Judge Heyward also participated in the perils of the field. He commanded

a company of artillery at the battle of Beaufort and was severely

wounded. At the attack upon Savannah he exhibited the bravery of a

practised veteran. At the siege of Charleston he commanded a battalion

and was one of the unfortunate prisoners who were incarcerated in the

Spanish castle at St. Augustine, Florida. During his absence his

property was destroyed by the enemy. To cap the climax of his severe

afflictions, his amiable and accomplished wife had been laid in the

tomb. She was the daughter of Mr. Matthews and married in 1773. The

tidings of these heart rending occurrences did not reach him until he

was exchanged and arrived at Philadelphia. With the calm and dignified

fortitude of a Christian, philosopher and hero--he met the shafts of

afflictive fate. He mourned deeply but submissively the premature exit

of the wife of his youth, the companion of his bosom. His physical

sufferings and loss of property he freely offered at the altar of

liberty without a murmur.

He again resumed his duties upon the judicial bench and discharged them

ably and faithfully up to 1798. He was an influential member of the

convention that framed the constitution of his native state in 1790. He

married Miss E. Savage for his second wife. After the close of the

trying and bloody scenes through which he had passed he sat down under

his own vine and fig tree and enjoyed the rich fruits of that LIBERTY he

had sacrificed so much to obtain. A peaceful quiet reigned in his bosom

and around him. The British yoke had been thrown off--the Gallic chain

had been broken--the increasing millions of his countrymen could look

through the vista of the future with cheering hope and exquisite

pleasure. In the enjoyments of the present--past pains were merged. He

was happy.

Infirmity and old age admonished him that his mission on earth was fast

drawing to a close. He retired from the public arena covered with epic

and civic honors enduring as the pages of history. In the full fruition

of a nation's gratitude and a nation's freedom his last years passed

smoothly away. He went to his final rest in March 1809, leaving his

tender wife to mourn the loss of a kind husband, his interesting

children to feel deeply the loss of a tender father--his country to

regret the exit of a devoted patriot, an able judge, an honest man. He

was a noble philanthropist--an able judge--a discreet statesman--a pure

citizen--a sterling patriot--a friend to our UNION.

STEPHEN HOPKINS.

Many gravely contend that there should be at least two political parties

to insure the safety of our Republic that one may watch and detect the

corrupt designs of the other. If this position is sound we are

pre-eminently safe for we have some half dozen distinct organizations

besides remnants of old ones and guerrilla squads that plunder from

each. The argument would have force if the people would fix political

landmarks as distinctive as those of 1800--banish demagogue

leaders--revive the patriotism of '76--be guided entirely by love of

country, prudence, strict justice and the fear of God which is the

beginning of all wisdom. As now constituted, for one to correct the

faults of the other would be like Satan rebuking sin. There are good men

under the banners of each party but they have neither brass or intrigue

enough to become leaders. According to modern political tactics as

_practised_, a successful party leader must unite an oily tongue with a

gum elastic conscience, a grain of truth with a pound of falsehood, a

spark of honesty with any quantity of deception circumstances may

require and be ready to sacrifice honor, integrity and friends to carry

out party plans--ever pressing toward the end with the force of a

locomotive regardless of the means put in requisition. Merit is not

sought for by demagogues. _Available_ is the omnipotent word--the grand

countersign--the magic passport to a nomination and _when_ nominated the

candidate _must_ be voted for although destitute of capacity, moral

virtue and every requisite of a statesman. The sad consequences are more

fearfully demonstrated as time rolls onward. Dignity, decorum, common

courtesy are often banished from our legislative halls. Crimination and

recrimination usurp the place of sound logic--reason is dethroned,

common decency outraged, the business of our country neglected, our

national character disgraced--all because the people do not rise in

their majesty and do their duty. We have an abundance of men in the back

ground as pure as the patriots of '76. Let them be brought forward and

put to work. The few of this kind who are in the public arena cannot

long stem and never roll back the mighty torrent of political corruption

now sweeping over this land of boasted freedom. To render our UNION safe

our political leaders and public functionaries must be men who are

influenced alone by an ardent desire to promote the general good of our

whole country--aiming at holy ends to be accomplished by righteous

means. Such were the sages of the American Revolution.

The patriarch Stephen Hopkins stood among them in all the dignity of an

honest man. He was born at Scituate, Rhode Island, on the 7th of March

1707. He was the son of William Hopkins a thorough farmer whose father,

Thomas Hopkins, was one of the pioneers of that province. The school

advantages of Stephen were limited to the elementary branches of an

English education, then very superficially taught. By the force of his

own exertions he perfected this embryo basis and reared upon it a

magnificent superstructure. He spent all his leisure hours in exploring

the fields of science. At his majority he was a farmer in easy

circumstances and devoted a portion of the day and his quiet evenings to

the acquisition of useful knowledge. No profession not literary affords

so much facility for mental improvement as that of agriculture.

Independent tillers of the soil--if you are not intelligent the fault is

your own. The time was when ignorance was winked at. That dark age has

passed away. Now common sense and reason command all to drink at the

scholastic fountain.

Mr. Hopkins acquired a thorough knowledge of mathematics at an early age

and became an expert surveyor. At the age of nineteen he was placed in

the ranks of men by marrying Sarah Scott whose paternal great

grandfather was the first Quaker who settled in Providence. She died the

mother of seven children. In 1755 he married the widow Anna Smith a

pious member of the Society of Friends. In 1731 he was appointed Town

Clerk and Clerk of the Court and Proprietaries of the county. The next

year he was elected to the General Assembly where he continued for six

consecutive years. In 1735 he was elected to the Town Council and for

six years was President of that body. In 1736 he was appointed a Justice

of the Peace and a Judge of the Common Pleas Court. In 1739 he was

elevated to the seat of Chief Justice of that branch of the judiciary.

During the intervals of these public duties he spent much of his time in

surveying. He regulated the streets of his native town and those of

Providence and made a projected map of each. He was the Proprietary

surveyor for the county of Providence and prepared a laborious index of

returns of all land west of the seven mile line, which still continues

to be a document of useful reference. Beauty and precision marked all

his draughts and calculations.

In 1741 he was again elected to the assembly. The next year he removed

to Providence where he was elected to the same body and became Speaker

of the House. In 1744 he filled the same station and was appointed a

Justice of the Peace for that town. In 1751 he was appointed Chief

Justice of the Superior Court and for the fourteenth time elected to the

assembly. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Colonial Congress held at

Albany, N. Y. for the purpose of effecting a treaty with the Five

Nations of Indians in order to gain their aid or neutrality in the

French war. A system of union was then and there drawn up by the

delegates similar to the Articles of Confederation that governed the

Continental Congress which was vetoed by England.

In 1755 the Earl of Loudoun in command of the English forces made a

requisition for troops upon several colonies and on Rhode Island for

four hundred and fifty men to check the triumphant career of the French

and Indians then devastating the frontier settlements. Mr. Hopkins

rendered efficient aid in this service and had the pleasure of seeing

the complement promptly made up. In 1756 he was elected Chief Magistrate

of the colony and was found fully competent to perform the duties of the

office. In 1757 the loss of Fort William Henry and the sad reverses of

the English army made it necessary that the colonies should raise an

efficient force for self-protection. A company of volunteers was raised

in Providence composed of the first gentlemen of the town and Mr.

Hopkins put in command over it. The timely arrival of troops from

England deprived them of their anticipated epic laurels. The next year

this useful man was again elected Chief Magistrate and served seven of

the eleven following years.

In 1767 party spirit was rolling its mountain waves over Rhode Island

so fearfully that it threatened the prostration of social order and

civil law. Anxious for the welfare of the colony this patriotic Roman

put forth his noblest efforts to check its bold career. In his message

to the Assembly he expressed his deep solicitude for the restoration of

harmony and proposed retiring at once from the public service if it

would contribute in the slightest degree to heal the political breach.

To prove his sincerity he shortly after left the public arena contrary

to the wishes of his friends. His picture of that era so much resembles

the political map of our country at the present time that an extract may

be excused.

"When we draw aside the veil of words and professions--when we attend to

what is _done_ and what is _said_--we shall find that Liberty is a cant

term of faction and freedom of speaking and acting, used only to serve

the private interests of a party. What else can be the cause of our

unhappy disputes? What other reason for the continual struggle for

superiority and office? What other motive for the flood of calumny and

reproach cast upon each other? Behold the leading men meeting in cabals

[caucusses] and from thence dispersing themselves to the several

quarters to delude the people. The people are called together in

tippling houses, their business neglected, their morals corrupted,

themselves deluded--some promised offices for which they are unfit and

those with whom these arts will not prevail are tempted with the wages

of unrighteousness and are offered a bribe to falsify their oath and

betray their country. By these scandalous practices elections are

carried and officers appointed. It makes little difference whether the

officer who obtains his place in this manner is otherwise a good

man--put in by a _party_ he must do what _they_ order without being

permitted to examine the rectitude even of his _own_ actions. The

unhappy malady runs through the whole body politic. Men in authority are

not revered and lose all power to do good. The courts of judicature

catch the infection and the sacred balance of justice does not hang

even. All complain of the present administration and hard times and wish

they might grow better. But complaints are weak, wishes are idle, cries

are vain--even _prayers_ will be ineffectual if we do not universally

amend."

This catalogue of evils is followed by a strain of paternal advice that

should come home to the reader like a voice from the tomb.

"My countrymen permit me to remind you of the blood, the suffering, the

hardships and labors of our ancestors in purchasing the Liberty and

privileges we might peaceably enjoy. How can you answer it to fame, to

honor, to honesty, to posterity if you do not possess these inestimable

blessings with grateful hearts, with purity of morals and transmit them

with safety to the next generation. Nothing is desired but that every

man in community act up to the dignity of his own proper character. Let

every freeman carefully consider the particular duty allotted to him as

such by the constitution. Let him give his suffrage with candor for the

person he sincerely thinks _best_ qualified. Let him shun the man who

would persuade him _how_ to vote. Let him despise the man who offers him

an office and spurn the sordid wretch who would give him a bribe. Let

him think it his duty to give his vote according to his conscience and

not depend on others to do his duty for him. * * * * Officers and

magistrates I would humbly entreat to consider that your turn has come

to serve the _commonwealth_ and not yourselves. Your own discreet and

exemplary behaviour is your best authority to do good. It is vain to

command others to practice what we ourselves omit or to abstain from

what they see us do. When moderation and example are insufficient to

suppress vice, power ought to be used even to its utmost severity if

necessary and above all--that in all cases and under all

circumstances--_justice should be equally, impartially and expeditiously

administered_."

This plain lucid exposition of the duties of freemen merits the highest

consideration of every private citizen and public officer. It is the

inspired effusion of a clear head, a good heart and a noble soul. In

language of sublime simplicity it exhibits laconically the only sure

foundation of a republican government. It strikes at the very root of

alarming evils that are now hanging over our beloved country like an

incubus. It is plain truth plainly told and should be strongly felt and

implicitly obeyed by all who desire the perpetuity of our glorious

UNION.

In June 1769 Mr. Hopkins was called to aid in taking observations upon

the transit of Venus over the disk of the sun. So highly were his

services prized on that occasion that the pamphlet published on the

subject was dedicated to him. This rare phenomenon occurred in

1739--61--69 and will occur again in 1874 and 1996 if the planetary

system continues its usual revolutions--of which no man knoweth--not

even the angels in Heaven.

Previous to the American Revolution Governor Hopkins had incurred the

displeasure of the British ministry by licensing vessels from his

province to trade with the French and Spanish Colonies. In this he did

not violate the constitution or any law of England. He continued to

grant the privilege regardless of the authority illegally assumed by

Great Britain to direct the local concerns of the Colony. He had long

been convinced that the mother country cared more for the _fleece_ than

the _flock_ she claimed in America which had been often left to contend

alone against a merciless foe. With such convictions on his mind, a

republican to the core and valuing liberty above life--he was prepared

to resist the first scintillations of the unconstitutional claims made

by corrupt and corrupting ministers. When the Stamp Act was passed his

voice and pen were arrayed against it. He showed clearly that this and

other Acts of parliament had no foundation in justice and were in

violation of the British constitution.

In 1772 the mountain waves of local party spirit having subsided in

Rhode Island and its effervescence calmed by the absorbing question of

British oppression Mr. Hopkins again took his seat in the Assembly and

was continued for three years. In 1774 this patriarch statesman was

elected to the Continental Congress and entered with a calm determined

zeal upon the responsible duties of that august Convention. The same

year he proposed and obtained the passage of a bill prohibiting the

slave trade in his Colony which greatly incensed the crown officers. To

show that he strongly felt what he earnestly advocated--he emancipated

all his negroes--the descendants of whom still reside in Providence. He

had incorporated their freedom in his will dated some time previous.

In 1775 he was appointed Chief Justice of his Colony--was a member of

her Assembly and member of Congress. The ensuing year he was one of the

immortalized band of patriots by whose exertions a nation was born in a

day and who signed and delivered the certificate of legitimacy to their

grateful constituency. The same year he was President of the board of

commissioners of the New England States who convened at Providence to

devise plans for the promotion of the glorious cause of freedom. The

next year he presided over a similar board at Springfield, Mass. In 1778

he was a member of Congress for the last time. The next year he closed

his long, useful and arduous public career in the Assembly of his native

state and retired crowned with the rich foliage of unfading honors--the

growth of near half a century. The pure escutcheon of his public fame

and private worth was without a spot to obscure its brilliant lustre. As

a municipal officer, judge on the bench, legislator, Chief Magistrate of

the Colony and member of the Continental Congress--he discharged his

duties faithfully, honestly and ably--with an eye single to the glory of

his country.

As a public speaker Mr. Hopkins made no pretensions to elocution but was

ever listened to with profound attention. His reasoning was

strong--always to the point and his speeches short. His was a vigorous,

clear, inquiring, analyzing mind, that surmounted every barrier with the

same fortitude, energy and determined resolution that carried Bonaparte

over the Alps, Roger Sherman to the pinnacle of fame, Franklin to the

summit of science. He was a laborious and extensive leader and a friend

to education. He was the principal founder of the Providence library in

1750 and when it was destroyed by fire in 1760--contributed largely

towards the purchase of a new supply of books. He was the father of the

free school system still in successful operation in Rhode Island. He was

a friend to unshackled religion--breathing charity for all whose

deportment gave them the impress of divine grace--the only genuine

touchstone of true piety. He admired most the creed of the Society of

Friends who frequently held meetings at his house. All gospel ministers

were made welcome to his hospitable mansion which many called the

ministers tavern. He was plain in everything and deprecated pomp and

vain show in others.

In addition to his multifarious public duties he was extensively engaged

in agriculture, manufactures and commerce. He was a systematic and

thorough business man--scrupulously honest, honorable and liberal. He

never became wealthy but enjoyed a competence through life. He was

repeatedly placed in the crucible of domestic affliction. Of the seven

children by his first wife not one survived him. One son was murdered by

the Indians, another died in Spain--the youngest, who was the fourth sea

captain of the brothers, was presumed to have been lost at sea as his

vessel was never heard from after leaving the port of Providence.

The eventful career of patriarch Hopkins was closed on the 13th of July

1785 after enduring the course of a lingering fever with the same calm

fortitude that had marked his whole life. He had lived respected and

esteemed--he died peaceful and happy. To the last moments of his life he

retained full possession of his mental powers and approached the

confines of eternity with a seraphic smile that augured heaven. He had

long labored under physical infirmities of a nervous nature. For many

years it had been difficult for him to write his name in consequence of

an attack of paralysis. His ashes rest peacefully in the city of

Providence in his native state. His death produced a mournful sensation

over the whole country.

In the relations of husband, father, kinsman, friend, gentleman,

citizen, benefactor, philanthropist, neighbor and Christian--this public

spirited man and pure patriot was a model of human excellence. By the

force of his own exertions be made himself one of the most useful men on

record in our history. Let us all imitate his bright examples that we

may do our duty in life, be triumphant in death and happy through the

rolling ages of eternity.

FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

Wit and wisdom are seldom both prominently developed in the same person.

Wit serves to amuse or exhilarate but rarely produces useful reflection

or an improvement of mind. It is emphatically a plume and exposes the

head it ornaments to many an arrow from the bow of revenge. Wit makes

many conquests but no willing subjects. It produces many _bon mots_ and

but few wise sayings. It is an undefined and undefinable

propensity--more to be admired than coveted--more ornamental than

useful--more volatile than solid--a dangerous sharp edge tool--like a

coquette, pleasing company for the time being but not desirable for a

life companion.

Rare instances have occurred where the sage, statesman, philosopher and

wit have been combined in the same person. Sheridan was such a man and

in our own country Francis Hopkinson was the American Sheridan. He was

the son of Thomas Hopkinson of Philadelphia, born in that city in 1737.

His father was a man of superior attainments--his mother one of the

best, and most intelligent matrons of that age. His father died in 1751

and left the widowed mother with limited means to struggle with all the

accumulating difficulties of raising and educating a large family of

children.

Under her guidance and instruction young Francis improved rapidly in his

education and exhibited a bright and promising intellect. To advance the

interests of her children she confined herself to the absolute

necessaries of life. Being devotedly pious, she took peculiar care in

planting deeply in their tender minds the pure principles of virtue and

cautiously guarding them against all the avenues of vice, the portals of

which are ever open. She taught them the design of their creation--the

duty they owed to God and their fellow men and that to be truly happy

they must be truly good. With this foundation firmly laid, she placed

this son in the University of Pennsylvania where he graduated at an

early age and commenced the study of law under Benjamin Chew. He was a

close student and made rapid advances in legal acquirements. He

possessed a brilliant and flowing fancy, a lively imagination and

captivating manners. Although ardently attached to the solid sciences he

was fond of polite literature, poetry, music and painting. He excelled

in humorous satire, keen as that of Swift and Sheridan. Fortunately

these combined talents were brought into extensive usefulness.

In 1765 he visited London where he continued two years making the

acquaintance of the leading men of that metropolis and learning the

political aspect and designs of the ministers toward his native country.

He added largely to the fund of knowledge before acquired and came home

prepared to work.

Soon after his return he married the accomplished Ann Borden of

Bordentown N. J. thus fulfilling an important part of the design of his

creation. He also appreciated the value of the institution he had

honored and the joys of connubial felicity. In rearing his children he

took the system that had been so successfully adopted by his venerable

mother whose instructions were fresh upon his memory. He could adopt no

better plan or find a more perfect model to imitate. For a time the

cares and pleasures of his family and his professional business

engrossed his attention. A crisis soon arrived that arrested this

translucent stream of happiness. The oppressions of the mother country

had become alarming. Agitation had commenced among the people. The best

services of every patriot were needed. His were promptly and efficiently

rendered. It was for him to do much in opening the eyes of the great

mass to a just sense of their violated rights. This he did by various

publications written in a style so humorous and fascinating as to be

generally read. He painted the injustice of the crown and the insults of

its hireling officers in vivid colors. His Pretty Story--his Letters to

James Rivington--his Epistle to Lord Howe--his two Letters by a

Tory--his translation of a Letter written by a Foreigner--his Political

Catechism and the New Roof--were all productions of taste and merit.

They were of vast importance in rousing the people to a vindication of

their rights--the achievement of their Independence.

During the administration of Gov. Dickinson, political dissensions and

party spirit rolled their mountain waves over Pennsylvania threatening

to destroy the fair fabric of her new government. The pen of Mr.

Hopkinson was instrumental in restoring order. In an essay called--"A

full and true Account of a violent Uproar which lately happened in a

very Eminent Family"--he exposed the factious partisans to such keen and

severe ridicule that they threw down the weapons of rebellion sooner

than if a thousand bayonets had been pointed at their breasts.

He was among the first delegates elected to the Continental Congress and

fearlessly recorded his name on the Declaration of Rights that has

proved a consolation to the sons of FREEDOM--a Boanerges to the enemies

of LIBERTY. Always cheerful and sprightly, he contributed much towards

dispelling the gloom that often pervaded the minds of his colleagues

amidst disaster and defeat. He knew their cause was righteous--he

believed Heaven would crown it with ultimate success and triumphant

victory. His personal sacrifices had been many--still he was ever

cheerful and illuminated all around him with flashes of the most

brilliant wit. At the commencement of the struggle he held a lucrative

situation in the Loan Office under the crown and was a favorite of the

king--but the king was not a favorite of his--he promptly severed the

connection. With all his wit and humor he was firm as a Herculus. With

the fancy of a poet he united the soundness of a sage--with the wit of a

humorist he united the sagacity of a politician.

He succeeded George Ross as Judge of the Admiralty Court and was

subsequently Judge of the U. S. District Court in Philadelphia. He was

highly esteemed for his judicial knowledge, impartial justice and

correct decisions. He filled every station in which he was placed with

credit and dignity. His frequent essays continued to do much towards

correcting the morals of society by ridiculing its evils and abuses.

Guided by a sound discretion, sarcasm and satire are the most powerful

weapons wielded by man. Their smart upon the mind is like cantharides on

the skin but often requires something more than a cabbage leaf and

cerate to heal it. The wit of Mr. Hopkinson was of a noble cast flowing

from a rich and chaste imagination--never violating the rules of

propriety--always confined within the pale of modesty but keen as a

finely finished rapier. He was an admirer of sound common sense and a

zealous advocate of Common School education. He properly appreciated the

bone and sinew of our country and knew well that the perpetuity of our

Liberty depends more upon the general diffusion of _useful_ knowledge

fit for _every_ day use in the ever varying business concerns of life

than upon the high toned literature of colleges and universities. He

admired the industrious mechanic--he esteemed the honest farmer. In the

yoemanry of the soil and inmates of the shops he recognized the

defenders of our country.

The useful career of Judge Hopkinson was closed prematurely by an

apoplectic fit on the 9th of May 1791. He left a widow, two sons and

three daughters to mourn his untimely end and their irreparable loss. He

was amiable and urbane in his manners--open and generous in his

feelings--noble and liberal in his views--charitable and benevolent in

his purposes--an agreeable and pleasant companion--a kind and faithful

husband--an affectionate and tender parent--a stern and inflexible

patriot--a consistent and active citizen--a useful and honest man. He

was like some rare flowers--while their beauty pleases their medicinal

qualities are of great value. In the hands of such men our UNION can be

preserved.

WILLIAM HOOPER.

An astute writer has beautifully observed--"If the sea was ink, the

trees pens and the earth parchment, they would not be sufficient to

write down all the praises due to God for Liberty." How few there are in

our wide spread Republic who realize the truth of this sublime

sentiment. How few among the directors of the destiny of our nation who

make the law of God the beginning of wisdom. This apothegm is based upon

reason, justice and sound philosophy. No sophistry can controvert it--no

casuistry entangle it. To shun all wrong and practise all right is the

great _desideratum_ of earthly bliss. Vice is crowned with thorns and

plumed with thistles. All the evil passions are a laboratory for the

manufacture of the miseries of human life. The futile pleasures of

earth-vanity, vain glory--the whole category may be richly clustered

with blossoms but bear no nutritious fruit. We must look to the great

Author of all good for substantial enjoyment. We must implicitly obey

his laws to be truly wise. The greatest men who have ever graced the

stage of action fully recognized the power and feared to offend the

great Jehovah. The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution were

constantly under the influence of this salutary principle. This is

inferred from their writings, examples and the proceedings of the

Continental Congress. Days of humiliation and prayer were frequently

fixed and recommended by legislative proclamation by the general

government and by the states.

Among those of the sages who appear to have lived in the fear of God was

William Hooper, born at Boston, Massachusetts, on the 17th of June 1742.

He was the son of the Rev. William Hooper who came from Kelso, south of

Scotland and was for many years pastor of Trinity Church in Boston. He

was a man of high accomplishments, a finished scholar, a learned

theologian, an eloquent preacher, a devoted Christian, a useful and

beloved pastor. Being of a slender constitution William received the

first rudiments of his education from his father. At the age of seven he

entered the school of Mr. Lovell where he remained eight years. He then

became a student of Harvard University. His talents were of a high

order--his industry untiring. He was ever averse to fleeting pleasures

and trifling amusements. During vacation he explored his father's

library instead of indulging in a relaxation from study and mingling in

the convivial circle. He had a great taste for the classics and belles

lettres. He paid close attention to elocution and composition. He aimed

at refinement in everything.

He graduated in 1760 and commenced the study of law under James Otis one

of the most distinguished counsellors of that time. From the piety he

had exhibited from his youth his father had hoped he would incline to

the pulpit but freely yielded to his choice. He was a thorough law

student and was admitted to the Bar richly laden with the elements of

his profession. By several wealthy connections residing in Wilmington,

North Carolina, he was induced to locate at that place where he soon

obtained a lucrative business. To convince the people that he

contemplated a permanent residence and a fulfilment of all the noble

designs of his creation--he married Anna Clark, a lady of unusual

accomplishments, strength of mind and high attainments. His legal fame

rose rapidly upon a substantial basis. In 1768 he was employed to

conduct several important public trials which he managed with so much

skill and address as to place him in the first rank of able advocates.

He was treated with marked attention by Governors Tryon and Martin and

by Chief Justice Howard. His estimable character, superior talents and

extensive influence were worth securing for their royal master. The

ulterior object they had in view it required no Daniel to interpret. Mr.

Hooper was one who had no price. He was not a man of principle according

to his personal interest but a noble patriot of the first water. He had

received his legal education in Boston where the designs of the British

ministers had been probed for years. He had imbibed liberal views, was a

friend to equal rights and had planted himself upon the firm basis of

eternal justice from which flattery could not seduce or dangers drive

him.

Previous to the Revolution he gave a sample of his moral and personal

courage worthy of record. In 1766 a dangerous association was formed in

North Carolina called _Regulators_--composed mostly of poor, ignorant,

desperate men who were led by those of more intelligence but with baser

hearts who promised them large rewards in the end. They had increased so

rapidly that in 1770 they amounted to three thousand. They opposed the

civil authorities--drove the judges from the bench, committed personal

outrages and threatened to destroy all order, defying civil and military

power. Mr. Hooper took a bold stand against them--advised a prompt

attack by the military--his plan was approved--a severe battle

ensued--the insurgents were dispersed and quiet restored. In 1773 he was

elected to the Assembly of his province at the very time the creatures

of the crown attempted to throw a ministerial coil around the people. In

William Hooper they found a troublesome customer--a bold, fearless,

eloquent, uncompromising opponent to their schemes of tyranny. In the

legislative hall he met them with unanswerable arguments. By a series

of essays he spread their designs before the people. He was no longer

flattered by the crown officers but became a favorite with those he

esteemed more highly--the people who returned him again to the Assembly.

A question came before that body that tested the powers of Mr. Hooper.

The statute creating the judiciary had expired. In framing a new one an

attempt was made to model it so as to meet the designs of the British

cabinet. So powerful was the influence of this friend of the people that

he kept his opponents at bay and the province was a year without courts.

He was then fully before his constituents the champion of equal rights.

By the people he stood approved and admired.

On the 25th of August he was elected to the general Congress in which he

rendered efficient services. He was one of the important committee that

prepared a statement of the rights of the colonies, the manner these

rights had been infringed and the most probable means of effecting their

restoration. He was one of the committee that reported the statutes that

affected the trade and manufactures of the colonies. Upon the report of

these two committees the proceedings of that Congress were based which

raises a fair presumption that the very best men were placed upon them.

The next year he was returned to Congress and was chairman of a

committee to prepare an address to the people of Jamaica relative to

British oppression. It was written by him in a bold and vigorous style

and proved conclusively that ministerial insolence was lost in

ministerial barbarity--that resistance or slavery had become the issue.

On the 12th of June 1775 Mr. Hooper offered the following preamble and

resolution which were passed by Congress, corroborating the intimation

in the exordium to this article.

"It is at all times an indispensable duty devoutly to acknowledge the

superintending providence of the great Governor of the world, especially

in times of impending danger and public calamity--to reverence and adore

His immutable justice as well as to implore his merciful interposition

for our deliverance--therefore

Resolved--That it is recommended by Congress that the people of the

American Colonies observe the 20th day of July next as a day of public

humiliation, fasting and prayer."

The zeal and exertions of this ardent patriot in the glorious cause of

freedom were constant and vigorous. He served industriously in committee

rooms and was greatly esteemed as a forcible debater in the House. In

the spring of 1776 he was a member of the conventions that convened at

Hillsborough and Halifax in N. C. and was one of the leading and most

eloquent speakers. He also prepared an address to the people of the

British empire which was written with great nerve and energy. He then

took his seat in Congress and boldly supported the Declaration of

Independence. He had long been convinced of its necessity and rejoiced

to find his views so warmly supported by the ablest men of that eventful

era. When the thrilling moment arrived to take the final question his

vote and signature sanctioned the bold measure.

In February 1777 he obtained leave of absence from Congress and returned

to his family. When the news of the defeat of Washington at Germantown

reached him he was surrounded by a circle of his friends who seemed

dismayed at the intelligence. He rose calmly from his seat and earnestly

remarked--"We have been disappointed but now that we have become the

assailants there can be no doubt of the issue." Before his return from

Congress his property at Wilmington had suffered from royal vengeance.

His personal safety was then in jeopardy--he was compelled to flee to

the interior to avoid the hemp. His family had removed several times. He

and all the signers had made arrangements with the French minister to

remove to one of the French West India islands in the event of the

failure to maintain Independence. He did not return to Wilmington until

it was evacuated by the enemy in 1781. During his absence his family

remained exposed to the proverbial insults of his Christian majesty's

officers and soldiers. He remained in the province for the purpose of

rousing the people to action and was an efficient member of the new

government. In 1782 he removed to Hillsborough for the purpose of

resuscitating his long neglected private affairs and again took his

place at the Bar. In 1786 he was appointed by Congress a member of the

court organized to determine the controversy between New York and

Massachusetts relative to disputed territory which was amicably settled

by the parties.

Mr. Hooper continued to aid in the legislation of his adopted state and

pursue his profession until 1787 when his health became impaired which

compelled him to retire from public life and the bar and seek that

repose in domestic enjoyment that had always been more congenial to his

mind than public stations however lofty. In his retirement he carried

with him the esteem of his fellow citizens and the gratitude of a nation

of freemen. Not a blemish soiled the bright escutcheon of his public

character or private reputation. He had served his country faithfully

and sacrificed his fortune on the altar of liberty. With the strictest

fidelity he had discharged the duties of husband, father, friend,

citizen, lawyer, patriot, statesman. From the high eminence of conscious

integrity he looked down upon a life well spent. With the eyes of faith

he looked forward to a crown of unfading glory. In October 1790 he

closed his eyes in death and returned to the bosom of that God whom to

fear is the beginning of wisdom. Dear relatives, ardent friends and a

grateful nation mourned his premature death. Mr. Hooper was of the

middle height, slender and elegant in form, gentlemanly and engaging in

his manners, with strangers rather reserved, with his friends frank and

familiar, free from affectation, of a serious turn, at all times candid

and sincere. His countenance beamed with intelligence and benignity, his

powers of conversation were pleasing, instructive, chaste and classical.

His habits were in strict accordance with the religion he exemplified.

His disposition was benevolent, hospitable and kind. As a public speaker

he was eloquent, logical, persuasive, sometimes sarcastic. As a whole he

was among the best specimens of man as he comes from the clean hands of

the Creator. Whilst we admire his virtues let us imitate his examples.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON.

Consistency is the crowning glory of meritorious fame. It is a bright

jewel in the escutcheon of a name. It sheds a radiating lustre over the

actions of men. "Be consistent" was a Roman motto and once guided its

sages, heroes and _literati_ in the path of duty--the surest path of

safety. Consistency dignifies the man and prepares him for noble and

god-like deeds. It is based upon wisdom and discretion--the pilot and

helm of the bark of life in navigating the ocean of time. Without it the

breakers of chaos, the sand bars of folly--the rocks of disaster cannot

be avoided. Without it the brightness of other talents and attainments

of a high order are often eclipsed by the clouds of error and obscured

by the breath of ridicule. With it--mediocrity shines and enables the

plough-boy of the field--the mill-boy of the slashes--the apprentice of

the shop to reach the pinnacle of enduring fame and leave the indiscreet

classical scholar to sink into a useless gilded ornament in the world.

Dr. Young has truly said--"With the talents of an angel a man may be a

fool." Consistency is susceptible of cultivation and should be kindly

and earnestly pressed upon youth by parents and teachers. It is of more

importance than the entire contents of the magazine of classic lore

combined with an eloquence that could move the world of mankind.

The sages of the American Revolution were remarkable for consistency.

Many of them rose from the humble walks of life to eminence by the force

of their own exertions guided by this darling attribute and became the

most useful men of that eventful epoch.

Among this class Samuel Huntington held a respectable rank. He was born

on the 2d of July 1732 at Windham, Connecticut. He was the son of

Nathaniel Huntington a plain farmer, who gave this son only a common

English education whilst three of the others graduated at Yale College,

all of whom became ministers of the gospel, one of them attaining a fair

eminence as a theological writer. Their pious mother led them to the

pure fountain of gospel truth and had the pleasure of seeing the four

walking hand in hand towards the goal of unfading joy. Samuel followed

the plough until he was twenty-two years of age. He was remarkable for

industry and sterling honesty. He was an extensive reader and a close

observer of men and things. His native talent was strong, his judgment

clear, his reflections deep. From his childhood to his grave consistency

chastened every action. This was his strong forte and insured his

success through life. It was a passport beyond the power of a college to

give.

Samuel Huntington went from the plough to the study of law in his

father's house, loaning books from Zedekiah Elderkin of the Norwich bar.

With astonishing rapidity he mastered the elementary books--was admitted

and opened an office in his native town. His reputation as an honest and

consistent man was already on a firm basis. His fame as a safe

counsellor and able advocate soon added another story to this

superstructure. He did not aim at Ciceronean power or Demosthenean

eloquence but closely imitated Solon and Socrates. His manner was plain

but marked by a deep sincerity that seldom fails to impress the minds of

a court and jury favorably--often foiling the most brilliant displays of

forensic eloquence. With his other strong qualities he combined the

motive power of business--PUNCTUALITY. Although he had gained a

lucrative practice in his native town he removed to Norwich in 1760

where a wider field opened before him. Carrying out the principle of

consistency, in 1762 he emerged from the lonely regions of celibacy with

Martha, the accomplished daughter of Ebenezer Devotion and entered the

delightful bowers of matrimony--thus giving him and her an importance in

society unknown to single blessedness. Martha proved an amiable

companion--blending the accomplishments of a lady, the industry of a

housewife, the economy that enriches, the dignity of a matron--the piety

of a Christian.

In 1764 Mr. Huntington was elected to the Assembly and made a very

efficient member. In 1765 he was appointed king's attorney and performed

the duties of that office until the pestiferous atmosphere of

monarchical oppression drew him from under the dark mantle of a corrupt

and impolitic ministry. In 1774 he was elevated to the bench of the

Superior Court and the next year was a member of the Council of his

state. When the all important subject of American rights and British

wrongs came under discussion he threw the whole force of his influence

in favor of the cause of equal rights. In October 1775 he took his seat

in the Continental Congress and became a prominent and useful member. In

January following he again took his seat in the Hall of Independence and

fearlessly advocated the necessity of cutting the Gordian knot that held

the Colonies to England. The solemnity of his manner, the strong force

of his reasoning, the lucid demonstrations of his propositions and the

unvarnished sincerity of his patriotism--were calculated to carry

conviction to every heart and impart confidence to the wavering and

timid. He was present at the birth of our nation on the 4th of July 1776

and aided in presenting the admired infant at the sacred font of LIBERTY

and became a subscribing witness to the imposing ceremonies of that

eventful day. He was continued in Congress until 1781 when ill health

compelled him to retire for a season.

He was a man of great industry, honesty of purpose, profound research,

clearness of perception and had acquired a large fund of practical

knowledge. Human nature he had studied closely. He was well versed in

general business, political economy, principles of government and rules

of legislation which gave him a place upon important committees. He

succeeded Mr. Jay as President of Congress and so ably discharged the

duties of that responsible station that when compelled to retire from

ill health a vote of thanks was placed upon the record. Hoping that he

might be able to return the chair was not permanently filled for a long

time. During a part of the _interim_ of his absence from Congress he

presided on the bench and was a short time in Council. In 1783 he

returned to Congress and at the termination of the session declined a

re-election. He had aided in finishing the mighty work of national

freedom--the star spangled banner was floating in the breeze of

Liberty--his country had triumphed over a merciless foe--her political

regeneration had been consummated--America was disenthralled and he

desired retirement from public life. This he was not permitted to

enjoy. In 1784 he was appointed Chief Justice of his state--the ensuing

year Lieutenant Governor and the next year was elected Governor of

Connecticut, which office he held until the 5th of January 1796, when

death took him from earth and its toils. He had lived the life of the

righteous man--his last end was like his. He was a ripe shock full of

corn--uniformly beloved in life--deeply mourned in death.

Mr. Huntington was a man of middle stature, dark complexion, keen eyes,

countenance expressive, with a deportment calculated to make a favorable

impression at first sight. In his life we find much to admire--nothing

to condemn. His superior virtues and uniform consistency eclipsed the

frailties of his nature. In the performance of all the duties of public

and private life he was a model worthy of the closest imitation. From

the plough in the field through his bright career to the presidential

chair in Congress--to the chief magistracy of his own state--his every

action was marked with consistency. His fame is based upon substantial

merit--he rendered his name dear to every freeman. The history of his

examples should exercise a salutary influence over the mind of every

reader capable of appreciating the high importance of being consistent

in all things and of perpetuating our UNION through all time.

WILLIAM IRVINE.

Mobocracy is a fearful spirit that is roused to action by a greater

variety of elements than either of the unfortunate propensities of human

nature. Based upon the boiling anger of those who put this ball in

motion--reason is dethroned--reflection paralyzed--justice

unheeded--mercy banished--the laws disregarded--power defied. It is the

volcano of human society--the earthquake of social order--the whirlpool

of brutality--the vortex of destruction. It is fanned by fell

revenge--inflamed with burning fury--propelled by reckless

impulse--delights in human gore--revels in demoniac confusion--rides on

the tornado of faction--snuffs the whirlwind of discord and provokes the

indignation of all peaceful citizens.

Occasions rarely occur to justify these sudden demonstrations of

disorder and more rarely result in good. Deliberate action is usually

the best to remedy evils that exist in fact--most certainly the best to

cure those that are only imaginary. Thus reasoned the Sages and Heroes

of the American Revolution and governed themselves accordingly. After

petitions and entreaties for redress failed to remove the wrongs heaped

upon them--a systematic and dignified mode of resistance was

adopted--not mobocracy. They could then appeal to Heaven for the justice

of their cause and elicited the admiration of gazing nations in the

course they pursued.

Among those who put forth their noblest exertions to advance the

interests of the cause of equal rights was William Irvine who was born

near Enniskillen, Ireland, in 1742. His ancestors removed from the north

of Scotland to the Emerald Isle. His grandfather was an officer in the

corps of grenadiers that fought so desperately at the battle of the

Boyne. The grandfather of General Wayne was a brave officer in the same

service. The noble descendants of both were in the same corps in the

glorious cause of American Independence.

After completing his school education Mr. Irvine became a student of the

celebrated Dr. Cleghorn and proved to be an excellent surgeon and

physician. On the completion of his studios he was appointed a surgeon

on board a British man of war where he served for several years with

great diligence and success. In 1763 he came to America and located at

Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His eminent talents--professional acquirements

and large experience, soon gained for him a liberal practice and proud

reputation. Having no innate love for mother Britain, he was prepared to

meet the fearful crisis of the American Revolution. There were numerous

powerful influences in Pennsylvania adverse to war with England. There

was a large number of the Society of Friends opposed to war under all

circumstances, although quick to seize the benefits resulting from it.

The Proprietary interests were very extensive and in favor of the crown.

To rouse the people to resistance was a herculean task. In this work Mr.

Irvine was active and successful. He was a member of the several

preliminary conventions in the colony and became extensively influential

in preparing the people for action.

In January 1776 he was commissioned to raise and command a regiment

which duty he performed promptly. On the 10th of the following June he

joined Gen. Thompson's brigade with his troops near the village of Trois

Rivieres. A disastrous attack was immediately made upon the vanguard of

the British army stationed at that place. Gen. Thompson, Col. Irvine and

near two hundred subordinate officers and privates were taken prisoners

and sent to Quebec. An exchange was not effected until April 1778. On

his return Gen. Irvine was put in command of the second Pennsylvania

brigade and continued in that position until 1781. He was then

transferred to Pittsburgh and assigned to the important and delicate

duty of guarding the north-western frontier. It was important because

difficult to obtain supplies and was menaced with British and Indians.

It was delicate because there existed strong animosities between the

first inhabitants of that region and those from Western Virginia who

claimed the territory occupied. Under those circumstances the

appointment was a high compliment from the sagacious Washington. The

happy results were a strong eulogy upon the wisdom of both. Gen. Irvine

succeeded in reconciling the two contending factions--brought order out

of confusion and restored harmony and good feeling among those who had

long been at variance. This augmented his strength against the enemy and

increased the confidence of the people in that entire section of

country. He was continued in that command until the war closed and the

star spangled banner waved triumphantly over the United States of

America.

In 1786 Gen. Irvine was elected to Congress and proved an efficient and

valuable member. He was active and useful in the board to settle the

accounts between the states and the general government. He was a member

of the Pennsylvania convention that sanctioned the Federal Constitution.

In 1796 he was one of the commissioners who were despatched to visit the

whiskey boys and endeavor to bring them back to reason, duty and safety.

When it became necessary to order out a military force to quell the

insurrection Gen. Irvine was put in command of the Pennsylvania troops.

A short time after he rendered this last service in the tented field he

removed to Philadelphia. He there received the appointment of Intendant

of military stores which office was subsequently long and ably filled by

his son Callender. He was also President of the Society of Cincinnati.

Peacefully and calmly Gen. Irvine glided down the stream of time until

the summer of 1804 when he closed his active and useful career and took

his departure for "that country from whose bourne no traveller returns."

He had lived highly respected--his death was deeply mourned. His public

and private reputation were untarnished--he performed all the duties of

life nobly and fulfilled the great design of his creation.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[Illustration: {Thomas Jefferson portrait and signature} ENGRAVED BY

T.B. WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.]

Genuine moral courage is a sterling virtue--the motive power of the true

dignity of man. It invigorates the mind like a refreshing dew falling

gently on the flowers of spring. It is a heavenly spark--animating the

immortal soul with the fire of purity that illuminates the path of

rectitude. It is an attribute that opposes all wrong and propels its

possessor right onward to the performance of all right. Based on virtue

and equity, it spurns vice in all its borrowed and delusive forms. It

courts no servile favors--fears no earthly scrutiny. No flattery can

seduce it--no eclat allure--no bribe purchase--no tyrant awe--no

misfortune bend--no intrigue corrupt--no adversity crush--no tortures

can subdue it. On its breastplate is inscribed in bold relievo--_Fiat

justitia--ruat calum_. [Let justice be done though the heavens fall.]

Without it, fame is ephemeral--renown transient. It is the saline basis

of a good name that gives enduring richness to its memory. It is a

pillar of light to revolving thought--the polar star that points to

duty, secures merit and leads to victory. It is the soul of reason--the

essence of wisdom--the crowning glory of mental power. It was this that

nerved the leaders of the American Revolution to noble and god-like

action.

In the front rank of this band of patriots stood Thomas Jefferson, who

was born at Shadwell, Albemarle County, Virginia, on the 24th of April

1743. His ancestors were among the early pioneers of the Old Dominion

and highly respectable. They were Republicans to the core--in affluent

circumstances and exercised an extensive and happy influence.

Thomas was the son of Peter Jefferson, a man much esteemed in public and

private life. The liberal feelings imbibed from him by this son were

conspicuous at an early age. From his childhood the mind of Thomas

Jefferson assumed a high elevation took a broad and expansive view of

men and things.

He was educated at the college of William and Mary and was always found

at the head of his class. Untiring industry in the exploration of the

fields of science marked his collegiate career. He analyzed every

subject he investigated, passing through the opening avenues of

literature with astonishing celerity. His mind became enraptured with

the history of classic Greece and republican Rome. Improving upon the

suggestions of liberal principles found in the classics, he early

matured his political creed and opposed every kind of government

tinctured with the shadow of monarchy, hierarchy or aristocracy.

After completing his collegiate course he commenced the study of law

under Chancellor Wythe, whose liberal views were calculated to mature

and strengthen those already preponderating in the mind of Jefferson.

With regard to the oppressions of the mother country--the justice and

necessity of resistance by the Colonies, their kindred hearts beat in

unison. By a thorough investigation of the principles of law and

government, Jefferson became rapidly prepared to enter upon the great

theatre of public life--the service of his injured country. Planting

himself upon the broad basis of Magna Charta--encircling himself within

the pale of the British Constitution--he demonstrated most clearly that

the ministry of the crown had long been rapidly advancing beyond the

bounds of their legitimate authority--exercising a tyranny over the

Colonies not delegated to them by the constitution of the monarchy they

represented. So luminous were his expositions of chartered rights on the

one hand and accumulating wrongs on the other, that he became the

nucleus of a band of patriots resolved on LIBERTY OR DEATH.

At the age of twenty-two he was elected to the legislature which enabled

him to disseminate his liberal principles throughout the Colony. He

proclaimed himself the unyielding advocate of equal rights and had

engraved upon his watch seal--"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to

God." By his eloquence and unanswerable arguments he kindled the flame

of opposition in old Virginia which increased as tyranny advanced. In

1769 a resolution was passed by the legislature--_not to import a single

article from Great Britain_. In the advocacy of this proposition by Mr.

Jefferson, the adherents of the crown were astonished at the boldness

and firmness with which he exposed and laid bare the venal corruption of

the British cabinet. It gave a fresh impetus to the cause of Liberty

just bursting into life.

With ample pecuniary means--with talents equal to the work he had

undertaken, his soul illuminated with the fire of patriotism--his

indignation roused against the hirelings of the king--his sympathies

excited by the sufferings of his country--his moral courage raised to

the zenith of its glory--Mr. Jefferson was amply armed for the conflict

and became one of the master spirits of the Revolution--a gigantic

champion of universal freedom--a pillar of fire, flashing terror and

dismay into the ranks of the foe.

He wrote "A Summary View of the Rights of British America"--addressed it

to the king respectfully but very plainly pointed to the true position

of the two countries and the final result of the policy of ministers.

The following is an extract. "Open your breast, sire, to liberal and

expanded thought. It behooves you to think and act for your people. The

great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader. To

perceive them needs not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of

government consists in the art of being honest." The art of being

_honest_ in matters of government is a knotty problem for some modern

politicians to solve. Were they all _honest_ a political millennium

would illuminate our country--bring us back to primitive _tangible_

landmarks and unmask multitudes of political wolves cunningly dressed in

sheep's clothing.

So exasperated was Lord Dunmore on perusing this article from the pen of

Jefferson that he threatened to arrest him for high treason. Finding

most of the members of the legislature, then in session, quite as

treasonable in their views he at once dissolved that body.

The following year the British ministry, in answer to petitions for

redress of grievances, sent to the legislature of the Old Dominion a

series of propositions that _they_ termed conciliatory but which added

insult to injury. Their fallacy was exposed by Mr. Jefferson in such a

masterly strain of eloquent burning logic and sarcasm, that conviction

was carried to a large majority of his colleagues. They were referred to

a committee which reported an answer written by him and was very similar

to the Declaration of Independence. This reply was immediately adopted.

The ball of resistance was put in motion--the electric fluid of

patriotism commenced its insulating powers in the north and

south--extending from sire to son, from heart to heart, until the two

streams of fire met in the centre--then rising in grandeur, formed the

luminous arch of Freedom--its chord extending from Maine to Georgia--its

versed sine resting on the city Penn.

Under its zenith at Philadelphia, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the

Continental Congress on the 21st of June 1775. Although one of the

youngest members of that venerated assembly of patriotic sages, he was

hailed as one of its main pillars. Known as a man of superior

intelligence, liberal sentiments, strict integrity, stern republicanism

and unbending patriotism--his influence was strongly felt and

judiciously exercised.

From the beginning he advocated a separation from the mother country and

ably met every objection urged against it. In his view, oppression, not

recognised by Magna Charta, had dissolved all allegiance to the

crown--that the original contract had been cancelled on the heights of

Lexington by American blood. Submission was no longer a virtue--the

measure of wrongs had been overflowing for years--public sentiment

demanded the sundering of the Gordian knot--a voice from Heaven

proclaimed in tones of thunder--"_Let my people go_."

The following year the Declaration of Independence was proposed. Mr.

Jefferson was appointed chairman of the committee to prepare this

momentous document. The work was assigned to him by his colleagues. He

performed the task with a boldness of design and beauty of execution

before unknown and yet unrivalled. The substantial result of his labor

has long been before the world. Admiring nations have united in

bestowing the highest encomiums upon this sacred instrument. As a

masterpiece of composition--a lucid exposition of the rights of man--the

principles of a free government--the sufferings of an oppressed

people--the abuses of a corrupt ministry and the effects of monarchy

upon the destinies of man--it stands unequalled. Pure in its

origin--graphic in its delineations--benign in its influence and

salutary in its results--it has become the chart of patriots over the

civilized world. It is the _ne plus ultra_ [nothing more beyond] of a

gigantic mind raised to its loftiest elevation by the finest touches of

creative Power--displaying its noblest efforts--brightest

conceptions--holiest zeal--purest desires--happiest conclusions. It

combines the attributes of justice--the flowers of eloquence--the force

of logic--the soul of wisdom. It is the grand palladium of equal

rights--the polar star of rational LIBERTY--the Magna Charta of

universal FREEDOM and has crowned its author with laurels of enduring

fame.

In the autumn of 1776 Mr. Jefferson was appointed a commissioner to the

court of France in conjunction with Messrs. Franklin and Deane for the

purpose of forming a treaty of alliance. Ill health of himself and

family and an urgent necessity for his services in his native state,

induced him to decline the proffered honor and resign his seat in

Congress.

He was immediately elected to the first legislature of his state

convened under the new Constitution. On taking his seal in that body his

attention was at once directed to the demolition of the judicial code

which had emanated from the British Parliament. The work of rearing a

new superstructure was mostly performed by him. The first bill he

introduced was aimed at the slave trade and prohibited the farther

importation of negroes into Virginia. This is a triumphant refutation of

the accusation often reiterated against Mr. Jefferson--_that he was an

advocate of slavery_. To its _principles_ he and a large majority of the

South were always opposed and submitted to it _practically_ by ENTAIL.

It is a fact beyond dispute that he struck the first blow in the

Colonies at the unhallowed trade of _importing_ human beings for the

purpose of consigning them to bondage. That this was the first great

step to towards a correction of the most cruel feature of this system,

originated by philanthropic England, is equally true. To transfer those

negroes, born in the United States, from one section of this country to

another, bears no comparison in cruelty to the heart-rending barbarity

of forcing the African from his native home--even should he fall into

the hands of those _emancipators_ who, instead of returning him to his

native shores--_put him an_ "APPRENTICE" _to hard labor on their own

plantations_. Consistency thou art a jewel rather rare. Common humanity

forbids the sudden emancipation of the slaves as proposed by emissary

Thompson and his converts.

Mr. Jefferson next effected the passage of bills destroying

entails--primogeniture--the church as established by England and various

others--assimilating the entire system of jurisprudence in the state to

its republican form of government. He reported one hundred and

twenty-six bills, most of which were passed and constitute the present

much admired statutory code of Virginia.

In 1779 Mr. Jefferson was called to the gubernatorial chair of his

native state, then surrounded by perils. The British troops, led on by

the proud Tarleton and the traitor Arnold, were spreading death and

devastation over the Old Dominion and contemplated the capture of the

governor. Terror seized the more timid patriots--the boldest were

alarmed at the approach of the merciless foe. The energy of the governor

was equal to the emergency. He rallied the bone and sinew of old

Virginia, who "with hearts of oak and nerves of steel," checked the

enemy in their bold career of indiscriminate slaughter. He imparted

confidence and vigor to the desponding and roused them to bold and noble

action. He dispersed the black cloud that hung over his bleeding state

and inspired the friends of liberty with cheering hopes of ultimate

success. So highly were his services appreciated during the eventful

term of his administration that the legislature entered upon their

records a unanimous vote of thanks to him for the able and efficient

manner he had discharged his public duties--highly complimenting his

talents, rectitude, moral courage and stern integrity.

In 1783 he again took his seat in Congress--one of the brightest

luminaries in the galaxy of statesmen. The chaste and moving address to

Washington when he surrendered his commission, was from the

soul-stirring pen of Jefferson. He was chairman of the committee to form

a territorial government for the extensive regions of the then far west.

True to his long cherished desire to ultimately emancipate the negro, he

introduced a clause prohibiting slavery in any of the territories or the

states that should be formed from them after 1800.

In May, 1784, he was a minister plenipotentiary in conjunction with Dr.

Franklin and John Adams, with power to negotiate treaties of commerce

with several European nations. In July he embarked for France and

arrived in Paris on the 6th of August. During his absence he visited

several foreign courts but spent most of his time in France. He

commanded the highest respect and was made a welcome guest in the halls

of literature, legislation and jurisprudence. Kings and courtiers

treated him with profound deference and were convinced intelligence and

talent were not exclusively confined to the old world.

He was in Paris when the French Revolution commenced and was often

consulted by the leading members of the national convention relative to

the best course to be pursued in order to establish their government

upon the Republican basis. So far as was proper he gave his opinions

freely in favor of rational Liberty.

He returned on the 23d of November 1789 and was received with great

enthusiasm and kindness by his fellow citizens. Soon after his arrival

he resigned his ministerial commission and became Secretary of State

under President Washington. The appointment was a compliment to the

matured judgment of the chief magistrate and proved a lasting benefit to

our country. Familiar with every principle of government--comprehending

the requisites necessary to perfect and perpetuate the new

confederation--he proposed amendments to the constitution, which, with

some suggested by John Adams and others, were adopted. He did much

towards reducing the new order of things to harmonious system. Well

versed in diplomacy, international law and the policy of European

courts--he was prepared to plant the permanent land marks of foreign

intercourse which stand as beacon lights to guide our nation safely in

its onward career. A reciprocity of commerce and honorable peace with

other governments--a rigid neutrality with belligerents--a careful

avoidance of entangling alliances were some of his leading principles.

To submit to nothing that was clearly _wrong_--to ask for nothing that

was not clearly _right_--was a doctrine of Jefferson forcibly inculcated

in his able correspondence with the French ministers during the brief

period of their Republic. This motto has been handed down from sire to

son and is firmly nailed to the flag staff of the star spangled banner.

To the domestic concerns of our country he devoted a laudable and

laborious attention. He recommended the adoption of a uniform system of

currency, weights, measures and many other things designed to advance

the best interest of the infant Republic. He urged the importance of

protecting our fisheries and of encouraging enterprise in all the

branches of industry. He demonstrated the advantages of every species of

commerce and the necessity of preventing others from monopolizing the

sources that legitimately belonged to the United States. He exhibited a

masterly exposition of existing facts, showing the increasing policy of

European courts to restrict the intercourse of America that they might

engross trade. He submitted to Congress an elaborate and able report

relative to the privileges and restrictions of the commercial

intercourse of this with other countries, which showed great foresight,

close observation and thorough investigation. It received great

attention and was the foundation of a series of resolutions introduced

by Mr. Madison, embracing the doctrines it contained--forming the great

line of demarkation between the _old_ school federal and democratic

parties. It would require a skilful engineer to trace the original line

_now_ in consequence of the rapid growth of under brush.

Having served his country long and faithfully and contributed largely in

placing her on the great highway of FREEDOM and prosperity, Mr.

Jefferson retired from public life on the 31st of December 1793 enjoying

for a season the more peaceful and substantial comforts of life at

Monticello. He imparted comfort to all around him--treated his slaves in

the kindest manner, reducing to practice the mode of treatment he always

recommended to others. The education of his children--the cultivation

and improvement of his land and the resumption of his scientific

researches, gave to him an exhilarating consolation he had long desired

and could never enjoy in the arena of public business and political

turmoil. His manner of life at the time alluded to is happily described

by the Duke de Liancourt who visited him during his brief time of

repose.

"His conversation is of the most agreeable kind. He possesses a stock of

information not inferior to any other man. In Europe he would hold a

distinguished rank among men of letters and as such he has already

appeared there. At present he is employed with activity and perseverance

in the management of his farms and buildings and he orders, directs and

pursues, in the minutest detail, every branch of business relating to

them. I found him in the midst of harvest from which the scorching heat

of the sun does not prevent his attendance. His negroes are nourished,

clothed and treated as well as white servants could be. Every article is

made on his farm--his negroes being cabinet makers, carpenters and

masons. The children he employs in a nail manufactory and the young and

old negresses spin for the clothing of the rest. He animates them all by

rewards and distinctions. In fine, his superior mind directs the

management of his domestic concerns with the same ability, activity and

regularity, which he evinced in the conduct of public affairs and which

he is calculated to display in every situation of life."

During his recess from the toils of public life Mr. Jefferson was

unanimously elected President of the American Philosophical Society with

which he was highly gratified. It afforded him much pleasure to occupy

the chair which had been ably filled by his revered friends--the

illustrious Franklin and philosophic Rittenhouse.

After a repose of three years he was again called to the theatre of

public action. President Washington had announced his determination to

retire to the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon. The people had become

divided in two political parties, each determined to nominate a

candidate for the high and responsible office about to become vacant.

The federalists nominated John Adams--the democrats Thomas Jefferson.

The former was elected President--the latter Vice President of the

United States. As the presiding officer of the Senate Mr. Jefferson

discharged his duty with dignity and impartiality. Familiar with

parliamentary rules, he was prepared to decide questions promptly and

uniformly to the satisfaction of members.

At the next Presidential Election he was again opposed to Mr. Adams. The

mountain waves of party spirit rolled over the United States like a

sweeping torrent. Each party presented a bold front regardless of danger

pressed on by a rear rushing to conflict. The two candidates were bosom

friends. Honest political differences did not interrupt their private

good feelings. Not a word fell from the lips of either disparaging to

his opponent. They regretted the fever heat of their partisans during

the canvass but could not allay it. The Democrats carried the election

and returned an equal number of votes for Mr. Jefferson as President and

Col. Burr as Vice President. This singular circumstance imposed the

election of the Chief Magistrate upon the House of Representatives. To

defeat the election of the great leader of the popular party, several of

his opponents voted for Col. Burr. A very spirited contest ensued.

Thirty-five ineffectual ballotings were made. The ambition of Burr for

promotion induced him to omit doing at once what propriety dictated and

that which would have rendered him popular and perhaps saved him from

the vortex of disgrace into which he subsequently plunged--_the

immediate withdrawal of his name_. This he was finally compelled to do

and on the thirty-sixth ballot Mr. Jefferson was duly elected President

by a majority of eight votes and Col. Burr Vice President.

I have long been convinced that the Federal Constitution should be

amended with reference to the election of these two officers. The votes

for each should be confined to each office independent of the other.

_The election should never go to the House of Representatives_,

especially as political honesty is constantly deteriorating. The history

of all time shows clearly, that as a government grows older corruption

increases until it finally dissolves the state. Let the President be

elected for four years and until another shall be elected in his place

and let this be done directly by the PEOPLE. Reckless party management

would then be stripped of half its horrors. Better pay the expense of

two elections than have one unworthy incumbent in the Presidential

Chair. The following extract from the Inaugural Address of Mr. Jefferson

should be committed by every man and boy in our country--the principles

would then be better understood and perhaps more generally exemplified

in practice.

"Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or

persuasion--religious or political--peace, commerce and honest

friendship with all nations--entangling alliances with none--the support

of the state governments in all their rights as the most competent

administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks

against anti-republican tendencies--the preservation of the general

government in its whole constitutional vigor as the sheet anchor of our

peace at home and safety abroad--a zealous care of the right of election

by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by

the sword of revolution when peaceable remedies are unprovided--absolute

acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of

Republics from which there is no appeal but to force--the vital

principle and immediate parent of despotism--a well disciplined militia

our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till

regulars may relieve them--the supremacy of the civil over the military

authority--economy in public expenses that labor may be lightly

burthened--the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of

the public faith--encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its

handmaid--the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at

the bar of public reason--freedom of religion, freedom of the press and

freedom of the person under the protection of the _habeas corpus_ and

trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright

constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an

age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of

our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the

creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touch

stone by which to try the service of those we trust and should we wander

from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our

steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and

safety."

Here is a statesman's chart drawn by one of the ablest, navigators that

ever stood at the helm of government. His soundings were frequent--his

observations were made with mathematical precision--he combined science

and experience and traced his lines with boldness and truth. To follow

its directions is to ensure safety. Its delineations are not designed

for partisan use but for our whole country and the freemen of the world

through all time.

Based upon these principles practically, the administration of Jefferson

became popular, peaceful and prosperous. He understood the reasonable

desires of the people and exerted his noblest powers to gratify them.

He knew that the art of governing harmoniously consisted in HONESTY and

governed himself accordingly. He anticipated the future wants of the

rising and expanding Republic and proposed in his annual and special

messages to Congress wise and politic measures to meet them. So fully

was his course approved that he was re-elected by a majority of one

hundred and forty-eight. His second inaugural address reiterated the

same magnanimous principles of his first, manifesting a deep and growing

interest in the prosperity and welfare of our common country.

As he has been repeatedly charged with infidelity by those who descend

so low as to desecrate the ashes of the illustrious dead and the charge

repeated but a few days ago in a prominent print in the city of New

York, I insert the following extract from his annual message, which

sentiment is found in all his writings where the subject is alluded to.

I have recently read two of his unpublished letters to a gentleman who

is now a member of the New Jersey Senate, in which the same view is

expressed.

"I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who

led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land and

planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries of life--who

has covered our infancy with his Providence and our riper years with his

wisdom and power." Washington and Adams said no more.

If all who profess the religion of the Cross discarded sectarianism and

honored unsophisticated _practical_ religion as much as did Thomas

Jefferson, the prospect of christianizing the world would burst upon us

with refulgent brightness. The partition walls of various creeds,

claimed to be drawn from the same pure fountain, would be dissolved by

heaven-born Charity and the superstructure of the Redeemer's kingdom

would rise in majesty sublime.

Soon after Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of his second term, a

portentous storm darkened the horizon of our country, charged with the

lightning of discord. In consequence of being disappointed in riding

into the presidency on the whirlwind of confusion he created at the time

he was made Vice President and at the end of four years--dropped like a

traitor as he was, Aaron Burr mounted upon the tornado of his wild

ambition and attempted the formation of a new Republic in the Spanish

Provinces on the Mississippi, aiming at an ultimate division, if not

dissolution of the Union. He was arrested and tried for high treason but

being a man of great foresight, consummate genius and deep cunning--no

_overt_ act could be proved against him within the technical meaning of

the law and he was acquitted--yet the dark stigma is marked upon the

splendor of his brilliant talents in traces so deep, that time nor

angels' tears can ever remove it. Like a comet propelled by its own

centrifugal force from its constitutional orbit, he fell to rise no

more--our country was saved from his Cataline grasp by the Cicero of our

nation.

About the same time France and Great Britain were at war--both of whom

and more especially the latter--had repeatedly insulted the American

flag under various but false pretences. Redress was promptly demanded

and measures pursued to obtain it. Anxious to preserve peace but

determined to vindicate our rights and dignity--Mr. Jefferson

simultaneously prosecuted a negotiation and prepared for war. He well

understood the importance of the importing and exporting trade to

England. Among the means used to bring her to honorable terms, he

recommended to Congress the embargo law which was passed on the 22d Dec.

1807. This measure was violently assailed by those opposed to his

administration. As he anticipated, it had a salutary effect upon the

British government and caused propositions to be made by England for an

honorable adjustment of all differences.

Thus were the foreign relations of the United States situated when the

second term of Mr. Jefferson closed. He then bid a final farewell to

public life and consigned the destinies of his beloved country into

other hands. He had been an efficient and faithful laborer in the

vineyard of American Liberty nearly forty years. He left it richly

covered with green foliage and fruit--in the full vigor of

health--enclosed by the palisades of truth and honesty--adorned with the

crowning glories of philanthropy and patriotism.

From that time he declined all public honors and remained in peaceful

retirement to the day of his death--seldom leaving his sweet home--the

beautiful Monticello. Unlike too many with ample means he did not lead a

life of inglorious ease. The same innate activity that had marked his

bright career from youth--the same nobleness of mind and energy of

character that raised him to the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear,

still promoted him to action. He reduced his time to a harmonious

arrangement--his business to perfect system. He uniformly rose before

the sun and held a supervision over all the concerns of his plantation.

The various productions of his pen during the period of his retirement,

show that he labored arduously in the fields of science and philosophy.

For the promotion of literature and general intelligence, he opened an

extensive correspondence with men of letters in this country and Europe.

He considered the diffusion of knowledge among the great mass of the

human family the greatest safeguard against tyranny and oppression--the

purest source of earthly bliss--the surest passport to freedom and

happiness.

Acting from this impulse, he submitted the plan of a University to the

legislature of Virginia to be erected at Charlottesville, situated at

the foot of the romantic mountain in front of his mansion. It was to be

built with funds raised by donations from individuals in the state,

himself to be a liberal contributor. The plan of the buildings and

course of instruction were drawn by him and so much admired and approved

by the members of the legislative body that an act was passed to carry

into effect the design and Mr. Jefferson was appointed Rector. For the

completion of this object he spent all necessary time and more money

than strict justice called for. It became the doating object of his old

age. His best efforts were exerted in its accomplishment, which were

crowned with success and the University filled with students to whom he

paid great attention. The course of instruction was designed to prepare

youth for the general routine of business, public and private and was

not strictly classical. The library was selected by him with great care,

being composed entirely of solid useful books, treating on subjects

important to every citizen in preparing him to discharge properly the

duties he owes to his God, his family, his country and himself. A

catalogue, written by Jefferson, is still there in a good state of

preservation. He exercised a parental care over this institution until

his physical powers failed.

Much of his time was devoted to visitors to whom he was hospitable and

kind. Thousands of his own countrymen paid their grateful respects to

him--Europeans of distinction thought their tour in this country

incomplete until they took by the hand the patriot, sage, philosopher

and philanthropist of Monticello. He was ever anxious to please, delight

and instruct. He was familiar with every subject. His mind united the

vigor of youth with the experience of age. The broad expanse of the

universe--the stupendous works of nature--the Pierian fields of

science--the deep recesses of philosophy and labyrinthian avenues of the

intellect of man--seemed spread before him like the map of the world. He

was an encyclopaedia of the age he adorned--a lexicon of the times he

enlightened--one of the brightest diadems in the crown of his country's

glory.

With a calm and peaceful quietude Mr. Jefferson glided down the stream

of time toward the ocean of eternity until he reached the eighty-fourth

year of his age. Forty-four years had passed away since his amiable

companion had been laid in the tomb. She was the daughter of Mr. Wayles,

an eminent lawyer of Virginia. One of two interesting daughters was also

resting in the grave. The charms of earth were receding from him--he

felt sensibly that he stood on the confines of another and a better

world. The physical powers and mechanical structure of his frame were

fast decaying--the canker worm of disease was doing its final work--the

angel of death hovered over him with a keen blade awaiting Jehovah's

signal to cut the silver cord of life and set the prisoner free.

Early in the spring of 1826 his bodily infirmities increased. From the

26th of June to the time of his death he was confined to his bed. He

then remarked to his attending physician--"My machine is worn out and

can go no longer." His friends who attended him thought he would again

recover but he was convinced that his voyage of life was about to close

and that he would soon cast his anchor in the haven of rest. To those

around him he said--"Do not imagine that I feel the smallest solicitude

as to the result. I do not indeed _wish_ to die but I do not _fear_ to

die." Do infidels die thus calm and resigned? Echo answers--Do infidels

die thus?

On the second day of July his body became extremely weak but his mental

powers remained as clear as a crystal fountain. He called his family and

friends around him and with a cheerful countenance and calm dignity gave

direction for his funeral obsequies. He requested that he might be

interred at Monticello without pomp or show and that the inscription on

his tomb should only refer to him as "The author of the Declaration of

Independence--of the Statutes of Virginia securing religious Freedom and

the Father of the University." He then conversed separately with each of

his family. To his surviving daughter, Mrs. Randolph, he presented a

small morocco case which he requested her not to open until after his

death. It was found to contain a beautiful and affectionate poetic

tribute to her virtues.

The next day, being told it was the 3d of July, he expressed a desire

that he might be permitted to inhale the atmosphere of the fiftieth

anniversary of our national freedom. His prayer was granted--the

glorious 4th of July 1826 dawned upon him--he took an affectionate leave

of those around him and then raising his eyes upward articulated

distinctly, "_I resign myself to God and my child to my country_"--and

expired as calmly as an infant sleeps in its mother's arms. Thus lived

and thus died THOMAS JEFFERSON, universally esteemed in life--deeply

mourned in death by a nation of freemen--sincerely lamented by every

patriot in the civilized world.

In person he was slender and erect--six feet two inches in height--light

and intelligent eyes--noble and open countenance--fair

complexion--yellowish red hair and commanding in his whole appearance.

In all the relations of public and private life he was the model of a

great and good man. His whole career was calm and dignified. Under all

circumstances his coolness, strong moral courage--deliberation and

equanimity of mind, placed him on a lofty eminence and enabled him to

preserve a perfect equilibrium amidst all the changing vicissitudes and

multiform ills flesh is heir to. He kept his passions under complete

control and cultivated richly the finer qualities of his nature. His

charity, the brightest star in the Christian diadem, was as broad as the

human family--his sympathies co-extensive with the afflictions of Adam's

race. He was created for usefulness--nobly did he fulfil the design of

his creation. If his were not the fruits of _practical_ Christianity,

the immaculate Redeemer and the Apostles did not truly describe them.

You who basely charge THOMAS JEFFERSON with infidelity, remember--O!

remember, that his last words were those uttered by many of the

martyrs--"I RESIGN MYSELF TO GOD AND MY CHILD TO MY COUNTRY."

BARON DE KALB.

A love for the land of our birth is natural--commendable. A continued

oppression from those in power may drive us from that land--compel us to

seek an asylum under a more congenial government--still the associations

of our native spot are a source of frequent and pleasing thought never

to be entirely eradicated from our minds.

No man should ever adopt a new country and government without a full

determination to become a good and useful citizen and submit implicitly

to the laws as they are until he shall find himself in a majority of the

virtuous who rise in their majesty to change for the better. With this

principle for a polar star--foreigners who seek a peaceful asylum in our

country may become as staunch supporters of our national Constitution

and UNION as native born patriots. If they cannot--they should retrace

their steps quickly and return to the iron blessings of monarchy. We

want none among us who do not love our country and her noble

institutions. An open door--a hearty welcome awaits every foreign

_patriot_ that comes to this land of the brave and home of the free. We

have an overplus of native demagogues, fanatics, ultraists, disunionists

and bigots--without importing any from Europe.

During the American Revolution a number of illustrious and noble

patriots of high standing came from the old world to aid in planting the

tree of LIBERTY in the new. Among them was the brave Baron de Kalb, a

native of Germany. Of his early history we have no record. He was a

brigadier-general in the French army and had earned a high military

reputation. He was a knight of the order of Military Merit and highly

esteemed by his fellow officers. A philanthropist of high order--imbued

with liberal principles--in favor of a Republican form of

government--familiar with the oppressions of England in

America--acquainted with the noble efforts of the oppressed to free

themselves from tyranny--Baron de Kalb at once resolved to be the

companion of the patriotic La Fayette. On his arrival he was

commissioned a major-general in the Continental army and placed in

command of the Maryland division. He readily gained the esteem and

confidence of all who made his acquaintance. He was a man of strong

common sense--great experience--a close observer of men and things--an

admirable disciplinarian--a brave and prudent officer. With a robust

frame and iron constitution--he was able to endure the proverbial

fatigues and privations of the American army. He was remarkably

abstemious--living mostly on bread and water. His industry and zeal in

the glorious cause he had espoused were worthy of all praise. He was up

early and late and spent all his leisure from official duty in writing

in some retired place. Unfortunately his writings were lost and the

subject matter was known to no one but himself.

The brilliant career of this noble patriot soldier was closed at the

battle of Camden, S. C. He there commanded the right wing of the

American army composed of regulars. The left wing was composed of

militia who fled at the sight of the red coats advancing with fixed

bayonets--as terrified as young horses at a locomotive. Not so with the

right wing. Although contending against overwhelming numbers they stood

their ground and fought like tigers. In his last desperate attempt to

seize the laurels of victory--the Baron fell helpless with eleven

wounds. In this prostrate condition a base attempt was made to pierce

him with several bayonets which was prevented by one of his

aids--Chevalier de Buysson--who threw himself over the fallen hero and

received the bayonets in his own body--exclaiming "_Save the Baron de

Kalb!_" The British officers interfered--saved him from instant death

and made him their prisoner. He was kindly treated by his captors and

survived but a short time. To an officer who expressed his sorrow for

his sufferings he replied--"I thank you for your sympathy--I die the

death I always prayed for--the death of a soldier fighting for the

rights of man."

In his last moments he dictated a letter to Gen. Smallwood who succeeded

him in command of his division. He expressed his ardent affection for

his officers and men--lauded their bravery which had forced admiration

from their enemies--urged them to persevere in the glorious cause of

FREEDOM until triumphant victory should perch upon their manly brows. He

then invoked a benediction on his beloved division--reached out his

trembling hand to Col. de Buysson--resigned his soul to God and closed

his eyes in death.

In that battle both armies suffered severely. Several others of the

American officers were killed--among them Col. Potterfield who was a

favorite of the whole army.

Baron de Kalb was a man of amiable disposition--modest and unassuming in

his manners--frank and generous in his intercourse--strictly moral and

temperate in his habits--was highly esteemed by all who knew him and

died deeply lamented. He was buried at Camden. His memory is cherished

by every friend of LIBERTY.

Some years after he had slumbered under the clods of the valley, Gen.

Washington visited his grave. He contemplated it thoughtfully for a few

moments and remarked--"So there lies the brave De Kalb--the generous

stranger who came from a distant land to fight our battles and to water

the tree of our LIBERTY with his blood. Would to God he had lived to

share its fruits."

In 1780 Congress caused a monument to be erected to his memory in

Annapolis, Maryland, with the following inscription,

Sacred to the memory of the

BARON DE KALB,

Knight of the royal order of Military Merit,

Brigadier of the armies of France,

and

MAJOR GENERAL

In the service of the United States of America.

Having served with honor and reputation

For three years,

He gave a last and glorious proof of his attachment

to the liberties of mankind

And the cause of America,

In the action near Camden in the State of South Carolina

On the 16th of August 1780,

Where, leading on the troops of the

Maryland and Delaware lines

Against superior numbers

And animating them by his examples

To deeds of valor,

He was pierced with many wounds

And on the nineteenth following expired

In the 48th year of his age.

THE CONGRESS

Of the United States of America,

In gratitude to his zeal, services and merit,

Have erected this monument.

GILBERT MOTTIER DE LA FAYETTE.

Patriotism is one of the noblest attributes of man. It is the soul of

freedom--the fulcrum of liberty--the lever of independence. It soars

sublimely above self--is prompted by honest motives--aims at glorious

ends. It is the motive power of philanthropy and would gladly

consolidate the human family in one harmonious universal brotherhood by

the heavenly law of love which can fraternize the world. It is opposed

to all oppression--abhors all tyrants--rejoices in the promulgation of

liberal principles. Its desires to do good are diffusive as the sun

light--it is not confined to country--nation or caste. No sectarianism

can swerve it--no monarch suppress it--no obstacle paralyze it. The

patriot may be crushed in person by illegitimate power--the

principle--_never_. Chains and dungeons will kindle it to a brighter

flame--persecution will increase its volume. The history of all time

proves the truth of these assertions--they form a corollary firm as the

perpetual hills--incontrovertible as the problems of Euclid. The man who

is destitute of this noble attribute is a mere automaton. There is a

vacuum in his soul which nature abhors and all despise--except kings,

aristocrats and demagogues. Patriotism is the dread incubus that hangs

over thrones. The true patriot delights to see all basking in the

refulgent rays of rational liberty and is ever ready to peril life and

fortune in the cause of equal rights whenever the people of any nation

rise in their native dignity to reclaim them from oppressors.

Thus it was with Gilbert Mottier de La Fayette, born on the 6th of

September 1757 at the castle Chavaniac in Auvergne. Soon after the

birth of this son, his father fell at the battle of Minden. As childhood

dawned upon young La Fayette he exhibited talents of unusual strength

and vigor. Under the genial rays of science they rapidly burst from

embryo--budded, blossomed and ripened into fruit of the most perfect

kind. At the age of seven years he was placed in the college of Louis le

Grand at Paris. His rapid progress in the elements of his education

exceeded the fondest anticipations of his numerous friends. By his

modesty, urbanity and innate goodness of heart he gained the esteem of

all who knew him. He graduated at an early age and was made a page to

the queen and soon rose to the rank of a commissioned officer--an honor

then conferred upon none but those presumed to possess superior merit

and talent. At the age of seventeen he married the Countess Anastatie de

Noailles--one of the most beautiful and amiable ladies of France. With

kindred spirits they united splendid fortunes sufficient to support them

in princely style through a long life. They were in the enjoyment of all

the pleasures earth could give--favorites at the gayest court in

Europe--caressed and beloved by those they held most dear--an ornament

to every circle in which they moved. Mutual esteem gave a rich zest to

every enjoyment--their social felicity was complete. All things combined

to rivet La Fayette to his happy--his enchanting home. Nothing but the

loftiest patriotism--the purest philanthropy could have induced him to

burst these infatuating bands and peril his life, fortune and sacred

honor in the cause of human rights in a foreign country.

Amidst the fascinating allurements that surrounded him, this noble youth

paused, reflected and reasoned. Through the bright vista of the future

Columbus saw the cheering vision of a new world. Through the same clear

mirror La Fayette saw the sun of FREEDOM reflecting its refulgent rays

over Columbia's prolific land. A band of patriots had sounded the

clarion of LIBERTY. Echo had wafted it from Bunker's bloody mount to the

ears of this young hero. The thought that there was a remnant left in

the world who dared to assume their native dignity and strike for their

just rights enraptured his soul. Contrary to the wishes of his friends

and the King of the French, he resolved to fly to the aid of the

oppressed Americans and participate in the unfading glory of planting

the standard of FREEDOM in the western hemisphere. Nor did he split on

the rock of resolves and re-resolves where many waste away their lives.

He at once proposed to the American Commissioners, then in Paris, to

enter the army of Washington. They informed him of the recent adverses

of those who were struggling for Liberty. They could present no bright

picture to induce him to hope for laurels or emolument. It was not

necessary. Nobler motives incited him to action. He still resolved to

go. Anxious as were Messrs. Franklin, Dean and Lee to secure his

services, they had not the means to convey him to the scene of action.

Obstacles of various kinds were vainly thrown across his path. Impelled

to an onward course by the noble impulses of patriotism--no difficulties

were too great for him to surmount--no hardships too severe for him to

endure, no sacrifice of wealth too large for him to make. Embarrassments

strengthened the resolution he had formed to enroll his name with the

brave and the free, even should he perish in the attempt.

He immediately fitted out a vessel at his own expense--freighted it with

munitions of war and clothing--received letters of high commendation

from the American commissioners to the Congress of their bleeding

country and embarked secretly for the land of the pilgrim fathers in the

winter of 1777. He then looked forward with anxious solicitude to that

happy day when he should aid in unfurling the banner of freedom--in

planting deep the tree of liberty in a soil congenial to its growth and

take by the hand those bold and daring sages and heroes who had thrown

the stars and stripes to the breeze in defiance of despotism--resolved

on freedom or death. Nothing short of a deep, strong, inherent devotion

to liberal principles could have induced La Fayette to leave his native

country under the existing circumstances and peril everything in behalf

of strangers. In vain we search history for a benevolence so broad and

disinterested. Call it ambition if you please. Would to God the same

laudable ambition reigned triumphant in the breast of every human being.

We should then see tyrants trembling--thrones crumbling--crowns

falling--fetters bursting and the grand jubilee of FREEDOM celebrated

amidst the expiring groans of monarchy--the chaotic ruins of tyranny.

Call it a thirst for glory. Would to God that all who have figured

largely on the grand theatre of public action could have the same glory

emblazoned on the escutcheon of their names. A purer, fairer sheet of

biography would then meet the eyes of the present and generations to

come.

On the 25th of April 1777 Lafayette and his companions landed in South

Carolina near Charleston and were warmly welcomed by Gen. Moultrie,

Major Huger and the little band of veterans around them. The destitute

condition of the American soldiers excited the sympathy of the Marquis.

He distributed clothing to those under Gen. Moultrie and a sword to each

of his officers. From Charleston he hastened to Philadelphia and

delivered his letters and despatches from the American Commissioners to

Congress. He offered himself as a volunteer--desiring to enter the army

with no remuneration except the proud satisfaction of enrolling his name

with the brave heroes whose motto was--LIBERTY OR DEATH. His unassuming

manners, patriotic sentiments, stern resolution, devotedness to the

cause and dignified bearing--combined to inspire confidence in all who

made his acquaintance. In July Congress passed a resolution accepting

his services and commissioned him a Major-General in the Continental

army. He immediately placed himself under the supervision of Washington

and commenced a brilliant career that gained increased lustre during a

long life of usefulness. Shortly after he entered the service he acted a

conspicuous part in the battle of Brandywine where he was wounded and

disabled for six weeks. In the battle of Germantown he proved himself a

cool, brave and skilful officer. He soon gained the full confidence of

Washington and was put in command of a choice corps of daring young men

selected by himself and was entrusted with several expeditions which he

conducted with great prudence and success and to the entire satisfaction

of Washington and Congress. On all occasions he exhibited talents of the

highest order. Discretion--the strong helm of human action, guided him

in all his actions.