to others. They probably excel other nations,
rather than fall below them, in this respect.' _Cook's Spain_,
London, 1834, vol. i. p. 189. 'The Spaniards are kind-hearted in
all the relations of life.' _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851, vol.
ii. p. 58. Finally, I will adduce the testimony of two
professional politicians, both of whom were well acquainted with
the Spaniards. In 1770 Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury,
writes, 'They are brave, honest, and generous.' _Diaries and
Correspondence of the Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i.
p. 48. And Lord Holland, according to Moore, deemed 'that the
Spaniards altogether are amongst the best people of Europe.'
_Moore's Memoirs_, _edited by Lord John Russell_, vol. iii.
p. 253, London, 1853.
[1518] This their whole history decisively proves; and as to their more
recent state, the author of _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol.
i. p. 340, says: 'But religion is so deeply rooted in the
national character, that the most furious political storms,
which prostrate everything else, blow over this and leave it
unscathed. It is only amongst the educated male population that
any lack of fervour is witnessed.'
[1519] 'The habitual temperance of these people is really astonishing: I
never saw a Spaniard drink a second glass of wine. With the
lower order of people, a piece of bread with an apple, an onion,
or pomegranate, is their usual repast.' _Croker's Travels in
Spain_, London, 1799, p. 116. 'They are temperate, or rather
abstemious, in their living to a great degree: _borracho_ is the
highest term of reproach; and it is rare to see a drunken man,
except it be among the carriers or muleteers.' _Dalrymple's
Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 174. 'Drunkenness
is a vice almost unknown in Spain among people of a respectable
class, and very uncommon even among the lower orders.'
Esménard's note in _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p.
321.
[1520] 'This is the most wonderful country under the sun; for here,
intellect wields no power.' _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831,
vol. i. p. 101. 'Tandis que l'activité publique, en Espagne, se
porte depuis quelques années dans la sphère des intérêts
pratiques et matériels, il semble, au contraire, qu'il y ait une
sorte de ralentissement dans la vie intellectuelle.' _Annuaire
des Deux Mondes_ for 1850, p. 410. 'La vie intellectuelle n'est
point, malheureusement, la sphère où se manifeste le plus
d'activité en Espagne.' _Ibid._ for 1856-1857, p. 356. Now,
listen to the practical consequences of not giving free and
fearless scope to the intellect. 'It is singular, upon landing
in the Peninsula, and making a short excursion for a few miles
in any direction, to see reproduced the manners of England _five
centuries back_,--to find yourself thrown into the midst of a
society which is a close counterpart of that _extinct
semi-civilization_ of which no trace is to be found in our
history later than the close of the fourteenth century and the
reign of Richard the Second.' _Revelations of Spain in_ 1845 _by
an English Resident_, vol. ii. p. 1.
To this, in the most advanced countries of Europe, every thing has been
tending for nearly three centuries. But in Spain, unfortunately,
education has always remained, and still remains, in the hands of the
clergy, who steadily oppose that progress of knowledge, which they are
well aware would be fatal to their own power.[1521] The people,
therefore, resting ignorant, and the causes which kept them in
ignorance continuing, it avails the country nothing, that, from time to
time, enlightened rulers have come forward, and liberal measures been
adopted. The Spanish reformers have, with rare exceptions, eagerly
attacked the Church, whose authority they clearly saw ought to be
diminished. But what they did not see is, that such diminution can be of
no real use unless it is the result of public opinion urging on
politicians to the work. In Spain, politicians took the initiative, and
the people lagged behind. Hence, in Spain, what was done at one time was
sure to be undone at another. When the liberals were in power, they
suppressed the Inquisition; but Ferdinand VII. easily restored it,
because, though it had been destroyed by Spanish legislators, its
existence was suited to the habits and traditions of the Spanish
nation.[1522] Fresh changes occurring, this odious tribunal was, in
1820, again abolished. Still, though its form is gone, its spirit
lives.[1523] The name, the body, and the visible appearance of the
Inquisition, are no more; but the spirit which generated the Inquisition
is enshrined in the hearts of the people, and, on slight provocation,
would burst forth, and reinstate an institution which is the effect, far
more than the cause, of the intolerant bigotry of the Spanish nation.
[1521] 'That the Spaniards, as a people, are ignorant, supremely
ignorant, it is impossible to dissemble; but this comes from the
control of education being altogether in the hands of the
clergy, who exert themselves to maintain that ignorance to which
they are indebted for their power.' _Spain by an American_, vol.
ii. p. 360. 'The schools in Madrid are all conducted by Jesuits;
and the education received in them, is such as might be expected
from their heads.' _Inglis' Spain_, vol. i. p. 156. 'Private
education here, is almost entirely in the hands of the clergy.'
_Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol. ii. p. 27. In Spain, as in
all countries, Catholic or Protestant, the clergy, considered as
a body, inculcate belief instead of inquiry, and, by a sort of
conservative instinct, discourage that boldness of investigation
without which there can be no real knowledge, although there may
be much erudition and mere book-learning. In Spain, the clergy
are stronger than in any other country; therefore in Spain they
display this tendency more fearlessly. A good instance of this
may be seen in a work lately published by the Bishop of
Barcelona, in which a violent attack upon all physical and
philosophical knowledge is concluded in the following terms: 'No
intento recriminar á ningun católico de los que se asocian al
nuevo sistema de filosofar y de extender indefinidamente el
imperio de esta ciencia, pero deseo que fijen toda su atencion
en los puntos que no haré sino indicar. Primero, que las
escuelas de Holanda, Alemania, Inglaterra y Francia desafectas
al Catolicismo, han iniciado y promovido con el mayor empeño
ciertas discusiones filosóficas, presentándolas como un triunfo
de la razon sobre la Religion, de la filosofía sobre la
teología, del materialismo sobre el espiritualismo. Segundo, que
sus máximas no son, en gran parte, mas que reproducciones ó
nuevas evoluciones de errores mil veces refutados y condenados
por la sana filosofía y por la Iglesia; bajo cuyo concepto no
tienen por qué felicitarse en razon de su progreso, sino mas
bien avergonzarse por su retroceso.' _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia
en España_, Barcelona, 1857, p. 150.
[1522] 'Immediately after his arrival in Madrid, Ferdinand
re-established the Inquisition; and his decree for that purpose
was hailed throughout all Spain with illuminations,
thanksgivings, and other rejoicings. '_Quin's Memoirs of
Ferdinand VII._, London, 1824, pp. 189, 190. This and similar
acts gave such delight to the Church as well as to the people,
that, according to a great divine, the return of Ferdinand to
Spain is to be deemed the immediate act of Divine Providence,
watching over the interests of Spain. 'La divina Providencia
abrevió los dias de prueba, y la católica España respiró ceñida
con los laureles del triunfo, recobrando luego á su tan deseado
monarca, el señor rey don Fernando VII.' _Costa y Borras_,
_Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en España_, Barcelona, 1857,
p. 91.
[1523] 'The spirit of the Inquisition is still alive; for no king,
cortes, or constitution, ever permits in Spain any approach to
any religious toleration.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 60.
'Les cortès auraient beau permettre l'exercice du culte
protestant ou juif, il n'est point certain que cela ne suscitât
de périlleux conflits.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, _ou Histoire
Générale des Divers Etats_, 1854-1855, vol. v. p. 272, Paris,
1855; a work of considerable ability, planned on the same scheme
as the _Annual Register_, but far superior to it. Respecting the
chance of the Inquisition being again restored, compare two
interesting passages in _Spain by an American_, 1831, vol. ii.
p. 330, and _Inglis' Spain_, 1831, vol. i. p. 85. Since then,
the balance of affairs has, on the whole, been in favour of the
Church, which received a further accession of strength by the
success of the essentially religious war recently waged against
the Moors. Hence, if any fresh political catastrophe were to
occur in Spain, I should not be at all surprised to hear that
the Inquisition was re-established.
In the same way, other and more systematic attacks which were made on
the Church, during the present century, succeeded at first, but were
sure to be eventually baffled.[1524] Under Joseph, in 1809, the monastic
orders were suppressed, and their property was confiscated.[1525]
Little, however, did Spain gain by this. The nation was on their
side;[1526] and as soon as the storm passed away, they were restored. In
1836, there was another political movement, and the liberals being at
the head of affairs, Mendizabal secularized all the Church property, and
deprived the clergy of nearly the whole of their enormous and ill-gotten
wealth.[1527] He did not know how foolish it is to attack an
institution, unless you can first lessen its influence. Overrating the
power of legislation, he underrated the power of opinion. This, the
result clearly showed. Within a very few years, the reaction began. In
1845, was enacted what was called the law of devolution, by which the
first step was taken towards the re-endowment of the clergy.[1528] In
1851, their position was still further improved by the celebrated
Concordat, in which the right of acquiring, as well as of possessing,
was solemnly confirmed to them.[1529] With all this, the nation heartily
concurred.[1530] Such, however, was the madness of the liberal party,
that, only four years afterwards, when they for a moment obtained power,
they forcibly annulled these arrangements, and revoked concessions which
had been made to the Church, and which, unhappily for Spain, public
opinion had ratified.[1531] The results might have been easily foreseen.
In Aragon and in other parts of Spain, the people flew to arms; a
Carlist insurrection broke out, and a cry ran through the country, that
religion was in danger.[1532] It is impossible to benefit such a nation
as this. The reformers were, of course, overthrown, and by the autumn of
1856 their party was broken up. The political reaction now began, and
advanced so rapidly, that, by the spring of 1857, the policy of the two
preceding years was completely reversed. Those who idly thought that
they could regenerate their country by laws, saw all their hopes
confounded. A ministry was formed, whose measures were more in
accordance with the national mind. In May 1857, Cortes assembled. The
representatives of the people sanctioned the proceedings of the
executive government, and, by their united authority, the worst
provisions of the Concordat of 1851 were amply confirmed, the sale of
Church property was forbidden, and all the limitations which had been
set to the power of the bishops were at once removed.[1533]
[1524] Compare some very sensible remarks in _Bacon's Six Years in
Biscay_, London, 1838, pp. 40, 41, 50, with _Quin's Memoirs of
Ferdinand the Seventh_, pp. 192, 193.
[1525] _Walton's Revolutions of Spain_, London, 1837, vol. ii. p. 343.
[1526] Very shortly before the suppression of the monastic orders, 'Le
respect pour le froc en général est poussé si loin, qu'on lui
attribue une vertu préservative, même au-delà de la vie, quelque
peu régulière qu'elle ait été. Aussi n'y a-t-il rien de si
commun que de voir les morts ensevelis en robe de moines, et
conduits ainsi à leur dernière demeure à visage découvert.' ...
'De même que le froc accompagne les Espagnols au tombeau, de
même il en saisit quelques-uns au sortir du berceau. Il n'est
pas rare de rencontrer de petits moines de quatre à cinq ans
polissonnant dans la rue.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_,
Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 330, 331.
[1527] The confiscation took place at different periods between 1835 and
1841. Compare _Ford's Spain_, p. 48. _Revelations of Spain by an
English Resident_, vol. i. p. 366. _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia en
España_, p. 95. _Annuaire des Deux Mondes for 1850_, Paris,
1851, p. 369. I have sought in vain for any detailed history of
these transactions.
[1528] 'Dès 1845, une loi dite de _dévolution_, en attendant un
règlement définitif, applique à la dotation du clergé une
portion des biens ecclésiastiques non vendus.' _Annuaire des
Deux Mondes_, 1851-2, Paris, 1852, p. 318.
[1529] 'Il y a ici un règlement solennel, sous la forme d'un traité, de
toutes les affaires relatives à l'église; c'est le concordat de
1851. Le concordat reconnaît à l'église le droit d'acquérir et
de posséder.' _Ibid._ 1854, 1855, p. 273, Paris, 1855.
[1530] The very year in which the Concordat became law, Mr. Hoskins, the
well-known traveller in Africa, a gentleman evidently of
considerable intelligence, published, on his return from Spain,
an account of that country. His work is valuable, as showing the
state of public feeling just before the Concordat, and while the
Spanish clergy were still suffering from the well-intentioned,
but grossly injudicious acts of the liberal party. 'We visited
these churches on a Sunday, and were surprised to find them all
crowded to excess. The incomes of the clergy are greatly
reduced, but their fortunes are gradually reviving.' _Hoskins'
Spain_, London, 1851, vol. i. p. 25. 'The priests are slowly
re-establishing their power in Spain,' vol. ii. p. 201. 'The
crowded churches, and, notwithstanding the appropriation of
their revenues, the absence of all appearance of anything like
poverty in the chapels and services, prove that the Spaniards
are now as devout worshippers, and as zealous friends of the
Church, as they were in her palmy days,' vol. ii. p. 281.
[1531] 'La loi de désamortissement promulguée le 1^{er} mai, 1855,
ordonne, comme on sait, la mise en vente de tous les biens de
main-morte, et en particulier des biens qui restent encore à
l'église.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1855, 1856, p. 310. See
also _Annuaire_, 1854, 1855, p. 274. For an account of other
steps taken against the Church in the spring and summer of 1855,
see _Costa y Borras_, _Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en
España_, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 119, 286, 292; and respecting the
law of the 1st of May, see p. 247.
[1532] 'Aussi le premier mot d'ordre de l'insurrection a été la défense
de la religion.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, p. 275.
[1533] _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1856, 1857, pp. 315-317, 324-331,
336.
The reader will now be able to understand the real nature of Spanish
civilization. He will see how, under the high-sounding names of loyalty
and religion, lurk the deadly evils which those names have always
concealed, but which it is the business of the historian to drag to
light and expose. A blind spirit of reverence, taking the form of an
unworthy and ignominious submission to the Crown and the Church, is the
capital and essential vice of the Spanish people. It is their sole
national vice, and it has sufficed to ruin them. From it all nations
have grievously suffered, and many still suffer. But nowhere in Europe,
has this principle been so long supreme as in Spain. Therefore, nowhere
else in Europe are the consequences so manifest and so fatal. The idea
of liberty is extinct, if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it
ever can be said to have existed. Outbreaks, no doubt, there have been,
and will be; but they are bursts of lawlessness, rather than of liberty.
In the most civilized countries, the tendency always is, to obey even
unjust laws, but while obeying them, to insist on their repeal. This is
because we perceive that it is better to remove grievances than to
resist them. While we submit to the particular hardship, we assail the
system from which the hardship flows. For a nation to take this view,
requires a certain reach of mind, which, in the darker periods of
European history, was unattainable. Hence we find, that, in the middle
ages, though tumults were incessant, rebellions were rare. But, since
the sixteenth century, local insurrections, provoked by immediate
injustice, are diminishing, and are being superseded by revolutions,
which strike at once at the source from whence the injustice proceeds.
There can be no doubt that this change is beneficial; partly because it
is always good to rise from effects to causes, and partly because
revolutions being less frequent than insurrections, the peace of society
would be more rarely disturbed, if men confined themselves entirely to
the larger remedy. At the same time, insurrections are generally wrong;
revolutions are always right. An insurrection is too often the mad and
passionate effort of ignorant persons, who are impatient under some
immediate injury, and never stop to investigate its remote and general
causes. But a revolution, when it is the work of the nation itself, is a
splendid and imposing spectacle, because to the moral quality of
indignation produced by the presence of evil, it adds the intellectual
qualities of foresight and combination; and, uniting in the same act
some of the highest properties of our nature, it achieves a double
purpose, not only punishing the oppressor, but also relieving the
oppressed.
In Spain, however, there never has been a revolution, properly so
called; there never has even been one grand national rebellion. The
people, though often lawless, are never free. Among them, we find still
preserved that peculiar taint of barbarism, which makes men prefer
occasional disobedience to systematic liberty. Certain feelings there
are of our common nature, which even their slavish loyalty cannot
eradicate, and which, from time to time, urge them to resist injustice.
Such instincts are happily the inalienable lot of humanity, which we
cannot forfeit, if we would, and which are too often the last resource
against the extravagances of tyranny. And this is all that Spain now
possesses. The Spaniards, therefore, resist, not because they are
Spaniards, but because they are men. Still, even while they resist, they
revere. While they will rise up against a vexatious impost, they crouch
before a system, of which the impost is the smallest evil. They smite
the tax-gatherer, but fall prostrate at the feet of the contemptible
prince for whom the tax-gatherer plies his craft. They will even revile
the troublesome and importunate monk, or sometimes they will scoff at
the sleek and arrogant priest; while such is their infatuation, that
they would risk their lives in defence of that cruel Church, which has
inflicted on them hideous calamities, but to which they still cling, as
if it were the dearest object of their affections.
Connected with these habits of mind, and in sooth forming part of them,
we find a reverence for antiquity, and an inordinate tenacity of old
opinions, old beliefs, and old habits, which remind us of those tropical
civilizations which formerly flourished. Such prejudices were once
universal even in Europe; but they began to die out in the sixteenth
century, and are now, comparatively speaking, extinct, except in Spain,
where they have always been welcomed. In that country, they retain their
original force, and produce their natural results. By encouraging the
notion, that all the truths most important to know are already known,
they repress those aspirations, and dull that generous confidence in the
future, without which nothing really great can be achieved. A people who
regard the past with too wistful an eye, will never bestir themselves to
help the onward progress; they will hardly believe that progress is
possible. To them, antiquity is synonymous with wisdom, and every
improvement is a dangerous innovation. In this state, Europe lingered
for many centuries; in this state, Spain still lingers. Hence the
Spaniards are remarkable for an inertness, a want of buoyancy, and an
absence of hope, which, in our busy and enterprizing age, isolate them
from the rest of the civilized world. Believing that little can be done,
they are in no hurry to do it. Believing that the knowledge they have
inherited, is far greater than any they can obtain, they wish to
preserve their intellectual possessions whole and unimpaired; inasmuch
as the least alteration in them might lessen their value. Content with
what has been already bequeathed, they are excluded from that great
European movement, which, first clearly perceptible in the sixteenth
century, has ever since been steadily advancing, unsettling old
opinions, destroying old follies, reforming and improving on every side,
influencing even such barbarous countries as Russia and Turkey; but
leaving Spain unscathed. While the human intellect has been making the
most prodigious and unheard-of strides, while discoveries in every
quarter are simultaneously pressing upon us, and coming in such rapid
and bewildering succession, that the strongest sight, dazzled by the
glare of their splendour, is unable to contemplate them as a whole;
while other discoveries still more important, and still more remote from
ordinary experience, are manifestly approaching, and may be seen looming
in the distance, whence they are now obscurely working on the advanced
thinkers who are nearest to them, filling their minds with those
ill-defined, restless, and almost uneasy, feelings, which are the
invariable harbingers of future triumph; while the veil is being rudely
torn, and nature, violated at all points, is forced to disclose her
secrets, and reveal her structure, her economy, and her laws, to the
indomitable energy of man; while Europe is ringing with the noise of
intellectual achievements, with which even despotic governments affect
to sympathize, in order that they may divert them from their natural
course, and use them as new instruments whereby to oppress yet more the
liberties of the people; while, amidst this general din and excitement,
the public mind, swayed to and fro, is tossed and agitated,--Spain
sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no impressions
from the rest of the world, and making no impressions upon it. There she
lies, at the further extremity of the Continent, a huge and torpid mass,
the sole representative now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of
the Middle Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied
with her own condition. Though she is the most backward country in
Europe, she believes herself to be the foremost. She is proud of every
thing of which she should be ashamed. She is proud of the antiquity of
her opinions; proud of her orthodoxy; proud of the strength of her
faith; proud of her immeasurable and childish credulity; proud of her
unwillingness to amend either her creed or her customs; proud of her
hatred of heretics, and proud of the undying vigilance with which she
has baffled their efforts to obtain a full and legal establishment on
her soil.
All these things conspiring together, produce, in their aggregate, that
melancholy exhibition to which we give the collective name of Spain. The
history of that single word is the history of nearly every vicissitude
of which the human species is capable. It comprises the extremes of
strength and of weakness, of unbounded wealth and of abject poverty. It
is the history of the mixture of different races, languages, and bloods.
It includes almost every political combination which the wit of man can
devise; laws infinite in variety, as well as in number; constitutions of
all kinds, from the most stringent to the most liberal. Democracy,
monarchy, government by priests, government by municipalities,
government by nobles, government by representative bodies, government by
natives, government by foreigners, have been tried, and tried in vain.
Material appliances have been lavishly used; arts, inventions, and
machines introduced from abroad, manufactures set up, communications
opened, roads made, canals dug, mines worked, harbours formed. In a
word, there has been every sort of alteration, except alterations of
opinion; there has been every possible change, except changes in
knowledge. And the result is, that in spite of the efforts of successive
governments, in spite of the influence of foreign customs, and in spite
of those physical ameliorations, which just touch the surface of
society, but are unable to penetrate beneath, there are no signs of
national progress; the priests are rather gaining ground than losing it;
the slightest attack on the Church rouses the people; while, even the
dissoluteness of the clergy, and the odious vices which, in the present
century, have stained the throne, can do naught to lessen either the
superstition or the loyalty which the accumulated force of many
centuries has graven on the minds, and eaten into the hearts of the
Spanish nation.
* * * * *
END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
Transcriber's Notes:
The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
formatting have been maintained.
Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
as a misprint.
Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
The ligature oe has been marked as [oe] and the tilde above e as [~e]
The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
p. v: minority of Louis XIII -> XIII.
p. 3: _Geoffroy Saint Hilaire_ -> _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_
p. 6: vol. iv. p. 511, 4to. -> 4to,
p. 10: vol. xviii. pp. 431-436: -> 431-436;
p. 10: _Hist. de la Sorbonne_ -> _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
p. 11: _Benoist_ -> _Benoist_,
p. 12: vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131. -> 131;
p. 23: _Mably's Observations_, vol. iii. p. 220: -> 220;
p. 24: humane and enlightend -> enlightened
p. 24: Historiettes de Tallement -> Tallemant
p. 25: prevents them from doing so. - > so.'
p. 27: read the contemporay -> contemporary
p. 29: endeavoured to instil -> instill
p. 30: innocence of a religious life. -> life.'
p. 30: Hist. of Louis XIII. -> XIII
p. 31: convoked at Mantes -> Nantes
p. 32: _Mém. de Retz_, vol -> vol.
p. 32: vol. v. pp. 51, seq. -> 51 seq.
p. 34: Tallemant des Reaux -> Réaux
p. 35: fils aîné de l'Eglise -> l'Eglise'
p. 35: _[OE]conomies Royales_ -> _[OE]conomies Royales_,
p. 36: prix que ce fust -> fut
p. 37: 'Sismondi says, under -> Sismondi
p. 37: Felice Hist. -> Felice's Hist.
p. 40: livre ii. chap -> chap.
p. 41: interests were alogether -> altogether
p. 41: Element ist zurückge reten -> zurückgetreten
p. 42: with infinte -> infinite
p. 49: vol. xi. p. 450, vol. xii. p. -> pp.
p. 53: conscientiously be tolerant. -> tolerant.'
p. 54: Lettres d'un Français -> François
p. 56: processions whorever -> wherever
p. 60: Tallement des Réaux -> Tallemant des Réaux
p. 62: Béarn démanderent aussytost -> aussytôt
p. 63: Mem. de Montglat -> Mém. de Montglat
p. 63: Mém de Montglat -> Mém. de Montglat
p. 75: 'The Edict of Nismes -> The
p. 78: Hist. des Mathemat. -> Mathémat.
p. 78: vol. ii. pp. 419-421 -> pp. 419-421;
p. 79: _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 364: -> p. 364;
p. 80: greatest mathemetician -> mathematician
p. 83: tout ce qu -> qui
p. 88: p. 432. Compare vol -> vol.
p. 88: _Berkeley's Works_, vol -> vol.
p. 90: _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. ii -> vol. ii.
p. 91: _[OE]uvres_, vol -> vol.
p. 91: 8vo. 1847 -> 8vo., 1847
p. 91: _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii, pp. 220 -> vol. ii. p. 220
p. 91: Auf das innigste verbunden -> 'Auf
p. 94: 242, 342, 498 -> 242, 342, 498,
p. 95: _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 153: -> p. 153;
p. 95: _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 258: -> p. 258;
p. 95: _Leslie's Nat. Philos._ p. 121: -> p. 121;
p. 97: Hist de l'Edit de Nantes -> Hist.
p. 100: _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
p. 110: faith, of sceptism -> scepticism
p. 111: vol. i. pp. 5, 64: -> 64;
p. 114: Mills's Hist. of Chivalry -> Mills' Hist. of Chivalry
p. 115: Brougham's Polit. Philos -> Philos.
p. 117: Compare, _Meyer_ -> Compare _Meyer_
p. 120: canaille, dès qu on -> qu'on
p. 121: Les états-généraux -> 'Les états-généraux
p. 122: began to excercise -> exercise
p. 123: énergique de la centralisation') -> centralisation'
p. 123: couvent ni collége -> collège
p. 125: 1843, _in_ -> in
p. 125: _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol, -> vol.
p. 129: p. 118: _Saint Aulaire_ -> p. 118; _Sainte-Aulaire_
p. 135: which deprived knightnood -> knighthood
p. 136: _Hist. de France_ -> _Hist. de France_,
p. 137: _Milice Françoise_ -> _Milice Française_
p. 137: vol. ii. p. 582; _Sully_ -> _Sully_,
p. 137: vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152, -> 152;
p. 143: Collier's Eccles. Hist -> Hist.
p. 144: (reprinted London, 1842), p -> p.
p. 149: 401, 476: -> 476;
p. 149: p. 78; Hutchison's -> Hutchinson's
p. 150: Mem. de Retz -> Mém. de Retz
p. 152: part. i. pp. 28, 29 -> part i. pp. 28, 29
p. 153: _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
p. 154: laid, the slighest -> slightest
p. 158: Holland the linke-boy -> link-boy
p. 158: part. i. p. 167. -> part i. p. 167.
p. 166: _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 6.; -> p. 6;
p. 168: Saint Aulaire -> Saint-Aulaire
p. 168: _Mém. de Retz_ vol. 1. -> vol. i.
p. 169: _Mém. de Motteville_ -> _Mém. de Motteville_,
p. 170: vol ii. p. 357 -> vol. ii. p. 357
p. 178: Capefigue's Louis XIV -> XIV.
p. 178: tyranny of the clergy -> clergy.
p. 179: the feet of others -> others.
p. 180: vol. v. pp 887-889 -> vol. v. pp. 887-889
p. 181: _Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii, -> vol.
p. 181: les plus industrieux," -> industrieux,'
p. 182: brillant d'une clarte -> clarté
p. 187: apostles of knowlege -> knowledge
p. 190: _Philos Pos._ -> _Philos. Pos._
p. 190: vol. ii. pp. 627, 628 -> vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.
p. 191: _Aubrey's Letters_. -> _Aubrey's Letters_,
p. 191: vol ii. p. 624. -> vol. ii. p. 624.
p. 192: et de Boörhaave -> Boerhaave
p. 195: part. ii. p 42 -> part. ii. p. 42
p. 199: _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol -> vol.
p. 200: _Royal Society_. -> _Royal Society_,
p. 201: corner-stone of the Linnean -> Linnæan
p. 201: Gesch der Botanik -> Gesch. der Botanik
p. 207: _Ibid._ xxiii. p, 496. -> p. 496.
p. 207: vol. xxxvi p. 42 -> vol. xxxvi p. 42.
p. 208: state of degradation.' -> degradation.
p. 209: both in 1639. _Biog. Univ_ -> _Biog. Univ._
p. 211: was only saved by -> 'was only saved by
p. 211: Lock, who was -> Locke, who was
p. 212: Lady Mary Wortley Montague -> Montagu
p. 213: Hist. des Francais -> Français
p. 213: _Duclos_, _Mémoires_, vol -> vol.
p. 214: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
p. 215: sur la poésie épique. -> épique.'
p. 216: ses amitiés, il n'etait -> n'était
p. 217: vol. i. 341 -> vol. i. p. 341
p. 218: _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
p. 218: _Corresp._ vol. 1. p. 352; -> vol. i. p. 352,
p. 219: Mém de Morellet -> Mém. de Morellet
p. 220: _Biog Univ._ iii. 253 -> _Biog. Univ._ iii. 253
p. 221: _Biog. Univ._ l. 42. -> _Biog. Univ._ i. 42.
p. 221: _Murray's Life of Bruce_, 121, -> 121;
p. 223: _Biog. Univ._ xlviii. 217. 218. -> 217, 218.
p. 227: vol. ii. p. 291.' -> 291.
p. 228: even from the king himself. -> himself.'
p. 234: croire que les ministrès -> ministres
p. 238: by Reboulet, in 1752: -> in 1752;
p. 238: Anomalies, de l'Organisation -> Anomalies de l'Organisation
p. 241: _Biog. Univ._ xi. 314 -> xi. p. 314
p. 242: Vie de Rosseau -> Rousseu
p. 242: Quel est aujourd'hui -> 'Quel est aujourd'hui
p. 242: _Grimm_. _Corresp._ -> _Grimm_, _Corresp._
p. 243: de cachet pour enleve -> enlever
p. 245: vol. i. p. 141, vol -> vol.
p. 246: Les reproches d'avoir -> 'Les
p. 248: first heard in France -> France.
p. 253: vol. iii. pp. 178, 179: -> 179;
p. 253: Dieu d'être protestants. -> protestants.'
p. 259: the most obnoxious laws -> laws.
p. 262: to ecclesiastical dogmas, -> dogmas.
p. 265: et regna dix ans -> et régna dix ans,'
p. 265: conseillers, pour sçauoir -> sçavoir
p. 266: vol. viii. p. 101-117 -> vol. viii. pp. 101-117
p. 270: _Méthode pour étudier l'Histoire_ -> _l'Histoire_,
p. 271: undergone from the griping -> gripping
p. 271: la cour.' _Le Long_ -> _Le Long_,
p. 273: _François, in Mémoires_ -> _François_, in _Mémoires_
p. 275: _Etablissement de Louis_ -> _Etablissement de Louis XIV_
p. 276: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
p. 277: Madame de Sevigné -> Sévigné
p. 277: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
p. 283: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
p. 283: _Lettres de Sévigné_, vol -> vol.
p. 283: stated by Sismondi -> _Sismondi_
p. 293: Charles XII, l'homme -> 'Charles
p. 300: descriptions de siéges -> sièges
p. 301: combats et des siéges -> sièges
p. 303: _Milman's History of Christianity_, 1840, vol -> vol.
p. 303: _in [OE]uvres de Voltaire_ -> in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_
p. 303: History of the Church. -> Church
p. 311: article on Chronology, vol -> vol.
p. 318: livre xiv. chap. ii, -> chap. ii.,
p. 320: _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol -> vol.
p. 326: intuitives Erkenntniss klärer -> klarer
p. 326: an sichgleich -> an sich gleich
p. 330: Mém. sur Lebrun -> Le Brun
p. 330: _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol, -> vol.
p. 334: letter written in 1751 -> 1751.
p. 335: Lavallé -> Lavallée
p. 339: Staüdlin -> Stäudlin
p. 352: Hist. du Jacobin -> Jacobin.
p. 352: vol. ii. pp. 250 350 -> 250, 350
p. 353: their awowed -> avowed
p. 360: L'imagination est la -> 'L'imagination
p. 391: _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 23-25 -> 23-25.
p. 391: (vol. ii p. 8) -> (vol. ii. p. 8)
p. 395: environ huit mille espèces; -> espèces;'
p. 398: Hence the remóval -> removal
p. 404: à son histoire.' _Georget_ -> _Georget_,
p. 407: vol. x. p. 341, vol -> vol.
p. 412: Mém. sur Marie Antoinette -> Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette
p. 416: _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol -> vol.
p. 432: frightful desolation there. -> there.'
p. 440: 509, 561. _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
p. 445: Isabella may be -> 'Isabella may be
p. 446: vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857 -> 1857.
p. 450: vol. xxxiv, p. 273. -> vol. xxxiv. p. 273.
p. 453: One of the most -> [60] One of the most
p. 454: et action necessaire. -> necessaire,
p. 454: devinast le reste. -> reste,
p. 459: je vous l'ai déja -> déjà
p. 459: vous conduise, je na'i -> n'ai?
p. 471: tenement or pelting farm. -> farm.'
p. 472: _Historia de Felipe Tercero_ -> _Historia de Felipe Tercero_,
p. 473: desmedido.' _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
p. 480: _Ibid._ vol. ii, -> vol. ii.
p. 481: de su santo servido. -> servido,
p. 483: decayéron en España. -> España.'
p. 489: M. Janer or to M. Lafuente.' -> Lafuente.
p. 494: evidence, says, "Il -> says, 'Il
p. 496: people. It is ou -> our
p. 496: expectations were ulfilled -> fulfilled
p. 502: _Theorica de Comercio_. -> _Theorica de Comercio_,
p. 510: et point de frein. -> frein.'
p. 510: 'In 1681, the French -> In
p. 510: de la reine, de même. -> même.'
p. 512: _Historia de España_ -> _Historia de España_,
p. 520: a clerk under Orri -> Orry
p. 520: l'incapacité des sujets -> 'l'incapacité
p. 527: Ellis' Original Letters -> Ellis's Original Letters
p. 529: parce que les systémes -> systèmes
p. 533: London, 1831, vol -> vol.
p. 533: son médecin particulier, -> particulier.'
p. 539: Dublin, 1781, pp. 227-229 -> 227-229.
p. 546: ecclesiastical power[26] -> power[264]
p. 547: vol. v. p. 295. Paris -> 295, Paris
p. 553: Civilizacion, Española -> Civilizacion Española
p. 553: atropellada en su inmunidad. -> inmunidad.'
p. 556: Historia de -> del
p. 560: Reinado de Carlos III -> III.
p. 568: the regularity of them -> their
p. 568: Looking at their -> them
p. 574: que les gouvernemens. -> gouvernemens.'
p. 575: Prescott's History of Ferdidinand -> Ferdinand
p. 587: order of people, a peace -> piece
p. 590: De même que le froc -> 'De même que le froc
p. 591: vol. ii. p. 281 -> 281.
p. 595: but leaving Spain unscathed -> unscathed.