WHO SANK THE "LUSITANIA"?
Who is responsible for the sinking of the _Lusitania_, for the
deliberate murder which has always remained deep in the
consciousness of every American, and which at the outset turned
this great nation against Germany?
In the first place there was no mistake--no question of orders
exceeded or disobeyed. Count von Bernstorff frankly, boldly,
defiantly, and impudently advertised to the world, with the
authority of the German Government, that the attempt to sink the
_Lusitania_ would be made. The Foreign Office, no doubt,
acquainted him with the new policy. Von Tirpitz, then actual head
of the Navy Department and virtual head of the whole navy, openly
showed his approval of the act, and threw all his influence in
favor of a continuation of ruthless tactics. But a question which
involved a breach of international law, a possible break with a
friendly power, could not be decided by even the Foreign Office
and Navy together.
The Great General Staff claims a hand in the decision of all
questions of foreign policy which even remotely affect the
conduct of the war. Similarly it was the duty of the Foreign
Office to point out the possible consequences under the rules of
international law; but when the question of submarine warfare was
to be determined, the consultation was usually at the Great
General Headquarters. At these meetings von Tirpitz or the navy
presented their views and the Great General Staff sat with the
Emperor in council, although it was reported in Charleville at
the time of the settlement of May, 1916, that Falkenhayn,
speaking in favour of submarine war, had been rebuked by the
Emperor, and told to stick to military affairs.
All the evidence points to the Emperor himself as the responsible
head who at this time ordered or permitted this form of murder.
The orders were given at a time when the Emperor dominated the
General Staff, not in one of those periods, as outlined in a
previous chapter when the General Staff, as at present, dominated
the Emperor. When I saw the Kaiser in October, 1915, he said that
he would not have sunk the _Lusitania_, that no gentleman would
have killed so many women and children. Yet he never disapproved
the order. Other boats were sunk thereafter in the same manner
and only by chance was the loss of life smaller when the _Arabic_
was torpedoed. It is argued that, had the Emperor considered
beforehand how many non-combatants would be killed, he would not
have given the order to sink that particular boat. But what a
lame excuse! A man is responsible for the natural and logical
results of his own acts. It may be too that Charles IX, when he
ordered, perhaps reluctantly, the massacre of St. Bartholomew,
did not know that so many would be killed, but there can be no
Pilate-washing-of-the-hands,--Emperor William was responsible. He
must bear the blame before the world.
Blood-shed in honorable war is soon forgotten; but the cowardly
stroke by which the Kaiser sought to terrorise America, by which
he sent to a struggling death of agony in the sea, the peaceful
men and women and children passengers of the _Lusitania_, may
ever remain a cold boundary line between Germany and America
unless the German people utter a condemnation of the tragedy that
rings true and repentant.
We want to live at peace with the world when this war is over, to
be able to grasp once more the hands of those now our enemies,
but how can any American clasp in friendship the hand of Germans
who approve this and the many other outrages that have turned the
conscience of the world against Germany?
To Americans in Berlin, the sinking of the _Lusitania_ came like
a lightning stroke. No Bernstorff warnings had prepared us. I
believed I would be recalled immediately. In making preparations
to leave, I sent a secretary to see the head of one of the
largest banks in Germany, a personal friend, to ask him, in case
we should leave, to take for safe-keeping into his bank our
silver, pictures, etc. He said to my secretary, "Tell Judge
Gerard that I will take care of his valuables for him, but tell
him also, that if the _Mauretania_ comes out to-morrow we shall
sink her, too."
That was the attitude of a majority of the business men of
Germany. German casualties at that time had been great so that
the mere loss of human life did not appal as would have been the
case in a country unused to the daily posting of long lists of
dead and wounded. Consequently the one feeling of Germany was of
rejoicing, believing indeed that victory was near, that the
"damned Yankees" would be so scared that they would not dare
travel on British ships, that the submarine war would be a great
success, that France and England deprived of food, steel and
supplies from America soon would be compelled to sue for peace,
especially since the strategically clever, if unlawful, invasion
of France by way of Belgium had driven the French from the best
coal and iron districts of their country.
I do recall that one Imperial Minister, a reasonable individual
whose name I think it best not to mention, expressed in private
his sorrow, not only for the deed itself, but for the mistaken
policy which he saw, even then, would completely turn in the end
the sympathies of America to the Entente Allies. And there were
others,--among the intellectuals, and, especially, among the
merchants of Hamburg and Frankfort who had travelled in the outer
world both on pleasure and business, who realised what a profound
effect the drowning of innocent men, women and children would
have on our peace-loving people.
Many of these men said to me, "The sinking of the _Lusitania_ is
the greatest German defeat of all the war. Its consequences will
be far-reaching; its impression, deep and lasting."
The Teutonic Knights, from whom the ruling class of Prussia is
descended, kept the Slavic population in subjection by a reign of
physical terror. This class believes that to rule one must
terrorise. The Kaiser himself referring to the widespread
indignation caused by German outrages of the present war, has
said: "The German sword will command respect."
Terrorism--"Schrecklichkeit"--has always formed a part, not only
of German military inclination, but of German military policy. I
often said to Germans of the Government, "Are you yourselves
subject to being terrorised? If another nation murdered or
outraged your women, your children, would it cause you to cringe
in submission or would you fight to the last? If you would fight
yourselves, what is there in the history of America which makes
you think that Americans will submit to mere frightfulness; in
what particular do you think Americans are so different from
Germans?" But they shrugged their shoulders.
I have heard that in parts of Germany school children were given
a holiday to celebrate the sinking of the _Lusitania_. I was busy
with preparations, too anxious about the future to devote much
time to the study of the psychology of the Germans in other parts
of Germany at this moment, but with the exception of the one
Cabinet Minister aforementioned, and expressions of regret from
certain merchants and intellectuals, it cannot be denied that a
great wave of exultation swept over Germany. It was felt that
this was a master stroke, that victory was appreciably nearer and
that no power on earth could withstand the brute force of the
Empire.
Mingled with this was a deep hate of all things American
inculcated by the Berlin Government. And we must understand,
therefore, that no trick and no evasion, no brutality will be
untried by Germany in this war. It was against the rules of war
to use poison gas, but first the newspapers of Germany were
carefully filled with official statements saying the British and
French had used this unfair means. Coincidentally with these
reports the German army was trying by this dastardly innovation
to break the British lines. It was not a new procedure. Months
before the _Lusitania_ crime, the newspapers and people had been
poisoned with official statements inflaming the people against
America, particularly for our commerce with the Entente in war
supplies.
It was the right, guaranteed by a treaty to which Germany was a
signatory, of our private individuals to sell munitions and
supplies, but as Prince von Buelow once remarked on December
13th, 1900, in the Reichstag, "I feel no embarrassment in saying
here, publicly, that for Germany, right can never be a determining
consideration."
Indeed the tame professors were let loose and many of them rushed
into government-paid print to prove that, according to law, the
murders of the _Lusitania_ were justified. A German chemist
friend of mine told me that the chemists of Germany were called
on, after poison gas had been met by British and French, to
devise some new and deadly chemical. Flame throwers soon appeared
together with more insidious gases. And it is only because of the
vigilance of other nations that German spies have not succeeded
in sowing the microbes of pestilence in countries arrayed against
lawless Germany.
Remember there is nothing that Kaiserism is not capable of trying
in the hope of victory.