MY INTERVIEW WITH THE KING OF SPAIN
Neutrals--how obsolete the word seems!
Yet there are some nations in Europe which will remain neutral no
matter how great the hardship. How much this is due to inherent
weaknesses of government, fears that the people may acquire too
much of the infectious spirit of liberalism that war brings and
thereby overthrow royalty, is hard to judge. But I must say that
Kaiserism has omitted no word or act to impress upon the royalty
of those countries, which might otherwise be inclined to aid the
entente, the advantages to them of keeping out of the war unless
they become allies of Germany.
You will meet Kaiserism in Spain and the other neutral countries
of Europe as much as you will in Austria or Bulgaria or Turkey. I
do not mean that Spain, for instance, is by any means an ally of
Germany, but I do mean that the German propagandist has had free
rein.
I shall never forget the fact that the King of Spain, during my
talk with him, remarked: "Remember that while I am King of Spain,
I am also an Austrian Archduke."
And not only is the King of Spain by descent and in the right of
his father an Archduke of Austria but his mother was an Austrian
Princess of the House of Hapsburg. Study, for the moment, the
genealogy of the King and Queen of Spain and you will see how
royalty is inter-related in this war.
The Queen of Spain was brought up at the court of the late Queen
Victoria of England and is a Battenberg princess. In 1823,
Alexander, Prince of Hesse and the Rhine, took in morganatic
marriage a Countess von Hauke. He made her Countess of Battenberg
and in 1858 she was given the title by the ruler of Hesse, of
Princess Battenberg, her children and their descendants to take
the same title. One of these Battenbergs, descendants of Countess
von Hauke, married Beatrice, daughter of Queen Victoria, and the
daughter of the marriage is the present Queen of Spain, who just
before her marriage to Alfonso was created a Royal Highness by
King Edward VII. Queen Victoria Eugenia has become quite Spanish.
With a mantilla on her head, she attends bull fights and is very
popular.
The father of Alfonso XIII, Alfonso XII, was very intimate with
the German Court. In 1883, he visited the old Emperor William I
in Germany and accepted the colonelcy of a Uhlan regiment then in
garrison in Strassburg, one of the towns taken from France in
1870. On his return journey he stopped in Paris and was the
object of a popular demonstration so violent that the President
of France and his ministers called in a body to apologise.
Shortly thereafter the Crown Prince (later Emperor) Friedrich
paid a visit to Spain and an intimacy was maintained between the
two courts.
It is the inclination of those in the king business to keep
together and a tradition of Prussia that fellow Kings must be
sustained and, if possible, maintained against democracy. That's
why the Kaiser finds reciprocal sympathy in Spain.
Our popular Ambassador, Mr. Willard, and his staff, with a
representative of the Spanish Foreign Office, met us at the
station at Madrid on my arrival from Paris.
Madrid is a handsome city, comparatively modern. From its highest
point the great Royal Palace dominates the capital and from the
palace the royal park stretches unbroken to the Guadarrama
mountains sixty miles away.
In many respects Spain seems a land upside down. We arrived at
Madrid just at the close of the Carnival season. Masked balls
began at three in the afternoon and many theatres not until ten
or even eleven at night. Madrid sleeps late. The rich people get
up only in time for lunch. The streets are full of noise and
people until four in the morning, the sellers of lottery tickets
making special efforts to swell the volume of night sounds.
My visit to the King of Spain was at eleven in the morning.
Ambassador Willard went with me. As we entered the palace and
waited at the foot of an elevator, the car descended and one of
the little Princes of Spain, about eight years old, dressed in a
sailor suit, stepped out. Evidently he had been trained in royal
urbanity for he immediately came up to us, shook hands and said,
"Buenos dias."
And as we strolled down a long corridor where Palace guards in
high boots and cocked hats stood guard with halberds in their
hands another little Prince, about eleven, also in a sailor suit,
came out of a room and walked ahead of us; behind followed two
nuns, walking side by side at a respectful distance. As he
appeared in the corridor one of the guards stamped his halberd on
the floor, calling out in Spanish, "Turn out the guard--the
Infant of Spain." And in the guardroom at the end of the corridor
the guards, forming in line, clashing their arms, did honour to
the baby Prince.
Ambassador Willard and I waited in the great, splendid room of
the Palace. Inside, priests and officers, ladies, officials,
diplomats, were waiting to present petitions or pay homage to
their King. Outside in the court yard, the guard was being
changed, infantry, cavalry and artillery all being represented. A
tuneful band played during the ceremony of guard mount, which was
witnessed by crowds of poor folk who are permitted to enter the
Palace precincts as spectators.
While waiting I was presented to the Archbishop of Toledo, head
of the Spanish Church, resplendent in his gorgeous ecclesiastical
robes. Finally a court official came and said that I was to go
into the King alone; that Mr. Willard was to see him later.
I found King Alfonso in a small room about twenty by fourteen
feet. He wore a brown business suit, a soft shirt and soft
collar fastened by a gold safety pin--quite the style of dress of
an American collegian. He is tall and well built.
The King speaks perfect English--without a trace of accent. After
we had talked a few moments, I noted the difference between
Teuton and Latin, the vast abyss which separates the polite and
courteous Spaniard, thinking of others, anxious to be hospitable,
and the rough, conceited, aggressive Junker of Germany. How often
have I found that we ourselves, although good hearted and easy
going, in comparison with our friends in South and Central
America, do not measure up to the standards of Castilian
courtesy.
Some one knocked at the door and King Alfonso rose and answered.
He returned with odd looking implements in his hands which I soon
discovered to be an enormous silver cocktail shaker and two
goblets. After a dexterous shake, the King poured out two large
cocktails, saying, "I understand that you American gentlemen
always drink in the morning."
I had not had a cocktail for years and if I had endeavoured to
assimilate the drink so royally prepared for me I should have
been in no condition to continue the conversation. I think King
Alfonso himself was quite relieved when, after a sip, I put my
cocktail behind a statue. I noticed that he camouflaged his in a
similar manner.
Unfortunately, as Maximilian Harden said, the Germans think of us
as a land of dollars, trusts and corruption; and other nations
think of us as devotees of the cocktail and of poker. Their
school boys dream of fighting Indians in Pittsburg and hunting
buffalo in the deserts of the Bronx.
The characteristic of Alfonso which impresses one immediately is
that of extreme manliness. He has a sense of humour that will
save him from many a mishap in his difficult post. He has a wide
knowledge of men and affairs and, above all, as the Spaniards
would put it, is _muy español_ (very Spanish), not only in
appearance but in his way of looking at things, a Spaniard of the
best type, a Spaniard possessing industry and ambition and
bravery, a Spaniard, in fact, of the days when Spain was supreme
in the world. His favourite sport is polo, which he plays very
well. Indeed, the game, which requires dash, quickness of
thought, nerve and good riding, is particularly suited to the
Spanish character. The King showed at the time of the anarchistic
outbreaks, that he was a brave man. Yet he must be careful at all
times to remember that he is a constitutional king, that in a
country like Spain leadership is dangerous, that he should always
rather stand aside, let the representatives of the nation decide,
thus taking no definite position himself. A king who abandons the
council table to shoot pigeons or play polo is often acting with
far more wisdom than a constitutional ruler who attempts by the
use of his strong personality and lofty position to force upon
his councillors a course which the majority of them do not
recommend.
The Spaniards are politically an exacting people. But it is to
be hoped that they will not turn the heavy artillery of their
criticism upon a king who serves them so gracefully and well.
The king has a natural desire to take a prominent part in the
negotiations for peace, but here again is dangerous ground for
him. He should be given a part, if possible, in the preliminaries
of peace, but while I believe that he sympathises with one of the
Entente countries, the Allies are forced to recognise the fact of
which he himself reminded me, that he is not only King of Spain,
but Archduke of one of the Central Empires, the son of an
Austrian Archduchess.
The king told me that he was most desirous that American capital
should become interested in the development of Spain. He did not
tell me the reason for this desire but perhaps he fears that if
German capital should take a great part in the development of
industrial Spain that the tentacles of the German propaganda and
spy system which go hand in hand with her commercial invaders
would wrap themselves around the commercial, social and political
life of Spain.
Perhaps King Alfonso, when he wishes capital other than German to
become interested in Spain, is thinking of the occurrences of
1885, when Spain and Germany so nearly clashed. In that year the
crew of a German warship hoisted the flag of the German Empire on
the island of Yap, one of the Carolina group, an island long
claimed by Spain. The act so stirred the people of Spain that a
great meeting was held in Madrid, attended by over one hundred
thousand people. Later the mob attacked the German Embassy and
Consulate, tore down the shield and flag staff of the Consulate
and burned them in the principal square of Madrid. In the end,
Spain was compelled to humbly apologise to Germany for the insult
to the German Ambassador.
Some years before the war the King sent to this country a special
emissary to interest American capital in Spain. Means of
transportation are very meagre. Great mineral districts are as
yet undeveloped and many other opportunities for foreign capital
present themselves.
I asked the Spaniards why Spain was not developed by Spanish
capital and they told me that the rich put all their money in
government bonds and lived as gaily as possible on the interest.
Our own Government, whether Democratic or Republican, must always
be careful to see that taxes are not so high as to prevent the
naturally enterprising American from risking part of his capital
in new ventures and such protection must be given to American
citizens that they will continue to try their luck at business in
foreign countries for the immediate benefit, of course, of
themselves, but also for the commercial supremacy of the United
States.
The American who goes to Mexico and there develops a railroad or
a plantation, a commercial business, a bank or a mine, is not
only adding to the wealth of Mexico, but any money which he makes
after paying his due share of taxes there, is brought back by him
to the United States, is subject to taxation, and by just so
much not only lightens the tax burden of other Americans, but
adds to the power in trade of the whole country.
A business man who is taxed too much on any profits that he makes
will, like the Spaniard, invest his capital in Government bonds.
He will stop taking up new enterprises because if he loses no one
compensates him for his loss, while if he wins most of his profit
is taken in taxes by the State.
I do not think that the Spanish harbour any spirit of revenge
against us because of the events of the Spanish-American war.
There was nothing in that war to arouse particular resentment. No
one used poison gas, or enslaved women or cut off the hands of
babies. On our side, at least, there was an intense admiration
for the splendid, chivalrous bravery of our enemies. Spain was,
in reality, benefited by the loss of Cuba and the Philippines; in
fact, they were practically lost to her before we entered the
war. Thinking Spaniards believe the war with America benefited
Spain; and the lower classes rejoice because their sons and
husbands are not forced to serve in the Spanish Army in the
fever-laden swamps of the tropics.
On the war Spain is hopelessly divided: Conservative, against
Conservative; Liberal, against Liberal. The usual German
propaganda is furiously at work, all the paraphernalia, bought
newspapers--bribes. Roman Catholic prejudice against former
French Governments is a great stumbling block in the way of the
Allies in Spain, for that country became the refuge of many
orders and priests driven from France. Many of the Spanish
Catholics still resent the action of previous French Governments
towards the Catholic Church.
But whatever may be the faults of the French Government in this
particular, whether it or the teaching orders went too far--the
Roman Catholics of Spain sooner or later will realise that, after
all, the bulk of the French and Italian and Belgian people are
their co-religionists, and they will recall the attempts of
Bismarck to master the Roman Catholics of Germany and to bind its
priests to the will of the Imperial Government, attempts recent
enough to keep the Catholics of Germany still organised in the
political party which they created in the dark days of Bismarck's
"war for Civilisation," as he dared call his contest with the
great Roman Catholic Church.
Spanish and other Catholics throughout the world will remember
this and will remember, too, that from every valley of the
Protestant section of the German Empire the eye can see a
"Bismarck Thurm," or Bismarck Memorial Tower, erected on some
commanding height by the admirers of the dead Iron Chancellor.
I believe that after the war the Roman Catholic Church in France
and Belgium will be on a healthier, sounder basis, that it will
have more and more influence with the people, that it will be
more popular and respected than before, unless some act on the
part of the Pope should lead the French and Belgians to believe
that he favours Germany. Priests are not exempt from military
service in France and these Abbés, fighting, dying, suffering
wounds and privation, working cheek to cheek with the soldiers of
France, will do much to bring about the change. I met a number of
these priest-warriors in the prison camps of Germany. They are
doing a great work and have earned the respect and love of their
countrymen--their fellow prisoners.
Several of these soldier Abbés were prisoners in Dyrotz, near
Berlin, and I remember how they were looked up to by all the
soldiers. What a consolation were these noble warriors who fought
a two-fold winning fight--for their country and their faith.
Spain has suffered much from the war. In the northeast part
called Catalonia are located the manufacturing industries of
Spain, cloth weaving, cotton spinning, etc. In Barcelona, the
principal industrial town, are many manufacturing industries. If
these plants cannot obtain raw materials or a market for their
finished products, then industrial depression ensues and
thousands are thrown out of employment.
So in the north, where iron ore is produced, the submarine
blockade of England, chief buyer of iron ore and the seller of
coal, has made itself felt in every province; and in the south,
the land of sun and gypsies, oranges and vines, the want of sea
and land transportation, the diminished exports of wine and
fruits to other countries have brought many of the inhabitants to
the verge of ruin.
In the coast cities sailors and longshoremen are out of
employment, and this condition--these hundreds of thousands
without work through disturbance of industry,--has ripened the
field for the German propagandist and agent who threatens the
King with revolution, should he incline to the Allies.
In no country of the world has the German agent been so bold and
no neutral government has been more forcibly reminded in its
policy and conduct of the fact that it is always face to face
with Kaiserism.