who, accepting the Divine Mission of Christ, strive honestly to embody
His teaching in daily life. As each age grows out of the life of the
preceding age, so the practical incarnation of our Lord’s teaching
varies in form from age to age. In 1882 the form which Christian life
takes must necessarily vary from its form in 1800. Three generations
of men have gained immensely in intellectual, scientific, and moral
development. All the conditions under which human beings grow up
have changed. What we now especially and urgently need from the
‘Church’ is aid in adapting the never-changing principle of Christian
brotherhood to the ever-changing conditions of Nineteenth-Century
life. We need sermons and conferences and earnest life in the Church;
but the sermons must take up the Christian view of the relation of
capital to labour, the Christian view of the relation of the sexes,
the Christian protection and sound education of the young--in short,
the whole conduct of life, from the cradle to the grave, in private
and public. A certain inevitable hypocrisy is engendered by listening
week after week to lofty theories which are never put into practice,
or to impracticable suggestions. The soul grows callous when teaching
demands one course of action and daily life enforces a quite opposite
course. We need to learn in what way our actual life, public and
private, can be guided by our Lord’s injunction of brotherhood instead
of selfhood. Our Church Conferences should be the honest and eager
effort of every man and woman to consider together how these true
principles can be carried out by them. A Christian Church Conference
must ponder the life of that army of little drudges in our underground
kitchens, of the blasphemous boys and girls who gather at night in our
public places, of the vicious roués who crowd on us from London, of the
struggles of the poor householder who knows not how to pay the heavy
rent, of the tendencies of the trader oppressed by taxes, who sinks all
scruples in the desire to get money, and of the speculator whose one
desire is to make ‘wealth accumulate, though men decay.’ These are the
problems for Church Conferences which the practical Christianity of the
Nineteenth Century urgently requires should be solved.
It is only on these humble but indispensable foundations that a Church
which meets the needs of the age can be founded. It is only in a Church
so founded that prayer and praise and the worship of the Great Father
can become a glorious reality, and never sink into formalism.
A true Church, then, suited to the needs of this age, must be a
self-governing, industrial community, guided by Christian principle,
holding and managing its own lands, varied industries, and colleges.
It should send off out-shoots from time to time, new self-governing
colonies at home and abroad. These colonies necessarily possessing
varied individual colouring, according to occupation and composition,
should all agree in the one great uniting principle--organization on
the principles of Christian brotherhood. The Christian idea of united
interest, instead of the narrow antagonism of individual selfishness,
will be the distinguishing mark of true Church colonies--the practical
Christianity of the future.
There are large numbers of sincere followers of our Spiritual Guide
who clearly perceive the radical evils above referred to: persons who
long to devote thought, time, and means to the labour of forming a
Christian society; persons who would rejoice to leave their possessions
to the noblest Missionary work of the age. But these earnest seers are
scattered far and wide; they require the indispensable strength of
union. A grand work is before all the Churches to join their members
together under the noble banner of Christian Socialism. By careful
study of the various practical examples which now exist of successful
although imperfect organization, preparation can be made for union
together in the formation of a true Church Colony. A band of Christian
Socialists thus uniting in earnest preparation (whilst neglecting no
immediate duty) will be strengthened and guided in the course of a few
years to initiate the most important and urgent work that our age now
calls for.
The meaning of the Easter season is the arising of Christianity from
the grave--that grave where it lies bound in darkness, corrupting in
worldliness, dying through selfishness; but, thank God! not yet dead.
May our religious people awake from their fatal lethargy and roll away
the stone from the sepulchre, by the establishment of a true Christian
Society!
FOOTNOTES:
[21] The works referring to the economic principles laid down in this
paper, with the statistics and experiments which support and illustrate
them, are too numerous to mention here; but they are of the utmost
value to the Christian Socialist.
ON THE DECAY
OF
MUNICIPAL REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
_A CHAPTER OF PERSONAL EXPERIENCE, 1885_
ON THE DECAY OF MUNICIPAL REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
It is only in the belief that a simple narrative of facts, exactly as
they occurred, will show more vividly than an abstract statement can
do, the dangers which threaten our free institutions, that I venture to
offer this personal narrative to municipal voters, and particularly to
women householders.
When, in 1879, I became a householder in Hastings I did not at all
realize that I thereby acquired the right to vote in municipal
affairs, and that this right necessarily involved a corresponding
duty and responsibility--the duty, viz., of voting intelligently,
and necessarily a certain responsibility for the way in which the
government of the town was carried on.
I soon observed, however, that in the autumn, although I was neither
a Conservative nor a Liberal, I was called on by the Conservative and
the Liberal candidates for election to the Town Council to ask for my
vote, and although these visits often led to interesting conversation,
and my opinions were assented to with the most flattering courtesy
before the elections took place, I soon perceived that all influence
ceased with the election; the matters went on in the same way without
me as with me, and my supposed privilege of voting seemed really to
be very much of a mockery. Being, moreover, a peaceable person, and
much occupied with subjects of interest, it appeared to be rather a
waste of time to concern myself with an election which was managed by
cliques on strictly party issues, with no regard to questions of social
well-being, nor necessarily to the selection of the wisest and best
man, but only of the person who could in any way secure the largest
party vote.
Being compelled, also, as far as my limited powers of observation
admitted, to criticise the two great parties of the State, as both
committing much injustice, and as rather guided by class selfishness
than by high morality, I could not feel any enthusiasm for elections
carried on by party strife.
I thus began to fall into that easy state of indifference which
seems rapidly becoming the general condition of the mass of people
who are supposed by their votes to control municipal affairs; I
retained, however, an uneasy consciousness that in some way I was
failing to meet a duty that was laid upon me. I was roused from this
fatal moral lethargy by witnessing what seemed to me an act of gross
injustice--viz., a robbery of the poor of their inheritance. This
was the diversion of the funds of the Magdalen Charity (a bequest
from the piety and beneficence of past ages, now grown to an income
of some thousands annually) to the foundation of a middle-class
grammar school. The injustice was committed under the sanction of the
Charity Commissioners, notwithstanding a brave fight by some of our
conscientious inhabitants, carried on for more than two years. But
class interests and short-sighted officialism proved stronger than
justice in this case.
So painful an experience effectually opened my eyes to the irreligion
of not attending to the duties which lie nearest to us, and I saw that
the condition of the poor is very near to us. I fully realized, also,
for the first time, the constant duty which rests upon all those to
whom special municipal rights are given, to concern themselves with
the management of the town in which they live, this responsibility
especially resting upon every one on whom is laid the duty of voting.
Beginning, then, to attend my parish meetings, my sympathy was soon
aroused by seeing the bitter struggle of the industrious poor going
on all around me, to avoid sinking into pauperism. Cases of inability
to pay the rates were constantly coming before us[22] from weary
struggling men and women, who, if they sometimes ‘drink and forget
their poverty,’ demand pity more than blame.
Every year the pinch of poverty grew sharper. My own respectable young
servant could not marry her decent lover because rent was so dear. As
roomy lodging-houses and hotels spread along the sea-front, speculation
grew, and the mass of the people were huddled together in smoky cram
or squeezed out into dreary suburbs, far away from their work or from
opportunities for honest industry. I soon also learned the horror
with which the poor regard the workhouse; how they would willingly
die in peace in the forlornest home rather than be forced into what
they regard as a hopeless, cruel prison. My indignation deepened as I
thought of the deed still in our archives, in which, ‘I, Petronilla de
Cham, of Hastings, in the pure and lawful power of my widowhood,’ grant
a tract of land for maintaining the poor old men and women of Hastings
in decent maintenance and godly service; the brothers and sisters
of the Magdalen Hospital. ‘And I, Lady Petronilla and my heirs will
warrant and defend the aforesaid five acres of land with precincts,
to be held by the brothers and sisters freely, quietly, well, and
peacefully for ever,’ they praying for the souls of their benefactors.
As descendants of humane and pious ancestors, it seems to be as clearly
a religious duty to consider the condition of the poor in 1885 as it
was in 1292, when Lady Petronilla de Cham made her foundation gift to
the Magdalen Charity.
The more I considered this important problem of how to aid the
struggling poor in their heroic efforts to live decently, the more
important to my mind became the subject of taxation; how the rates
of a town are raised, and how they are expended. Unhappily, we see
all over the country that, in the same way, ancient endowments for
doles, retreats, pensions, and portions are swept away because the
workhouse system is said to provide for the poor; ancient endowments
for training, clothing, and apprenticing poor children are also swept
away, because the ‘Board of Education provides for the poor.’ Thus
the various necessities of social life, education, benevolence, etc.,
are being committed to the hands of officials--_i.e._, everything is
rapidly being thrown upon the rates, until the rates crush the poor
into pauperism.
Now, the question of rates is not at first sight an attractive
one, particularly to a person who has unusually little talent for
arithmetic. But in the present day they take the place of ancient
beneficence, and are administered by Town Councils instead of Church
organizations. I therefore determined to attend a meeting which was
being called to meet the Local Government official, in order to obtain
sanction for a new loan. This was my first appearance at a ‘Statutory’
meeting. To my surprise, when I took a seat at the Council Board, I
found that I was the only non-official ratepayer present, although
the sum to be borrowed was a large one. It was stated that this
proposal had received the unanimous assent of the ratepayers. To this
statement I was compelled to make a short protest, as I had learned
from inquiries that many ratepayers knew nothing about the proposed
loan. I was informed that the time for objections had not arrived; and
the London official proceeded to inquire into various details of the
way in which the loan of six thousand guineas was to be spent, extent
of grading, kind of concrete, etc. When all was completely settled I
was then requested to state any objection I had to make. I spoke of
the burdens of taxation on the poor, and I begged to know what was
the present debt of the town. I found that with this new loan our
municipal debt would be nearly a quarter of a million. This seemed a
very large debt for a small town, where the people found a difficulty
in paying their rates, and as a prudent housekeeper I objected to go
into debt for our municipal housekeeping. I was informed by the Local
Government Board Inspector that ‘that was a question to be settled at
the polls.’ So, of course, my single protest was of no practical use.
This occurred in August. I then thought that, as the November elections
were approaching, it might be useful to try and get municipal questions
discussed with the candidates who were to be elected for three years to
the Town Council.
The proposed councillor in my parish cordially assented to the proposal
I ventured to make to him--viz., that he should meet the ratepayers
before the time of the elections, and discuss with them various
important questions which would come before the decision of the Town
Council. This gentleman willingly promised to attend such a meeting if
it were called.
Unfortunately, I could not find any householder willing to aid in
such an effort. The following is a type of the responses received from
householders:
‘I do not think my presence at a conference would be of any service. I
have so little knowledge of municipal affairs, never having attended
a meeting since I resided in Hastings.’ The same sort of answer came
from busy tradesmen and leisured gentry. It therefore seemed that a
more decided educational effort was needed, an effort to show our
voters how a Town Council really represented in modern days much of the
practical action of the Church in past ages, and that it ought really
to present the Theocratic idea--_i.e._, government by the Highest Good.
But here, too, unhappily, I could find no one who did not seem to think
that the function of a Town Council was to save them all trouble and
responsibility, and that it must be elected on party grounds.
Thus, more and more I recognised the profound character of the disease
of indifference, which has become endemic in our municipalities,
and the urgent need of remedial measures. I therefore entered into
correspondence with the Social and Political Education League, which
has borne in succession the honoured names of Professor Seeley and
Mr. Froude as Presidents. I received a cordial letter from the
honorary secretary, who forwarded a list of 107 names of lecturers,
with numerous addresses that they would be willing to deliver.
Unfortunately, in this printed list of several hundred lectures I
could find nothing that met our special need--viz., short, simple,
progressive instruction, inviting questions, ‘on the use of a Town
Council and the meaning of a vote.’ I was meditating on what to do when
I became most unexpectedly involved in municipal work, where I was
compelled to take a prominent part, for which I was not fitted either
by knowledge or experience.
At the town meeting in August already referred to, when the addition
to the public debt was made, a Corporation Bill was spoken of, which
appeared to be of very great importance, and which was to come before
the town later. I therefore watched the notices by the church doors,
and marked down the date of the Statutory Meeting, which must be
called in order to sanction this Bill. I was much surprised not to
see attention strongly called to this important measure by the local
press and others; but the local politicians were all in such a state
of excitement because Hastings was to lose one of its Parliamentary
representatives that the way in which municipal affairs were carried
on seemed to excite no interest. I called at the Town Clerk’s Office a
few days before the meeting to sanction the Bill was to take place, and
asked for a copy of the Bill, but was told that there were ‘no copies’
for ratepayers; neither could the Bill be seen. I spoke to about ten
persons in the course of the day, but no one knew anything about the
Bill. I then wrote to several ratepayers to beg them to attend the
Statutory Meeting. One replied that there must be a mistake as to date,
naming a meeting three days later, which, being a ‘Party’ meeting on
Redistribution, entirely drew attention from the municipal meeting.
Another householder consulted a gentleman friend, who told her that
the proposed Bill was one to lessen taxation, so there was no need of
attending the meeting. I was unable to find a single ratepayer who knew
anything about the Bill, or had even heard of it. The time came, a
very stormy evening; about seventy persons attended out of over 8,000
ratepayers. No one had seen the Bill, which, from the short abstract
given by a Councillor, was evidently of the utmost importance to every
class of the inhabitants, and particularly to the industrious classes.
It was urged by the Town Council Committee in charge of the Bill that
no opposition to it should be made, for two reasons. In the first
place, the next day was the last chance of registering the Bill for the
present Session of Parliament, and a year would be lost if the Bill
were not accepted that night; in the next place, it was stated that
any opposition would be very expensive to the town, for, as they had
already paid £500 for the expenses of the Bill, and would pay about as
much more to complete it, if any opposition were raised it would cost
the town some thousands of pounds.
As no other ratepayer seemed to discover any flaw in these statements,
I ventured to suggest that, as no one amongst us had seen the Bill,
we ought not to sanction it without any opportunity of examination,
and that it would be better to lose a Session than do so. I therefore
begged to move an adjournment; this was seconded by a ratepayer, but
not put to the meeting. The Bill was accepted in the name of the
ratepayers by a vote of 47, the Parliamentary agent who directed the
proceedings most courteously assuring me that ‘there would be ample
time to object to the Bill in London.’ Of course, I knew, and many
of the poorer ratepayers present knew, that it would be too late to
consider the Bill after it was accepted in our names; but I was struck
with the inability of those present to formulate their objections,
although much dissatisfaction manifested itself in the meeting. Entire
ignorance (in which I fully shared) also existed as to what steps to
take in such a case. Had I insisted, as I ought to have done, upon the
motion for adjournment being put, it would probably have been rejected
by a small majority. But I was utterly ignorant of what was right to
do in such a strange position, and it seemed almost unladylike for me
alone to oppose the Mayor and Town Council, with their Parliamentary
Committee and legal advisers, particularly as it was insisted that
opposition meant distrust of the Council, whereas I thought simply
of my duty as a ratepayer. I did not know then, and no one present
seemed to know, that any ratepayer has a right to demand a poll;
and, if insisted on, it must have been allowed. In this case the few
pounds it would have cost the town would have been well expended, in
delaying what proved to be an exceedingly bad and retrograde Bill. But
nothing has struck me more in this singular experience than the utter
ignorance of all our otherwise intelligent burgesses as to the steps by
which their municipal rights may be guarded, either in the borough or
in London. This ignorance seems to arise from the inattention and habit
of indifference to municipal duties produced, not only by the pressure
of private affairs, but by exclusive absorption in party politics.
As soon as the Corporation Bill was thus nominally accepted by the
burgesses, copies of the Bill were allowed to circulate. I saw at once,
on scanning this enormous Bill of 243 folio pages, thus sprung upon the
town, that it was a very retrograde Bill, and would prove especially
tyrannical to the poor. Being fully convinced that a fundamental duty
of any community is to guard the industrious poor from being crushed
into paupers, I looked at the Bill from that point of view, and was
shocked by it. It was drawn up to favour the growth of that modern
mistake, a fashionable lodging-house town, by endeavouring to attract
rich temporary visitors, instead of promoting permanent productive
industry. By its provisions it largely increased the debt of the town;
it withdrew expenditure from control of the ratepayers; it provided for
a largely-increasing bureaucracy, by placing all the new institutions
under officials of the Town Council; it confirmed and established a
virtual octroi on coal and the necessaries of life; it introduced the
most minute and arbitrary regulations in relation to building, sanitary
inspection, police arrests; it re-enacted the obsolete regulation
which regards vice as female; and in many other ways it sought to
convert the Town Council into masters instead of servants of the people.
I immediately commenced asking individual ratepayers if they had seen
this Bill, which interfered with every class of inhabitant. No one had
seen it, and later inquiry seemed to prove that not one member even of
the Town Council itself had read the Bill carefully through, outside
the little Parliamentary Committee who followed the guidance of the
London official agent.
I am glad to say that the first note of serious public alarm was
sounded by the Medical Profession, who, finding they were to be
turned into family spies by this Bill, refused to submit, and, having
an organized medical society unanimous in opinion, they commenced
an opposition to those objectionable clauses which affected their
position. But weeks of precious time were lost before attention was
aroused to the generally tyrannical character of the Bill. At last the
growing discontent found a voice in an active, enlightened burgess.
A crowded public meeting was held, attended largely by the poorer
ratepayers, and a committee was formed to see what amendments could
be introduced. But there was then not time to examine thoroughly this
enormous Bill before it was read in Parliament. Here, again, two
circumstances were noteworthy. First of all, the complete indifference
of the richer inhabitants to the Bill and to all that involved
trouble on their part, with the dread of the poorer inhabitants of the
frightful law expenses which opposition would entail.
The second noteworthy point was the utter ignorance of all parties
as to the best and exact method of procedure in the various steps
necessary to be taken in seeking to amend or oppose the Bill--as, for
instance, the times allowed for the various stages, the parties to
address, the ways of addressing them, the rights of the burgesses to
appear, etc. No one, either layman or lawyer, possessed exact detailed
knowledge.
For my part, I sought information at headquarters in London. Here,
once for all, I beg to state that nothing can exceed the courtesy and
often kindness with which my crude inquiries have always been met by
those highest in authority. Indeed, all my life long, though painfully
compelled to work against rather than with social conditions, I have
always found men eager to help an honest, unselfish worker.
In London I learned some rather surprising facts. These facts may be
thus briefly summarized: First, that it is the effect of the action of
the Central Government to weaken the Municipalities by encouraging them
to run heavily into debt; secondly, that, taking advantage of their
weakness, they apparently intend to assume themselves the authority
that has hitherto resided in the Municipalities as self-governing
communities.
These are very serious facts, not at all due, I think, to any
influence exerted by the enlightened heads of Departments, who change
with every administration, but to the enormous growing system of
permanent officialism, which acts like a tremendous machine, crushing
individual freedom, because it naturally seeks to work without
friction. The term ‘vortex,’ familiarly applied to the system when
any individual interest is drawn into its current, well expresses the
terrible power of these official forces.
My first amazement was awakened by the reply to my objection concerning
the increased power of borrowing given by our Hastings Bill to a little
town of 40,000 inhabitants, that already had a debt of nearly a quarter
of a million. ‘What is the rateable value of your town?’ was asked.
‘£300,000.’ ‘And do you consider a quarter of a million a large debt?
Why, let me tell you, your town is most fortunate in having such a
small debt! Do you not know that Government allows you to borrow to the
extent of two years’ annual rating?’
Such was the astounding view taken by a political economist of the duty
of Government. I thought of our hundreds of poor ratepayers unable to
pay their taxes. I thought of the statistical report that ‘In Great
Britain the municipal and other local debts rose in the period of
ten years from 84 to 140 millions,’ and I was simply dumb with fear
for the future. For I have already seen that power to borrow means
encouragement to borrow, and that the municipal purse is not regarded
as a Trust, to be more scrupulously guarded than the private purse.
My next discovery related to sanitary and police clauses, and
particularly to those which pressed especially upon women. I maintained
that there were no such things as good brothels; that they were
illegal institutions, to be gradually and steadily suppressed by the
growing morality of the people, who should be encouraged by increased
facilities to set the law in motion; and that any legal distinction
as to bad houses that were ‘a nuisance to the neighbourhood’ was a
mischievous distinction. I also pointed out that the term ‘prostitute’
should be entirely struck out of all legislative enactments as an
obsolete injustice, and that any necessary checks to growing vice
should apply to ‘all persons habitually or persistently’ offending.
These honest suggestions were considered quite impracticable in
official circles; but I learned that the Central Government would be
quite ready to strike out any unusual local provision in order to take
all sanitary and police measures into its own hands.
This appeared to me a most alarming intention. Surely a deadly blow
would be struck at individual liberty if all sanitary and police
regulations were to be drawn into the ‘vortex.’ The mistakes of
municipalities rouse individual conscience, and may be turned to the
education of the community; but take away this natural power of growth,
and we become a feeble, self-seeking mass, swayed by demagogues, and
the slaves of official Bastilles.
I began to understand the wide bearing of a fact that had excited my
surprise a short time previously. Scandals occurring in one of our new
parks, permission had been obtained from the Local Government Board
to place an additional policeman there. Noticing this fact, I asked
our Councilman: ‘Why on earth did you consult the Local Government
Board about our own policemen? Does not our Watch Committee attend to
our police matters?’ He replied: ‘Oh, don’t you know that the Local
Government Board pay part of our police expenses?’ Looking over the
Borough Accounts for 1884, there, sure enough, I find this police item:
Treasury contribution, £1,881 16s. 1d.
Our poor tax-payers cannot pay their rent, so we rob Peter to pay Paul;
we get money from the General Government, which all have to contribute
to supply, with the idea of lessening local rates, and in return allow
the central authorities to interfere with our police. Surely this is
selling our birthright for a very deceptive mess of pottage!
As our Town Council became aware of the legitimate discontent which
existed respecting the Bill they had sent up to London, with really
imperfect knowledge of its contents, they endeavoured with willing
courtesy to meet the Ratepayers’ Committee, and at the last moment for
legal opposition, certain important amendments were accepted by the
Council, which removed the power of arbitrary arrest by the police, and
softened some of the other harsh interference with individual rights.
The People’s Committee were compelled to accept these imperfect
concessions. The limit of time for opposing the Bill had arrived.
No rich or leisured resident showed the slightest concern in this
measure. The remark had been made to me by a high London authority:
‘If your townspeople really consider this such a bad Bill, then
they have nothing to do but to put their hands in their pockets
and raise the money to oppose it.’ This remark shows how little
rich people, high in authority, know of the conditions of life in a
fashionable lodging-house town. The work of revising this Bill--work
necessarily incomplete--had been done by burgesses of moderate means
and overwhelmed by private cares, and the time needed for this public
work had been stolen from sleep. There was neither possibility of
withdrawing a Bill on which much public money had been already
expended, nor of raising the heavy sums of money necessary to carry on
legal opposition to it.
Thus, a new Corporation Bill of most retrograde character has been
forced upon the town--a Bill which greatly strengthens the official or
bureaucratic organization, removes much of the control of ratepayers
over expenditure, plays into the hands of a centralizing Government,
establishes protective duties on the necessaries of life, and
vexatiously interferes in various ways with the legitimate personal
liberty of the inhabitants.
The latest ‘Battle of Hastings,’ in 1885, has ended in defeat.
This familiar narrative of late experience in one of our little towns
is now given for a practical purpose.
A similar course of things appears to be taking place in all our towns,
large and small. Unchecked, this neglect of social duty and thoughtless
submission to official formalism must steadily deteriorate our national
character. It can only be checked by the voluntary organization of
individuals who will resolutely battle for the Theocratic principle
of human rights against the selfish demagogueism of party strife. The
plainest fact in history is the Divine Moral Government of the world.
A nation given up to selfishness and lust always degenerates and
perishes, and is replaced by new races. This is the great lesson of
the ages. We only fail to read it because the method of action of the
Creative Power is so much grander and surer than the methods of our
individual action. But all that is strongest and noblest in our human
nature can be but a faint reflection of what is immeasurably stronger
and nobler in the Almighty Creative force. The careful study of our
own human needs measured and limited by the needs of all other human
beings is the foundation of all growth. This mutual limitation and
government of human rights by human duties is Theocracy. It alone can
be a permanent form of Government, for a righteous democratic rule must
inevitably be Theocratic rule.
If the Churches cannot yet see that the education of the people in
their municipal life is the urgent need of the age, if political
parties are too corrupt or self-seeking to learn the same lesson, then
help must come from other sources. Perhaps women ratepayers not yet
entangled in party politics, and men who have risen above them may hear
the Divine voice which speaks to them, and may kindle a little sacred
fire which will grow into a beacon-light to the nation.
It is now urgently necessary to consider the way in which organizations
of householders may be gradually formed in all our municipalities, for
the purpose of mutual education and legitimate criticism.
An unofficial organization, sufficiently suited to respond promptly to
any sudden municipal call, has really become of vital importance. The
animating centre of such organizations must be three or four earnest,
unselfish persons (a true Theocratic brotherhood) who will carefully
study municipal or social questions, and plan and initiate a work of
gradual education, particularly addressed to women voters and our
poorer ratepayers. I especially mention women because nothing has been
done for their enlightenment as to the new duties laid upon them in
1867. It is a noteworthy fact that when 2,000,000 more men were lately
placed on the register, the most active efforts of the Cobden Club and
others were at once given to instruct these new voters after party
fashion, but no effort whatever has been made directly to instruct
the hundreds of thousands of women to whom the municipal vote, the
corner-stone of our political system, was given in 1867.
There are questions of policy having a large and important national
bearing which need to be studied by united householders. Few persons
know clearly what should be the direct action and indirect influence
of a Town Council--its duty to resist encroachment by the central
government; its duty to encourage the interest and action of burgesses
in their own institutions, and to diminish the number of irresponsible
officials; its duty to consider the public purse as a solemn trust, and
to invite careful study of municipal accounts.
The abolition of obsolete practices, the consideration of changes or
adaptation to modern needs of municipal regulations, need consideration
by householders.
Few burgesses seem to know that ten ratepayers in a parish possess the
right to nominate any one of their fellow ratepayers to represent them
for three years on the Town Council. The nominations are now made in
secret by party cliques, a practice never intended by our Constitution.
This mischievous practice can be directly checked by the liberty of
independent action thus provided for. I have already referred to
the right to demand a poll at any statutory meeting where serious
objection is taken to any proposed measure, a most important guarantee
of municipal liberty, quite unknown, apparently, to the majority of
ratepayers.
I need not enter upon the important questions of the selection of
Poor-law guardians, of members of School Boards, and other officers
supposed to be elected by ratepayers, because the same criticism
applies to all. At present, indifference to all these important
elections prevails unless a sharp contest springs up on party politics.
Yet questions really vital to our national welfare are involved in
these apparently minor points in our municipal housekeeping, and I
believe that the indifference now felt towards our borough elections,
when not stimulated by party strife, proceeds from ignorance of these
larger relations.
It is in the hope of seeing this great municipal education begun on a
large plan, quite above party strife, that I have ventured to refer to
this episode of personal experience.
Those who profoundly believe in the moral government of this world,
and who would help in establishing a true Theocracy, must seek truth
from all sources. Our modern prophets, Herbert Spencer, John Ruskin,
and many another seeker for truth, must be earnestly listened to; not
as gods, but as men who with human limitations, nevertheless through
evil and good report, never swerve from the steadfast unselfish
search for truth--men who are enabled to see clearly great aspects of
Divine truth, and who can refresh and guide us in our humbler, but
providential task. Such men are often the truest followers of our Lord
in this nineteenth century.
To all women voters, to all our poorer ratepayers, I earnestly
recommend the formation of a union for the study of municipal
rights and duties, and I hope that my humble but earnest effort in
this direction will enlist the sympathy and guidance of all those
truth-seers most able to help us.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] Between four and five hundred summonses for rates this quarter in
our little town.
ADDRESS
DELIVERED AT THE OPENING
OF THE
WOMEN’S MEDICAL COLLEGE
OF THE
NEW YORK INFIRMARY, 126, SECOND AVENUE
_November 2, 1868_
ADDRESS
Our Faculty has kindly insisted upon my saying the first words which
our new College addresses to its friends, and I am bound to comply
with their desire, although I could have wished that some abler person
might have shown the broad significance of those principles which are
involved in our work.
True growth is slow (as we measure time) and silent. The tiny sapling
shoots up with invisible and noiseless force; so have we worked
on--silently. Yet the truest growth has its striking phases of
development. We watch with glad anticipation the first tender green of
budding foliage; later still we luxuriate in the delicious flowering of
the apple-blossoms in May.
It was in 1853, in a parlour in University Place (as some two or three
of those now present will remember), that the little slip of a Medical
Institution for Women was planted, which slowly grew till it budded
into a small hospital in 1857. Many who are here to-night will recall
the opening of the hospital wards in Bleecker Street and the cordial
words of encouragement then given. They will remember that noble young
minister, cut down in his promising youth, who hurried in from his
pressing duties in a distant city, carpet-bag in hand, resolved to give
us a hearty God-speed, because the good cause was unpopular.
Now the tree has blossomed into a college, and once more the friends
gather round to rejoice in its promise of larger usefulness.
It has required fifteen years of patient work--work by faith, for the
way has been very dark--to lay the foundation of a college. This has
seemed strange to most persons, for many women’s colleges have sprung
up meanwhile; hundreds of women have received the physician’s diploma;
some have become highly-respected practitioners, and some have gained
large sums of money. Of the early friends of the Infirmary, many have
died, and some have been discouraged by its slow growth.
It is an easy thing to found a poor college. Our liberal Legislature
grants a charter to anyone who asks for it, and an audience can always
be gathered together by speeches and music to witness the presentation
of learned-looking parchment rolls to a class of well-dressed students;
but charter and diploma do not necessarily guarantee the fitting
education of a physician. To found a really good college is a work
of great difficulty, and up to the present time has been impossible
for want of professional assistance--of skilful teachers, and ample
clinical provision. To this difficulty has been added another--the want
of funds.
We have been facing these two perpendicular cliffs--money and
skill--for fifteen years, and striving in every possible way to climb
them. Everyone will sympathize with us in relation to the first
difficulty, but, at the same time, the promoters of ordinary benevolent
enterprises can hardly realize the added difficulty of begging for a
principle. People will give to a charity or popular enthusiasm, but
very seldom to a principle, more seldom still to such an unpopular idea
as the education of women in medicine.
Little by little, however, we have laid one stone upon another, until
we have gained a foundation sufficient to stand on. It is small,
certainly, but solid, and we all feel great hope of surmounting the
first grand difficulty.
In relation to the second obstacle--the want of professional support--I
need only refer to the prospectus of our College to show how happily
we have at last been able to surmount this second difficulty. How this
has been accomplished I really do not know. We are so accustomed to
be ‘despised and rejected’ that encouragement, welcome, success, seem
unaccountable. It is like breathing a new and delightful atmosphere,
which is, nevertheless, strange and dream-like; and one almost fears to
wake up with a shock and find again the cold, the gloom, and struggle
all around.
But, from whatever cause proceeding, the support now given to the
formation of the College is warm and cordial. Should we fulfil
the expectations of the wise and experienced physicians who have
sanctioned and counselled the formation of this school, professional
assistance will be increased to the utmost extent the student may
require.
We enter, then, upon this work under the most favourable auspices, and
we are encouraged to undertake it by the earnest request of medical
women from every part of the country. From the east and the west,
from California to Maine, have come the same heartfelt expressions
of interest in the establishment of a sound plan of education, the
same hope that other women may not enter upon their work under the
disadvantages of imperfect preparation that they have had to contend
with. The list of excellent women physicians who have enrolled
themselves as fellows of the College shows the trust which is felt in
this undertaking by our respected co-workers.
We have endeavoured to follow out the suggestions of our most
experienced medical teachers, and incorporate the following features
into our plan of instruction:
1. A three years’ college course.
2. A larger proportion of time devoted to teaching and practical
instruction than to lecturing.
3. A progressive succession of studies.
I shall only refer at this time to one of these--viz., the three years’
college course. I would remark, for the information of those who are
not familiar with medical tuition, that the Legislature, in granting
to a school the right to confer the degree of Doctor in Medicine,
requires that such degree shall only be given to those who have been
studying medicine for three years. Three years, then, is the obligatory
time of study, and no degree is legal which is granted on a less term
of study. But in the ordinary course of instruction the greater part
of that time is spent in private reading, the College being only
responsible for the instruction of two winter sessions of five months
each; in other words, for ten months out of the thirty-six required by
law. The remaining twenty-six months may or may not be well spent; it
depends upon the intelligence, resolution, and opportunities possessed
by each individual student. It is the great wish of the profession to
increase the collegiate part of instruction, and require attendance
at college during a portion of each of the three years of study. Many
colleges have added spring and autumn courses, but the attendance of
students is not obligatory, and it seems impossible to lengthen the
college course without united action.
For women there exist so very few opportunities for profitable study
that these precious twenty-six months are, to a great extent, wasted.
At the same time a weighty responsibility rests upon all those who
introduce women into medicine to see that they are fitted to fulfil
the trust worthily. Medicine is a learned and confidential profession,
and should draw into its ranks the most highly educated, the most
irreproachable in character. This most noble profession, like all high
things, is susceptible of the worst abuse. The good which women may
accomplish in medical practice is also the measure of the evil that
they may do. Education, long and careful, should be the safeguard
of society in this matter. From many causes women are peculiarly
exposed to a great temptation--that of practising ignorantly and
superficially. The College should foresee this danger, and provide
the long and careful training which can alone discriminate between
the worthy and unworthy candidate. This education, while it sifts out
the incompetent, will give to the earnest student those advantages of
drill, of substantial knowledge, of professional support, without which
women enter upon the practical work of medicine under the most cruel
disadvantages.
We propose, therefore, to adopt the most advanced plan of instruction,
and have arranged a progressive course of study which will require
for its completion attendance at college during three winter sessions
of five months each, which we hope eventually to be able to extend to
eight months. We shall thus be able not only to give to each student an
additional term of systematic instruction, with all those advantages
of hospital practice which belong only to a large city, but we shall
be able to keep her under college influence during the remainder
of each year, directing the intermediate studies, and forming much
more accurate acquaintance than were otherwise possible, with the
qualifications of each candidate for graduation.
We are compelled to face many difficulties by this plan. We must
anticipate a smaller class at first in consequence of the additional
expense laid upon the student, for however low the price of tuition
may be made, the added expense of boarding has to be met. The student
also, at the outset of her career, is unable to appreciate the great
advantages of this enlarged instruction, and is naturally tempted to go
where a diploma may most easily be gained. We are quite sure, however,
that in a few years the thorough education given by our College, and
the distinction conferred by its diploma, will draw to it the best
students from every part of our country.
There is one other feature of our College that I must allude to, as I
feel in it a profound and special interest: it is the introduction of
hygiene into our course as a prominent and obligatory study.
It seems strange that the prevention of disease should not always
have engaged the thought and instruction of the guardians of the
public health at least as fully as the cure of disease, and yet I
believe that this is the first college in America to found a chair of
hygiene. Consider the subjects involved in the development of a healthy
human organization--a healthy race. Physical and moral training;
the inheritance and transmission of qualities; the peculiarities
of individual constitution; the nature and influences of climate,
soil, food and customs; the prevention of epidemics; the municipal
regulations of our cities, etc.--all these subjects come directly and
unavoidably into the department of hygiene. Surely every student who
receives the degree of Doctor should be thoroughly acquainted with
all that Science at present knows on these subjects. How else can he
fulfil his noblest trust--the guardianship of individual and public
health? For a specialist with a narrowed range of duties such knowledge
may, perhaps, be of less importance; but for the family physician, the
trusted friend and counsellor year after year--for the public-spirited
physician who would give to his wisdom and experience the largest
usefulness, these studies are indispensable, and his initiation, his
first impulse and interest in this knowledge, should surely be given by
his college.
There is one branch of this subject which I think must weigh heavily
on the hearts of women physicians, and which will, I hope, through
them, engage the attention of every thoughtful woman in our land--I
refer to the frightful mortality of young children. Children are born
to live, not die. There is a wonderful force of tenacious vitality in
all growing organizations--far more proportionate vitality than in the
old or even the adult; yet, notwithstanding this beneficent provision
of nature, we destroy our young children nearly five times as fast as
the other members of our social body. If every woman in our city could
hear the daily moan of these dying infants, could feel that every day
multitudes of bereaved mothers were weeping over untimely graves,
and that her own skirts were not clear of this shedding of innocent
blood, we should see an army of earnest co-workers eager to save this
multitude of helpless children.
Infancy and early childhood are the especial charge of women, and
how do they fulfil this trust? It does not do to look around upon a
well-furnished home, bright with the smiling faces of happy children,
and say, ‘Am I my brother’s keeper?’ Each one is his brother’s keeper
to the direct extent that knowing an evil can be cured, he refrains
from doing his part to cure it. Did the women of our city resolve to
save these children they might be saved. Year by year the mortality
might be lessened by the sanitary knowledge diffused by women, and
the sanitary regulations their influence might establish, until from
their own little circle they could look with joy to a bright cloud of
witnesses beyond--thousands of useful lives saved to their homes and
their country through their aid!
This suggestion of important practical usefulness will give force to
the great principle involved in our College--scientific training for
women.
Interest in natural objects, careful, comprehensive observation of
them, enthusiasm for unselfish and impersonal ends, are the main
principles of scientific study--principles that would enter with
invigorating force into the mental development of every girl, that
would regenerate the life of women.
Science is no hard dry thing as some imagine; it is the earnest study
of this wonderful world around us. It will take the form of each
individual mind. In a narrow unimaginative nature it will seem hard
and dry; in a warm and loving nature it will flow into every form of
benevolent action. It might work a most beneficent change in the
relation that we all consider most sacred--the relation of a mother to
her children.
The immense force of habit, second only to the original type of
constitution, and often overpowering even the original tendencies, is,
nevertheless, formed by the silent working of influences, hour by hour
and day by day, that are invisible and cannot be measured; that seem
absolutely valueless, taken item by item, in the long account, and yet
in the aggregate they will save or ruin the body and soul. A mother may
instil the love of reading or the love of dress; she may form the habit
of out-door exercise or the habit of gossip not by the set precept or
even formal regulations, but by her own tastes unavoidably moulding the
tastes of her children, and flowing out naturally into these external
arrangements that inevitably reflect the ruling spirit or affections of
the individual. Did the mother possess a hearty interest in the wonders
of field and forest, of sea and sky, what a treasury of delightful
intercourse might be found in the varied environs of our city! A
mother’s love joined to the broad tastes and knowledge would never
weary of the ceaseless questioning of childhood; the older the child,
the closer and more influential would be the companionship. The holiday
by the sea-side or amongst the mountains, so wasted now in idleness and
frivolity, might be a rich harvest-time of delightful knowledge drawn
from the treasures of land and water.
It is, then, because of the great value that enthusiasm for natural
science would be to woman, value to the individual life, to the home
life, and to society, that I think this College will owe its greatest
interest. From the fact that it is a Medical College it will derive its
practical efficiency in cultivating a taste for science.
A lady, now world-famous, once said to me before she began her noble
career: ‘We Englishwomen can study anything under the sun that we
desire to acquire. Not the slightest obstacle is placed in the way
of our becoming learned to any extent; but any attempt to turn the
knowledge to account, to work with it, is met with the bitterest
opposition, is ridiculed, sneered at, frowned down. Yet the greatest
impetus to study, the natural issues of study, lie in some noble
career.’
It is from this tendency of human mind to pour its knowledge into some
definite form that our Medical College, with its broad practical uses,
may prove so valuable as a centre for scientific study. As it becomes
older and stronger it will spread into those collateral branches as
botany, zoology, comparative anatomy, which will form so many points
of union for the professional and non-professional. Classes would
naturally form in connection with it for nursing, sanitary visiting,
for botanical and other excursions. There is no limit to its practical
usefulness if the spirit that animates it be earnest, truthful, and
intelligent.
We enter, then, upon our college work with a bright hope that stretches
beyond the college walls into the homes and cities around; into the
higher civilization of the future as well as the present.
Our excellent Faculty, in entire accordance with these views, commence
their patient and laborious work with a sustained enthusiasm which
recognises the difficulties in our way, but is resolved to conquer
them. They share the large and liberal views of modern medicine. They
belong to no ‘pathy,’ to no narrow and bigoted sect. They are members
of that great catholic community of science which, from the ‘Father of
Medicine’ onwards, in every age and country, under the most diverse
practical forms, has sought for truth through observation, experiment
and calm deduction; has proved all things, and held fast to that which
is good.
We invite the co-operation of all in this noble work. Especially do
we invite the co-operation of women. United action is of immense
importance in so arduous an undertaking as this. We will do everything
in our power to conciliate diverse interests. Principle only must
not be sacrificed. The College must be an honest and earnest attempt
to give to women the very highest education that modern science will
afford. It is on this ground that union must take place. This school
is the only one that the profession has confidence in, the only one
it has sanctioned. It has laid its broad foundation by fifteen years
of patient work, and it will quickly rise into an edifice of noble
proportions if all friendly helpers will unite in its construction.
THE RELIGION OF HEALTH
_A Lecture delivered in 1871_
THE RELIGION OF HEALTH
The words ‘the Religion of Health’ convey a profound meaning to the
physician who has spent a lifetime in relieving physical suffering. I
will try and state what those words seem to me to imply.
Obedience to Divine law is the highest wisdom of the human race.
Wherever God’s laws are clearly visible, stamped in immutable
characters so plain that every human being who is willing to read
them can do so, then the wisdom, the happiness--nay, the simple
common-sense of the race--lies in obeying them. The first lesson every
one of us has to learn profoundly is his subjection to law. There is
no escaping this inexorable destiny. Although each one is born with
free-will, his type--the plan and pattern of his being--is born with
him also. This type is a limitation to the nature, but it is also a
guide; it is the finger of Providence showing him the road to follow
in the great wilderness of creation; it is the Divine order, according
to which each one can freely grow and expand in body and soul to the
finest proportions. True freedom consists in the voluntary choice
of this type, in the full acceptance of all its conditions, and in
the endeavour to unfold its capacities. The will may refuse this
type, may deny the laws that govern it, may seek for license in a
lawless rejection of Divine order, but it is soon arrested by endless
obstacles, and persistence in the unequal struggle will only end in
degradation and self-destruction.
We recognise a Divine law when we see it existing age after age
unchangeably, carrying order and beauty in its fulfilment; penalties,
discord, desolation, with infringement. These laws are grand in design,
beneficient in their effects--equally so, whether we observe the
marvel of parental love, or explore the wonders of the skies; whether
we clothe them in warm, human garments, indispensable to the simple,
loving heart, or frame them in the clear precision of scientific
formulæ, indispensable to the truthful mind.
If there be one law that all can clearly recognise in the existence
of the material world around us, it is the unvarying method of human
development from infancy to old age. A certain plan exists, according
to which the infant expands through childhood and youth into manhood,
and thence changes through elderly life into old age.
This plan never varies in any epoch, or race, or country. It is the
same for the lowest savage tribe as for the most cultivated race. No
effort of ours can change this unvarying sequence in human life.
This is a wonderful fact. It is so common that we hardly notice it.
Yet it is wonderful, because it is so common--so common as to be
universal. It rises, as we regard it, into the dignity of Law.
Reverence for this unity of life increases the more carefully this
strange fact, called the human body, is studied, the more fully we
understand what it is that thus remains unchanged age after age. We
speak of the body as if it were a single, simple thing, to be used as
a tool and then laid aside; but its complicated structure is a little
world in itself. As a machine, it is such a model of compactness and
ingenuity that no human skill can approach its perfection. It possesses
a twofold life--a life for itself as well as a life for our use. In its
own proper life it carries on a thousand curious operations necessary
for its growth and maintenance, quite independent of our volition or
consciousness. It contains extensive manufactories full of complicated
and delicate machinery for the production of sugar, milk, acids,
alkalies, salts; it has storehouses of iron, lime, and other chemical
substances; there are magazines where it lays up supplies against
a time of scarcity; it has its refiners and scavengers; apparatus
for warming and ventilating; it has pumps and propellers constantly
at work, and a more perfect electrical apparatus than has ever been
invented. All these remarkable operations are directed by intelligence,
working according to a plan, and combining these manifold energies
for one purpose--viz., the maintenance, during a certain period, of a
healthy human body. Besides this independent existence of its own, the
body possesses a life of relation, by means of which it is fitted to
the uses of individual and social existence. Its powers of locomotion,
its active senses, its faculty of feeling, its wonderful human hand,
and its still more wonderful human brain, all belong to this other use
of the body as an instrument for the expression of intelligence and
emotion.
Equally remarkable is the system of general unvarying laws by which
this living structure is governed. The first law we notice in
human growth is the precedence of physical over mental growth. We
observe that physical development, though never separate from mental
development, is always in advance of it. This is shown by the wonder
and delight with which the parent receives the first sign of awakening
intelligence in the young infant, the first smile, the first indication
of observation. It is the awakening mind. But every physical function
essential to life has been perfectly performed from the first moment
of birth as perfectly, according to its wants, as it will ever be
performed throughout life. This precedence of physical life continues
throughout the whole period of growth, though it strikes us less as
the years roll on, and the mind gradually assumes that mastery over
the body which should be the condition of adult life. The brain is the
last part of the body to cease growth. Every other organ is perfectly
formed, every bone consolidated, the physical organization complete,
while the mind, with its necessary organ of expression, is still
growing. I place this important fact first amongst the rules which
govern the human economy because it strikes the key-note of education;
and it is only through a thorough appreciation of this principle that
we shall beneficially change our present systems of education.
Each age has its own special method of existence; thus there are
laws for growth, for maturity, for decay. There are the great facts
of growth by exercise or use; the necessity of maintaining a just
distribution of force amongst the various parts, lest one grow at
the expense of another; the alternations of action and rest required
in every part of the economy; the varied life of different functions
which give to each its individuality and special rule; the varieties of
race, of temperament, of individual peculiarities--these will slightly
indicate the extent and variety of these unchanging laws by which our
human nature is moulded. Their importance may be realized more fully by
dwelling for a moment on one or two of them.
What may be termed the balance of power or just distribution of force
in the various parts of our physical and mental nature--according
to each individual type--is essential to the perfection of the
organization--it is, indeed, the measure of health. It is attained and
preserved by the due exercise of all the functions of our nature. In
ascertaining what is this due exercise, we observe that the different
functions of the human being are subject to varying laws of constant
or occasional action. The higher the object of a function, the wider
is its scope, the longer are the intervals of rest required, and
the more direct is its subjection to reason; it is taken from under
the control of the automatic vegetative life of the body and placed
under the direction of the central authority--Reason--Conscience.
Thus, we see the lungs, whose sole object is the physical life of the
individual, breathing day and night unceasingly, with alternate rest
and action every moment. The digestive apparatus, with longer intervals
of rest and a wider range of objects, connected with the preparation
and enjoyment of food. The senses, with their great use both to the
individual and to society, locked in slumber every night. Thus, step by
step, the plan rises to the highest functions of human nature--those
which concern the race--which, above all others, are under the dominion
of reason, and not subject to that law of constant action which
controls the lower functions.
Equally interesting is that law of our nature which determines growth
by exercise. It is a fact clearly demonstrated by modern science that
the governing organ of the human body, the brain, has distinct portions
of its structure devoted to the service of distinct faculties of the
mind. Thus the intellectual, the emotional, and the locomotive powers
work through corresponding portions of the highly organized brain.
Each faculty grows by exercise. Not only does the mental faculty
become stronger by use, but its physical organ of expression in the
brain, with its dependencies in the rest of the body, become larger
and stronger with a richer supply of blood and greater aptitude for
instantaneous action. This condition of the physical organ reacts upon
the mind, which takes greater pleasure in acting in a certain direction
when it finds the brain so keenly responsive to its impulses. If the
proper distribution of force is disturbed in any individual by the
neglect to exercise important portions of our nature, an antagonism of
faculties springs up, one part growing at the expense of another part.
Thus the emotional may destroy the intellectual life in an individual
who is subjected to undue excitement of the passions, particularly if
the type of the nature is not largely emotional. The other faculties
will rapidly lose their power. The intellect suffers, judgment is
lost, and mental confusion produced, which is really a species of
insanity. Those organs of the body, also, which are most intimately
connected with the excited portion of the brain become involved, and
their functions may be entirely deranged. The automatic power of the
human body may also assume undue control in those who yield to fancies
and caprice, and lead an unnatural and sedentary life. There is an
antagonism between this automatic force and the life of relation or
brain-life of the individual. The more the balance of powers is lost
in the human brain--reason being no longer the controlling force--the
greater becomes the power of this instinctive life of the body, the
greater its capability of answering every fanciful suggestion, and
even of exciting those suggestions. The individual may thus become the
sport of his own unbalanced faculties, and a prey to every species of
morbid hallucination.
An organization so complicated (as this human body), designed for
such manifold uses, and at the same time drawing the elements of its
existence from the external world, must be powerfully influenced
by all the circumstances which surround it. Certain physical and
mental conditions are essential to human growth, to health. Hence the
question of food and clothing, of drainage and ventilation, of human
habitations, of exercise and occupations, attain equal importance and
dignity, as essential to the fulfilment of the great changeless plan of
life.
Thus we are brought face to face with a great fixed fact, a fact which
concerns every human being during every moment of life--viz., God’s
unchanging law of human growth. This law we are called on to study, to
obey, and obedience to it is placed first in the order of human duties.
Obedience can only be rendered by study of the objects of physical
life, of its structure, its conditions, its rules. Its learning, thus
regarded, becomes sacred learning, and ignorance is criminal.
The folly and wickedness of our practical contempt for the great
laws of human growth may be measured by the penalties of suffering,
illness, and premature death attached to this neglect. This is
rendered more striking by observing, first of all, the great force of
the principle of vitality, the strong tendency to live and resist
injurious influences, which we all possess. Nothing is more remarkable
in the history of the human race than its great power of adaptability.
Scattered all over the surface of the globe, under the most varying
conditions, men still live and thrive. The cities of Cuença and Quito,
at a height of 9,600 feet above the level of the sea, possess large
and flourishing populations; so also do the cities of Holland and New
Orleans, which lie below its level. Multitudes of workmen live in the
galleries of the deepest mines, many hundred feet below the surface
of the earth, deprived of light, breathing air much more condensed,
living under a much stronger pressure than that of the ordinary
atmosphere. And, on the other hand, scientific observers have taken
up their residence for a long period on the crest of Pichincha, at an
elevation of 14,826 feet. Agassiz spent some weeks in investigations on
the Jung-Frau. Gay Lussac attained the highest elevation ever reached
by man in his balloon, 28,000 feet. All can recall the thrilling
narratives of Arctic voyagers, where the thermometer has been known to
measure 91° below zero. Contrast this with the burning sun of India,
where 120° Fahrenheit is observed; where glass is cracked by the heat.
A wide range of more than 200° of temperature, and yet the heat of the
human body maintains its steady and necessary amount, never materially
varying under the two extremes. Similiar illustrations of the power of
human nature to adapt itself to unnatural conditions might be drawn
from all the other elements necessary to life.
Notwithstanding this remarkable power of vitality, which can brave
such extreme variations in physical conditions and endure enormous
privations, careful observation all over our country presents a fearful
record of death, sickness, and physical degeneration produced by our
own social arrangements--arrangements and habits so destructive to the
human organization that they overpower even this great capability of
adaptation.
This is seen in the statistics of our towns, in the condition of our
peasant population, in our social and domestic experience.
The statistics of all our large towns demonstrate the great and
unnatural destruction of life that takes place in these centres of
civilization, where the highest medical skill is found, and placed
freely at the call of poor as well as rich. The natural death-rate at
present is 17 per thousand--_i.e._, that under the most favourable
conditions as amongst the upper classes in our healthiest cities, in
the healthiest country districts, 17 out of every thousand persons die
each year all the world over, a lower mortality being exceptional; but
the following was the death-rate of our chief cities (1868) instead
of the natural rate of 17 per thousand: Bristol, 23; London and
Birmingham, 24; Dublin, 25; Edinburgh, 27; Liverpool, 29; Glasgow,
30; Manchester, 32. That means that in London alone, in a year of no
special sickness, more than 21,000 were killed who ought to have
lived. In the British Islands an army of over 176,516 lives were
swept off unnecessarily. This is not all: a much larger proportion of
the population is always ill at one time; about 78,000 in London is
reckoned, of whom one-third are suffering from preventable diseases.
This calculation does not take into account those feeble, ailing
persons who are never more than half well, who lack strength and energy
for the daily fulfilment of duty. It is shown that in the whole of
England the people have only a mean life-time of forty-one years--not
half the term of life that seems to belong naturally to our race. Of
those who died within the year, over 134,000 were in ripe manhood; but
yet more noteworthy are the deaths under the age of twenty-five: over
242,000 perished in childhood and youth. The wholesale slaughter of
children in our civilized country is truly appalling. Out of 233,515
deaths at all ages, 94,804, or 40·60 per cent., were those of children
under five years of age.
To understand fully the grave import of these records three facts
must be noted: first, that the death-rate of a country is always
under-stated; second, that town populations increase at a much more
rapid ratio than country populations; third, that the death-rate
increases in direct proportion to the density of the population.
In proof of these three propositions let me quote from recent testimony
of our most eminent statisticians:
‘Wherever the population is increasing the amount of mortality is
under-rated in consequence of there being an excess of young people in
those numbers, which make the mortality appear lower than it really
is. The mortality of London appears much less by statistics than
it actually is; it is reduced in two ways by having a large influx
of persons at the period of age when mortality is low, and by the
departure and return of patients to the country to die, as consumptives
for instance. The causes of disease in London are excessively active,
as is seen, for instance, in the mortality of male children under
five years of age, which is about 8 per cent. (_i.e._, 80 per 1,000),
while in some of the more healthy districts it is not more than 4 per
cent.’ Again: ‘Of the 20,066,224 persons enumerated in England in
1861, nearly 11,000,000 were in the towns and 9,000,000 in villages
and country around the towns. The total population in London and 71 of
the largest towns in England was over 7,667,622, and the population in
the country and in smaller towns was over 12,398,602, so that there
are nearly eight-twentieths of the population in those 72 towns. The
total increase from 1801 to 1861 in the population of England was over
11,173,688, and one-half of that increase was in those 72 towns. It
will thus be apparent that the town population is increasing at a much
more rapid rate than the country population.’ ‘The country population
now is very nearly the same as it was in 1801. By a law, which at
present is quite constant, the mortality increases rapidly with the
density of the population. In our thinnest districts the mortality
is about 15 per 1,000; in our densest districts it ranges from 28 to
33. This relation is a constant law: where there are 179 persons to a
square mile, there the mortality is from 17 to 19; where the density
of population varies from 3,000 upwards, the mortality ranges from
26 to 33; so that under our present arrangements there is a constant
connection between the density of population and its mortality. That
connection is not necessary; our towns might be made nearly as healthy
as these country districts, having a mortality of 17 to 20.’ Of the
circumstances under which large masses of our population grow up,
another distinguished physician writes: ‘They create special diseases,
demoralize the population, and in course of generations completely
overthrow the physique of the people. It is impossible to walk through
the central streets (of this large town) without observing that you are
in contact with a population awfully degraded, both in its physical
and moral attributes; a population whose mere external characteristics
impress you at once with the idea of a depth of degradation of bad
habits growing for generations, in consequence of these arrangements.’
‘Thousands and hundreds of thousands are thus brought up.’
Turning from the towns to the agricultural population, where we have
the right to expect the fullest measure of health, we find a condition
of things which strikes an observer with dismay. The cultivators
of the soil constitute the backbone of a nation. I have carefully
observed them in America, and have learned to consider them the ruling
force of the nation; independent, thoughtful, exercising judgment and
common-sense. Again and again I have seen the corrupt or mischievous
vote of the large towns reversed or overwhelmed by the country
majorities. The condition of the peasants who cultivate the soil all
over our country presents a terrible contrast to this picture. Fever,
produced by extreme misery, seems to be endemic amongst them, sapping
their strength and stupefying their minds, when it does not kill; they
are crippled by rheumatism and destroyed by scrofula; their miserable
cottages are damp, dark, close, and overcrowded; their pitiful wages
will not supply them with decent dwelling, sustaining food, and other
necessaries of life.
Let me quote testimony from high authority given within the year: ‘As
many as ten persons are often crowded into a sleeping-room not 12 feet
square;’ ‘the external walls are too thin, the rooms too small, no
ventilation, brick or tile floors;’ ‘cottages are frequently built in
marshy situations, and by stagnant water, or at the foot of hills where
there is no free circulation of air; the spot is chosen on account
of the small value of the land and its uselessness for agricultural
purposes;’ ‘they are not able to pay what would be a fair interest on a
decent cottage.’ ‘If a new colliery is opened in an upland valley, 200,
300, or 400 cottages are built very rapidly, and they are inhabited
long before they are dry. The foundations as a rule are simply upon
the sod, which is merely turned over, and a flag is put on that sod.
There is no drainage of any kind; 40,000 to 50,000 persons will live
in houses of this kind, in one valley.’ ‘There are numbers of villages
throughout England where the people are drinking polluted water.’ ‘I
have seen no place in England in a worse condition than this village.
I have seen many native villages in South Africa, but none so bad
as this!’ Volumes might be filled with similar testimony as to the
physical state of our country population--a population whose condition
is the truest measure of a nation’s substantial strength.
There is no error so dangerous in national life as the discouragement
of honest labour. If the conditions of labour are injurious and
repulsive, whether from exhausting hours of toil, unhealthy workplaces,
squalid homes, or dreary monotony of toil, the workers of either sex
will inevitably seek relief from hopeless drudgery in the excitement of
vicious indulgences.
Our social experience joins its testimony with these statistics of
town and country, to show how widespread is this destruction of
health. Every housekeeper knows the extreme difficulty of obtaining a
healthy servant; nine-tenths of those who apply for a situation are
suffering from some chronic form of disease, which, if they belonged
to a different class of society, would place them in the list of
permanent invalids. There is no more frequent cause of the ill-health
of domestic servants than the damp and sunless rooms in which they pass
so much of their time, owing to the injurious practice of building
dwelling-houses, both in town and country, without a cellar under the
whole house, drained, and ventilated from side to side. No room is fit
for human habitation which has not a six-foot cellar, dry, with ample
through ventilation underneath it. It seems surprising that, in a damp
climate like ours, with rheumatism and scrofula prevailing everywhere,
this necessity has not been perceived.
It is often thought that sanitary knowledge means chiefly ventilation,
food, and drainage; that it applies only to the lower classes, and
that we must await the action of Government to build better houses
and otherwise deal with the gigantic question of pauperism. This is a
profound mistake. Health depends upon the observance of all the laws
of our complex nature; it applies to the mind as well as the body.
A deteriorating influence which proceeds from within is more to be
dreaded than one that comes from without. The nervous system (from
mental or physical causes) may be completely shattered, leaving the
individual a wreck. The senses (from mental or physical causes) may
be rendered so craving and irritable that the noble proportion of the
nature is lost. An hysterical, feeble person is an unhealthy one;
equally unhealthy is a coarse, brutal one. In either case, health, in
the true meaning of the word, is thoroughly impaired. Those classes of
society who are able to command every physical appliance that wealth
will purchase are often, from their kind of suffering, more dangerously
diseased than the labouring classes. I need only mention the spread of
luxury, the delay of marriage, the frail progeny of unsuitable unions,
to show how inextricably the mind and body are blended in all that
concerns health.
The highest authority on this subject thus condenses the lessons of his
great work on health: ‘Hygiene is based upon the physical and moral
perfectibility of man, of which it furnishes the proof.’ ‘Health may be
described in two words--morality, competence.’
The general deterioration of health prevailing in all classes and
both sexes is most strikingly seen amongst women. It is proved by the
increase of nervous and special diseases, the prevalence of scrofula
by general fragility of constitution, and inability to bear the
unavoidable burdens of life.
The health of the mass of educated women is a matter of serious
national concern. These women form the heart of the nation, they mould
its family life, they create society, they exercise an unbounded
influence on the lower classes. If the health of the mother breaks down
family happiness is destroyed; so if the health of this class of a
people is deteriorated the welfare of the nation is imperilled both in
the present and the future.
Young parents enter upon the heavy responsibilities of family life
in deplorable ignorance of their duties to one another and to their
children. As parents, it is their first duty to secure right conditions
of health for the infant, for the child, and for youth, until they
leave the parental roof. Each age demands a varying set of conditions,
which become continually more complicated as the necessities of the
mind increase in proportion to the physical wants. The conditions that
will keep an infant in perfect health will not suffice to secure the
health of the boy or girl of fifteen. As a weak stomach will impair the
temper, so a vacant or corrupt mind will injure the body. Comprehensive
knowledge is needed to embrace the wants of every age, and such
knowledge all parents should possess.
In seeking the cause of this destruction and deterioration of
life, thus briefly stated, we find it in the universal ignorance
or neglect of the Divine laws of human growth. We find this
neglect and disobedience equally among rich and poor, learned and
unlearned, religious and worldly, in individual life, in business
enterprise. The fevers of the poor, the hysteria of the luxurious, the
indigestion of the learned, the devastation of our mining districts,
equally show contempt for the wonderful organization which God has
made--indifference to the conditions which He has clearly laid down as
essential to its welfare.
One of the most important problems of the present time is how to embody
the sanitary knowledge which we possess in the life of the nation so
that a higher standard of health may be gained by the present and
succeeding generations.
The solution of this great problem must be attempted in many
directions. It must be sought in the power of legislative action, in
the wide-spreading influence of education, and in the strength of
social combination.
The part which legislation should take in promoting national health
demands serious consideration. Legislation is the human imitation, or
visible representation, of the greatest facts in the universe--law,
and it derives from this representative character its immense power in
moulding the mind and habits of a people; for, as the Divine laws of
the human organization limit its powers and direct its modes of action,
so the human laws which rule a people determine their modes of thought
and their relations to one another. Legislation, therefore, not only
represents the life of the present generation, but is the most powerful
educator of the rising generation. Every law contains this latent
power hidden within it, and so often overlooked. In every subject
of legislation, whether it be the most trifling village regulation
or the gravest international question, there are principles hidden
behind the facts which induced legislation, and it is the attitude
that legislation assumes towards those hidden principles, which stamps
its character as good or evil, which makes the human law obedient or
disobedient to Divine law.
The health of a nation is a most important concern of a wise
government. No other agency can act with such extensive and combined
power. But much wise caution is needed in dealing with such a subject
as national health. Human agencies are very imperfect, and much has
to be learned as to the right way of dealing with most important
subjects of health legislation. If the authorities introduce a supply
of pure water into a village suffering from typhoid fever they do a
righteous thing. They deal with causes. By careful investigation they
have collected a body of facts which prove that impure water will
produce typhoid fever. In this act of introducing a supply of good
water there are many principles enfolded. Thus they destroy the cause
of a great evil; they express approbation of that good thing--pure
water; they educate the people into liking it; they show them, through
experience, the blessings that flow from it. They thus render obedience
to Divine law by their legislation. But it is very different if they
attempt to regulate a village gin-shop. Gin, as a drink, is always bad,
whether adulterated or not, and, in dealing with the greatest evil
that afflicts our country--the curse of drink--legislation must adopt
the same course that it did for typhoid fever: it must patiently and
persistently accumulate the facts which will show what produces this
dangerous disease of drinking.
Divine law rewards the good (_i.e._, the obedient), punishes the bad
(_i.e._, the disobedient), swiftly, surely, inexorably, no matter at
what cost or pain; and human law must never temporize with evil,
neither directly nor indirectly sanction it, or it loses its character
of law and becomes simply blind or blundering expediency. In dealing
with evils legislation is bound to investigate the causes of evil and
attack them. Herein lies the superiority of legislative over individual
effort--that it is able to accumulate that body of varied facts
through which causes can be clearly ascertained and the attention of
the community directed to them. It is only on this sound basis that
wise legislative measures can be framed; only in this way that great
questions of national health can be judiciously dealt with.
Our English Government--in advance of every other nation--is learning
to recognise this great function of legislation, and is gradually
accumulating such a storehouse of facts as will render comprehensible
measures of wise statesmanship possible. The mass of the people,
however, must become sufficiently intelligent to support such measures.
The difficulties which now stand in the way of health improvements
from want of this intelligence, are inconceivable to those who have
not considered the subject. No matter whether the health improvement
suggested be great or small--whether it be the redemption of a lovely
mountain river, whose sparkling waters have been turned into a black
source of pollution, or a swamp that ought to be drained, or a poor
cottage that needs the introduction of fresh air--there is always
the same opposition and misconception. Thus a short-sighted view
of expense will excite furious opposition from small ratepayers and
ignorant farmers, even to the most necessary measures--measures which
would rapidly diminish the poor-rates and increase the prosperity of
a place. Incompetent men or poorly paid men are appointed to carry
out Health Acts, or timid men, afraid to excite ill-will in the
neighbourhood. The Acts thus become a dead-letter, or lawsuits are
instituted against improvements, harassing and even destroying local
health boards. Large proprietors enclose the commons, farm out their
estates to agents, and thus neglect the duties which are inseparable
from rights. The same ignorance which opposes such endless obstacles to
the establishment of sanitary improvements often defeats the best laid
plans when they are carried out, and proves, if proof were necessary,
that a people must be educated to appreciate laws before the objects
which those laws were intended to effect can be accomplished.
Much confusion also at present arises from patch-work legislation that
has not been based on sound principles. This is shown by the present
Acts regulating towns: ‘A recent edition of the laws affecting health
and sanitary affairs gives the text of fifteen Acts relating to health,
diseases prevention, nuisances, local government, sewage, and kindred
subjects; twelve Acts consolidating provisions as to towns, lands,
markets, police, loans, bakehouses, etc. The public health and local
government supplemental Acts are twenty-nine in number, while the laws
treated by the work are affected by not less than 296 public general
statutes, which the author tabulates in the index as being referred
to in the text. No lawyer can grasp these enactments save by great
research, much less can a man who has his own business affairs to look
after.’
The sanitary investigations carried on by the Privy Council and other
government bodies, the labours of the Royal Commission appointed to
inquire into the condition of the poor, etc., cannot be overestimated;
but none feel more strongly than the very men who are carrying on
these measures the necessity of effort in other directions--directions
where the co-operation of every member of society is needed--viz., in
education and in domestic and social life.
We now possess enough sanitary knowledge to reform the physical and
moral condition of the human race if it were generally diffused and
its rules systematically applied. Scientific investigations and the
knowledge of hygienic laws are far in advance of the practices of
daily life. The knowledge is within our reach, which, if employed,
would save the lives of tens of thousands of human beings around us,
keep this army of sick in vigorous health, and make our homes the
precious centres of ennobling influence that they are intended to be.
We fail, however, in the means of diffusing and putting into practice
the substantial knowledge which scientific observation has laid before
us. The first duty, therefore, which rests upon us all is an endeavour
to secure the universal diffusion of sanitary knowledge. As every
human being in the British Isles should know how to read and write, so
every human being should be taught that health is a duty, and shown
how to secure it. Sanitary teaching (varying, of course, in its style)
should be introduced into every school and college in the kingdom--in
the common school, in Oxford and Cambridge equally, into every series
of lectures, whether at the Royal Institution or the South Kensington
Museum, into every Working Man’s Institute, and into every medical and
every theological seminary.
Above all other classes of men, it is certainly important that
physicians and medical men generally should be thoroughly educated
in sanitary knowledge. The authority which they possess, and their
opportunities for instilling this knowledge when families are keenly
alive to the dangers of illness, would give them greater success as
health missionaries than any other class of society. But medical men
are not taught that it is equally their duty to prevent disease as to
cure it; and their attention is not, therefore, sharpened to observe
and to deprecate the numerous habits in family life which tend to
produce disease. There are but two chairs of hygiene established in
connection with our medical schools, and attendance upon those lectures
is not obligatory--_i.e._, is not essential to the attainment of a
degree. Every practical instructor knows that the press of studies is
so great that the student always neglects whatever is not absolutely
necessary to his success. One of the most beneficial changes that
could be introduced into medical education would be the establishment
of hygiene as a first-class chair, of equal importance with anatomy,
a searching examination in its teachings being indispensable to the
attainment of any degree which gives authority to attend the sick.
Almost equally important is the introduction of sanitary instruction
into theological seminaries. The clergy generally seem to be sadly
ignorant of the laws of health. The powerful and legitimate influence
which they exercise would be more valuable if it were not so one-sided.
If the clergy all over the land, who command a mighty army of parish
visitors, could show those visitors the direct and positive connection
between pure blood (made out of food, light, and air) and pure thought,
what a revolution would be wrought in every country village! But the
clergy themselves must be educated in such knowledge, for it is not
simply intellectual assent, but a thorough realization of it that is
necessary. The same knowledge is as necessary to our schoolmasters. No
one is fit to direct the education of youth who does not perceive the
difference between the young and the old, and suit education to the
child’s nature and not to his own. The kind of studies, their variety,
frequent movement, and change, the arrangement of schoolrooms, the
unlimited supply of fresh air, the playground, etc., must all be based
upon an acquaintance with sanitary knowledge, which would be a proper
subject for examinations and certificates.
The education of children and youth in Health is a subject in which
women are especially concerned. It is a large subject; it demands
not only the introduction of sound sanitary instruction suitable for
different ages into all our schoolrooms and colleges, but the creation
of a love of such knowledge and the habit of its practical application.
But this is not all: our great need--education in Health--implies the
confirming and improving the health by means of education. It is not
sufficient that the course of studies laid down for children and youth
should not injure them--it is also necessary that it should do them
positive physical good; they should be stronger, better, and brighter
for the hours spent in technical education, or there is something wrong
in the plan of education. If lessons produce headache, lassitude,
inactivity of functions, if they make children pale, quiet, spiritless,
then the lessons are bad; they have done the children an injury, no
matter how slight the evil effect appears to be each day; and the
injury cannot be remedied by sending them out to play and repeating the
same process day after day. A wrong cannot be made right by constantly
committing it and then endeavouring to repair it. It cannot be too
strongly urged that, unless the plan of education adopted with children
does them a positive physical good in all its details, it does them a
positive physical harm; it cannot be neutral. This is also true of the
youth in college or boarding-school. The same principle is applicable:
if the course of study is not positively beneficial to the bodily
organization, it is positively injurious. The over-taxed brain cannot
be righted by boating and cricketing. The rules which apply to the
fully-formed adult organization do not apply to the growing youth, and
it could be clearly shown how much moral, as well as physical, harm
arises from our failure to recognise the radical difference between the
youthful and adult natures.
Education in Health, therefore--not simply theoretic instruction--is
what we need to make our children stronger; and it requires such a
reverence for health on the part of educators that there shall be a
constant endeavour to make every part of instruction strengthen the
physical as well as mental nature.
In seeking the best means of imparting sanitary instruction to youth
we find that a certain preparation is necessary before anything like
a full and direct hygienic education can be given. This preparation
must be laid in childhood. A knowledge of the structure and functions
of the human body is indispensable; yet young women generally shrink
with repugnance from physiological instruction for which they have not
been prepared. All reference to bodily functions is unpleasant to them.
They have never learned to respect the laws of their organization, and
they turn from the subject of physical structure as very repugnant, or
a great bore. The tastes of children, however, are of a very different
character; the intellect, as shown in untiring curiosity and incessant
questioning, is predominant in childhood, and taste for any study
may then be formed. Children will receive the elements of comparative
and human anatomy and physiology, learn to handle bones and examine
structure, not only without disgust, but with extreme interest; and
they may thus be prepared for the fuller instruction which they should
receive as youths. Everything should be done to cultivate the taste
for natural history and science that is latent in almost every child.
Their fondness for animals indicates this taste, and the care of
animals should be encouraged and directed. The manual of physiology in
every schoolroom should be pleasantly written, well printed, and with
abundant illustrations. Bright, well-drawn pictures, clean and fresh
specimens, shelves and little boxes for collections, should be provided.
To the intellectual training which results in the formation of tastes
the formation of healthy habits of life must be added. These habits
should be formed without, in general, giving any reason for them.
Children should not be taught to reason on matters of Health. They
utterly lack the power of proportion which is essential to reason, and
they run the risk of becoming morbidly conscientious or hypochondriacal
if compelled to reason on these practical matters. It is very important
that they should go to sleep early, eat simple food, live in fresh air,
and take a great deal of out-door exercise, but it is not desirable
that they should know too early why they do these things. The proper
time for reasoning on these habits has not arrived, but the healthy
habits early formed will gradually become a part of their nature.
Habits of self-control and obedience to rules are also an essential
part of the moral hygiene of childhood; they prepare the nature for the
intelligent obedience to law which should come in later years. Children
should not be worried with unimportant observances. The precepts which
it is necessary to give them will make more impressions if they are
not too numerous; the rules laid down must be wise rules; children
are trustful, and their trust must never be abused. If, as they grow
older, they learn to recognise the wisdom of the obedience that has
been exacted, they will escape that dangerous scepticism which so often
comes to youth, who find that their intellectual and moral guides have
cheated their youthful trust. Intellectual tastes, healthy habits, and
obedience to law being thus formed in childhood, the youth is prepared
for that full instruction in health which is adapted to the period
where reason is developed.
For the education of youth in health--_i.e._, in physical strength--and
in sanitary knowledge and habits a training college seems to be
urgently needed. The acquisition of knowledge, enthusiasm for the
study, and a practical realization of it must go hand in hand.
Modifications may doubtless be gradually introduced into the ordinary
plan of family and school instruction. But if, under the present system
of schoolroom discipline, we attempt to instruct young ladies in
the laws of health, we are called on to contend with insurmountable
obstacles, not only with an utter indifference to all subjects of
health and repugnance to many topics connected with it, but with
enfeebled powers from a neglected or misdirected childhood, and with
vitiated tastes from the substitution of artificial excitements for
natural healthy enjoyments; it is also impossible to find the necessary
number of teachers inspired with that respect for Divine laws which
would give them insight into matters of health and the true order of
education. This combination of difficulties makes the task of education
in health almost a hopeless one, unless the individual be placed in a
fresh educational atmosphere where the objects and methods of education
are entirely changed. Health education should train the body--of which
the brain forms part--into well-balanced strength, giving full command
of the various faculties and power to meet the demands of future life.
To accomplish this work the hearty co-operation of the individual
is essential; such education cannot be forced from without: it must
be accepted by the will. All the mixed motives which act upon human
nature are needed to vanquish indifference and excite enthusiasm: large
and beautiful arrangements in building and grounds; the sympathy of
numbers; the stimulus of honours and rewards; the increased prospect
of establishment in life. All the motives which act upon young men,
stimulating their zeal in college life, are also needed by young women.
The natures, if not identical, are strictly parallel. The broad rules
applicable in one case are applicable in the other, and success in
education can only be attained when it is adapted to the one common
human nature.
Education in health would be best attained by giving prominence to the
following subjects: First, the practical study of natural science,
including sketching from nature. Second, the practical study of
hygiene, which would include the structure and management of houses
and households. Third, the direct training of the bodily powers in
precision, agility, and strength.
1. The importance of the practical study of natural science in the
education of youth can hardly be too strongly urged. The love of
nature when strengthened by a knowledge of nature gives occupation,
amusement, mental and physical development of the best kind; it is
an antidote to the morbid influences of fashion and dissipation; it
hinders the premature development of function; it furnishes a basis
of intellectual companionship between the sexes, and would prove
invaluable to a mother in the education of her children. The power
of habits formed in children by their parents are second only to the
original type of constitution, and often overpower even the original
tendencies; these habits are nevertheless formed by the silent working
of influences, hour by hour and day by day, that are invisible and
cannot be measured, that seem valueless, taking item by item in the
long account, and yet in the aggregate they mould body and soul. A
mother may instil the love of reading or the love of dress, she may
form the habit of outdoor exercise or the habit of gossip, not by set
precept or even formal regulations, but by her own tastes unavoidably
moulding the tastes of her children, and flowing out naturally
into those external arrangements that reflect the ruling spirit or
affections of the individual. Did the mother possess a hearty interest
in the wonders of field and forest, of sea and sky, what a treasury
of delightful intercourse might be found in every country ramble! A
mother’s love, joined to broad tastes and knowledge, would never weary
of the ceaseless questioning of childhood; the older the child, the
closer and more influential would be the companionship. The holiday by
the sea-side or amongst the mountains, so often wasted in idleness or
frivolity, might be a rich harvest-time of delightful knowledge drawn
from the treasures of land and water.
It is the outdoor study of science and art that must be insisted on
with the young--the cultivation of the powers of observation rather
than memory--which powers compel the exercise of the muscles and
senses. The guiding principle of health education is to follow the
order of nature, and place the strengthening of the physical powers
not independently of, but in advance of, the mental powers. If the
order is reversed, and the immature mind be allowed to tyrannize over
the immature body, and disturb the proportion of Nature’s work by
withdrawing too much creative force to the exclusive stimulus of the
mind, the true relations of mind and body can never be restored, the
adult will never receive that ready and capable service that the body
should render to the mind. In thus urging the paramount importance
of some branches of study, particularly in a girl’s education, it
is not intended to exclude all others. Many accomplishments, as
well as various branches of knowledge, may be taught in such a way
as to conduce to physical and mental health, and all studies may
be so arranged and subordinated as to be innocuous. The principle
here insisted on is that those studies must predominate and lead in
the education of youth which most fully require the exercise of the
physical as well as mental nature in their pursuit.
2. The direct study of hygiene involves so large a range of
profoundly interesting subjects that it is difficult to display its
full importance in a condensed sketch. The creation of a healthy
happy home (which all will allow is the legitimate work of a woman)
requires comprehensive knowledge. The structure and arrangements of a
house adapted to the climate, soil, and wants of a family, including
drainage, ventilation, warming, economy of labour; the management
of a household in relation to individual wants and to society,
including the subjects of food and waste, domestic service, petty
trading, the care of the sick and prevention of disease, occupations
and amusements--these and many other topics belong directly to the
formation of a noble Christian home. These are subjects that men
and women have a direct personal interest in. They may be taught in
graduation with abundant illustration. The examination of economic
museums, exercise in the inspection of houses and neighbourhoods, etc.,
should be added for advanced students. Every method should be used to
impress facts on the memory and excite personal interest. To this end
a system of rewards would be useful, whether of prizes or honours.
There seems to be no reason why honorary degrees, scholarships, and
fellowships should not be bestowed for proficiency in knowledge that
relates to the health of mankind, as well as for distinction in
classical and mathematical study.
3. The third subject of education in Health is the direct cultivation
of the various bodily powers in strength, agility, and grace. This
culture presupposes close attention to the weak points in the health
of each individual student--those tendencies to disease which exist
at present in every person. All will have remarked that the same
morbid cause, applied to half a dozen people, will produce varying
effects, according to individual peculiarities; thus, a current of cold
air applied when the body is over-heated may cause either catarrh,
bronchitis, neuralgia, rheumatism, intestinal derangement, according
to the individual susceptibility. Youthful vitality masks, but does
not cure, weak tendencies, unless those tendencies are known, and the
exuberant vitality be especially directed to their cure. This season
of life is, however, particularly favourable to such cure. Nature will
never again present so valuable an opportunity of remodelling the
constitution. A doctor of health or preventive medicine, who shall
become acquainted with the constitution of each student and determine
how far exercise must be modified to meet individual peculiarities, is
an indispensable member of the faculty of any college that undertakes
to educate in Health. With this observation and caution modern
gymnastics and exercise in various forms will become an invaluable part
of education. The muscles of the body are capable of the same careful
training as the senses. As the eye and hand in painting, or the ear
and hand in music, require long and careful practice to acquire skill,
so the great variety of delicate or powerful muscles in the human body
require careful exercise to draw forth the varied powers that belong
to them. The ordinary movements of life do not call forth half these
powers. As the large majority of people go through life with only an
imperfect use of their lungs, from the constraint of clothing and
sedentary habits, which weaken the thoracic muscles, so it is with
other organs, and imperfect muscular action and weakened health is the
result.
The principles of education which are thus laid down are the following,
viz.: a constant observance of the order of human growth, the selection
of studies that will carry out this order, habits and arrangements of
college life that will enforce it, direct instruction in the necessary
conditions of health, and careful training of the body. It is giving
to education the grandest of all objects--use, which, if properly
understood, includes the highest and most permanent culture of which
the individual is capable. Were our beautiful sea-coasts studded with
such colleges, with their wonderful playgrounds washed twice a day
by the Atlantic waves, furnishing endless treasures for the eager
gatherers, enthusiasm for health-giving studies would grow up in the
youthful mind, and a stronger generation mould a nobler society.
The establishment of sanitary improvements by Government, and the
remodelling of education, are not the only means by which we must
seek to obey those Divine laws which are implanted in our nature.
Every class of society, every institution--in short, our whole social
life--needs to be re-born into the idea of health. The customs to which
we all conform, whether rich or poor, the standards by which we measure
success in life, and the means by which we seek to reach it, are all
opposed to the idea of health. The hours we keep, our dress, our food,
the excitements and strain of life, are injurious alike to mind and
body. The deeper we look into the structure and state of society, the
more serious are the effects of the general neglect of the laws of
human growth. Practical life now is a cruel foe to pure enthusiastic
youth; purity and enthusiasm are alike destroyed by the corrupt and
faithless society into which they enter. We preach one standard of
right; we practise another. We exact a superhuman effort from our
children when, surrounded by temptations, we tell them not to fall
into evil habits; we require an impossible thing when we expect them,
as social beings, to do what is right when society does what is wrong.
The diffusion, therefore, of sanitary knowledge through all classes of
adult society is as necessary as the remodelling of education. It is
through the gradual diffusion of this knowledge that combinations of
individuals may be formed who will be strong enough to put down some of
the senseless and injurious customs that now pervade society.
This principle of combination may wield a great and increasing power
for good. Departure from any established custom by a single individual
is an eccentricity, but the union of fifty for the same purpose will
exercise a decided influence, and a hundred resolute men and women form
a social power in the State. It is encouraging to recognise the power
that might be exerted by such a band resolved to carry out the ‘Laws of
Health’ in their daily lives!
There is only one form of combination, however, that I shall venture to
suggest, and whose utility I think will be at once apparent.
I refer to the formation of a National Health Society.[23] Such
a society seems to be much needed--needed to give combination,
direction, and impulse to the efforts of individuals; to form a
storehouse of information to which all could apply; to assist health
legislation by looking at this great subject from a family point of
view, and educating the community into an intelligent appreciation of
wise legislative measures; to attack such a great and growing evil as
that of unconsumed smoke; to suggest improvements in education, and
draw every charitable institution into health missionary work. Every
other subject of human interest is represented by some society, more or
less active, which takes up the social side of each particular work and
urges its claims. It seems characteristic of the general neglect with
which Health is treated that no national society of men and women has
yet been formed to promote this vital subject--Health.
Such a society should extend its branches into every town and village
of the land, and form a body of corresponding members, not only
throughout the kingdom, but abroad. It might, with great advantage,
promote the wide application of that excellent system of instruction
initiated by Mr. Twining, of Twickenham. This gentleman has devoted
his life to the diffusion of sanitary knowledge. Having established
a museum of domestic arts in his grounds, open to the public, he has
written a series of lectures, which are read by the curator of his
museum and illustrated by his librarian, the illustrations for each
lecture being ingeniously packed in a small box; he generously sends
this little establishment to any place which will make arrangements
for the delivery of the lectures. Such a system, varying the lectures
and illustrations, might be applied to every little village in England,
for two young ladies or gentlemen might certainly be found in every
place to read discourses so prepared. If a Health Society did no other
work than keep in constant activity such a simple plan of instruction
as this, it would do a work of immense utility. There is, however, no
limit to the practical suggestions that might thus be brought before
the public to the influence that might be exercised upon family life,
or to the sanitary institutions that might be formed by an energetic
Health Society.
I have thus endeavoured to show:
1. That there are laws governing human growth according to an
unvarying plan.
2. That neglect to study and obey these laws produces individual
suffering in all classes of society and national degeneration.
3. That obedience must be rendered through legislation, education, and
social life.
It is only when we have learned to recognise that God’s law for the
human body is as sacred as--nay, is one with--God’s law for the human
soul, that we shall begin to understand the Religion of Health.
FOOTNOTES:
[23] The same year (1871) at a drawing-room meeting held in Dr.
Blackwell’s house the National Health Society was formed, which has its
offices at 53, Berners Street, London, W.--EDITOR.
BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD.
Transcriber’s Notes
Page 57: “theories of bateriology” changed to “theories of bacteriology”
Page 127: “an acknowleged authority” changed to “an acknowledged
authority”
Page 178: “herioc efforts” changed to “heroic efforts”
Page 208: “thay will save” changed to “they will save”