CHAPTER IX.

LIFE AT COLLINGWOOD.

Herschel’s career as an observing astronomer came to a virtual end with

his departure from the Cape. He was then forty-six, two years younger

than his father when he began his course of prodigious activity at

Slough. Sir William’s craving to see and to know was insatiable; Sir

John’s was appeased by the accomplishment of one grand enterprise. His

was a many-sided mind; dormant interests of sundry kinds revived on the

first opportunity; new ones sprang up; and curiosity to interrogate the

skies ceased to “prick the sides of his intent.” So the instruments

taken down at Feldhausen in 1838 were not remounted in England; and

their owner is never again recorded to have used a telescope. One

cannot but regret that, in the plenitude of his powers, and instructed

by rare experience, he should have put by his weapons of discovery.[H]

The immense stock of observations with which they had furnished him

remained, it is true, in their primitive, rough-hewn state; and he may

have considered that wise husbandry required him to save one harvest

before planting another. This, at any rate, was the course that he

pursued.

[H] The three specula of the twenty-foot are in the possession

of Sir William J. Herschel; the tube remains in good

preservation at Collingwood.

But it was often and in many ways interrupted. The demands on his

time and thoughts were innumerable. Having settled his family

for the season in London, he paid his third and last visit to his

venerable aunt, and, in returning, dined with Dr. Olbers, the

physician-astronomer of Bremen, then in his eightieth year. A fortnight

later he was on his way to Newcastle, where the British Association

met, August 20th. He was received with acclamation, but overwhelmed

by scientific exactions. The proceedings were to him “a dreadful wear

and tear,” and they left behind “mixed and crowded recollections.” No

wonder. Besides acting as President of the Mathematical Section, he

found himself involved in varied responsibilities. He was placed on a

Committee for bringing down to date the places of Lacaille’s 10,000

southern stars; on another for revising stellar nomenclature. The

reduction of a body of meteorological observations made on a plan of

his devising was entrusted to him; above all, he was charged with the

development of Humboldt’s international scheme for securing systematic

and world-wide observations on terrestrial magnetism. He drew up a

memorial to the Government; compiled the Instructions for Sir James

Clark Ross’s Antarctic expedition; and elaborately reported progress

at several successive meetings of the British Association. His heart

was in the work. He contributed an article dwelling on its importance

to the _Quarterly Review_ for June, 1840; and in 1845 he expressed the

opinion that “terrestrial physics form a subject every way worthy to be

associated with astronomy as a matter of universal interest and public

support.”

The constellations gave him still more trouble than the vagaries of

poised needles. They were in a riot of disorder. Celestial maps had

become “a system of derangement and confusion”--of confusion “worse

confounded.” New asterisms carved out of old existed precariously,

recognised by some, ignored by others; waste places in the sky had

been annexed by encroaching astronomers as standing-ground for their

glorified telescopes, quadrants, sextants, clocks; a chemical apparatus

had been set up by the shore of the river Eridanus, itself a meandering

and uncomfortable figure; while serpents and dragons trailed their

perplexing convolutions through hour after hour of right ascension.

There were constellations so large that Greek, Roman, and Italic

alphabets had been used up in designating the included stars; there

were others separated by debatable districts, the stars in which often

duplicated those situated within the authentic form of one of the

neighbouring celestial monsters. Identification was thus in numberless

cases difficult; in some, impossible.

In conjunction with Francis Baily, Herschel undertook the almost

hopeless task of rectifying this intolerable disorder. After much

preliminary labour, he submitted to the Royal Astronomical Society,

in 1841, a drastic scheme of constellational reform--a stellar

redistribution-bill, framed on radical principles. Its alarming

completeness, however, caused it to be let drop; and he finally

proposed, in his report of 1844 to the British Association, a less

ambitious but more practicable measure. Although not adopted in its

entirety, it paved the way for ameliorations. The boundaries of

the constellations have since been defined; interlopers have been

ejected; one--the Ship Argo--especially obnoxious for its unwieldy

dimensions, has been advantageously trisected. Nevertheless, individual

star-nomenclature grows continually more perplexed; partial systems

have become intermingled and entangled; double stars are designated in

one way, variables in another, quick-moving stars in a third, red stars

in a fourth, while any one of many catalogue-numbers may be substituted

at choice; palpable blunders, unsettled discrepancies, anomalies of

all imaginable kinds, survive in an inextricable web of arbitrary

appellations, until it has come to pass that a star has often as many

aliases as an accomplished swindler.

In the spring of 1840 Herschel removed from Slough to Collingwood,

a spacious country residence situated near Hawkhurst, in Kent. Here

he devoted himself, in good earnest, to the preparation of his Cape

results for the press. It was no light task. The transformation of

simple registers of sweeps into a methodical catalogue is a long and

irksome process; and Herschel was in possession of the “sweepings”

of nearly four hundred nights. He executed it single-handed, being

averse to the employment of paid computers. This was unfortunate.

Monotonous drudgery was not at all in his line; as well put Pegasus

between shafts. He had always found in himself “a great inaptitude”

for numerical calculations; and he now acknowledged to Baily that

attention to figures during two or three consecutive hours distressed

him painfully. Whewell lamented in the _Quarterly Review_ the lavish

expenditure of his time and energy upon “mere arithmetic”--computations

which a machine would have been more competent to perform than a

finely organised human brain. At last, however, in November, 1842, the

necessary reductions were finished; and the letterpress to accompany

the catalogues of double stars and nebulæ left his hands a couple of

years later. The preparation of the plates occasioned further vexatious

delays; and it was not until 1847 that the monumental work entitled

“Results of Astronomical Observations at the Cape of Good Hope” issued

from the press. The expenses of its production were generously defrayed

by the Duke of Northumberland. In sending a copy to his aunt, then in

her ninety-eighth year, he wrote: “You will have in your hands the

completion of my father’s work--‘The Survey of the Nebulous Heavens.’”

The publication was honoured with the Copley Medal by the Royal

Society, and with a special testimonial by the Astronomical Society.

Bessel, the eminent director of the Königsberg observatory, made

Herschel’s personal acquaintance at the Manchester meeting of the

British Association in 1842, and paid him a visit at Collingwood. The

subject of a possible trans-Uranian planet was discussed between them.

The German astronomer regarded its existence as certain, and disclosed

the plot he had already formed for waylaying it on its remote path. The

premonition stirred Herschel deeply. “There ought to be a hue and cry

raised!” he exclaimed in a letter to Baily. And in resigning the Chair

of the British Association, September 10, 1846, he spoke with full

assurance of the still undiscovered body. “We see it,” he declared,

“as Columbus saw America from the shores of Spain. Its movements have

been felt, trembling along the far-reaching line of our analysis, with

a certainty hardly inferior to that of ocular demonstration.” Within a

fortnight, Neptune, through Le Verrier’s indications, was captured at

Berlin.

“I hope you agreed with me,” he wrote, November 19, 1846, to Sir

William Hamilton, “that it is perfectly possible to do justice to

Adams’s investigations without calling in question M. Le Verrier’s

_property_ in his discovery. The fact is, I apprehend, that the

Frenchmen are only just beginning to be aware _what a narrow escape Mr.

Neptune had of being born an Englishman_. Poor Adams aimed at his bird,

it appears, first, and as well as Le Verrier, but his gun hung fire,

and the bird dropped on the other side of the fence!”

It is well known that Le Verrier and Adams personally ignored

controversy as to their respective claims to the planetary _spolia

opima_. They were together at Collingwood in July, 1847, with Struve as

their fellow-guest. During those few days King Arthur (in the person of

Sir John Herschel) “sat in hall at old Caerleon.”

He was elected President of the Royal Astronomical Society for the

usual biennial term in 1828, 1840, and 1847; on the last occasion

through the diplomatic action of Professor De Morgan. The Society

was passing through a crisis; he apprehended its dissolution, and

judged that it could only be saved by getting Herschel’s consent to

become its nominal head. “The President,” he wrote to Captain Smyth,

“must be a man of brass (practical astronomer)--a micrometer-monger,

a telescope-twiddler, a star-stringer, a planet-poker, and a

nebula-nabber. If we give bail that we won’t let him do anything if he

would, we shall be able to have him, I hope. We must all give what is

most wanted, and his name is even more wanted than his services. We can

do without his services, not without loss, but without difficulty. I

see we shall not, without great difficulty, dispense with his name.”

And to Herschel himself: “We have been making our arrangements for

the Society for the ensuing year; and one thing is that you are not

to be asked to do anything, or wished to do anything, or wanted to do

anything. But we want your _name_.” It was lent; and its credit seems

to have had the desired effect.

Dr. Whewell vainly tried to inveigle him, in November, 1838, into

accepting the presidentship of the Geological Society; but he had to

submit, in 1842, to be elected Rector of Marischal College, Aberdeen;

and he consented to preside over the meeting of the British Association

at Cambridge in June, 1845. His dignity on the occasion was not allowed

to interfere with his usefulness. He wrote home June 22: “We have been

on the Magnetic Committee working hard all the morning, in a Babel of

languages and a Babylonian confusion of ideas, which crystallised into

something like distinctness at last.” By that time the long-desired

particulars regarding terrestrial magnetism were rapidly accumulating.

_Facts_, as Herschel announced from the Presidential Chair, were

plentifully at hand. “What we now want is _thought_, steadily directed

to single objects, with a determination to avoid the besetting evil

of our age--the temptation to squander and dilute it upon a thousand

different lines of inquiry.”

Herschel observed the great comet of 1843 from the roof of his house

at Collingwood, on March 17, the first evening of its visibility in

England. All that could be seen was “a perfectly straight narrow band

of considerably bright, white cloud, thirty degrees in length, and

about one and a half in breadth.” It was not until the following night

that he recognised in this strange “luminous appearance” “the tail of

a magnificent comet, whose head at the times of both observations was

below the horizon.”

In December, 1850, he was appointed Master of the Mint--a position

rendered especially appropriate to him by Newton’s prior occupation of

it. The duties connected with it were just then peculiarly onerous.

Previously of a temporary and political character, the office now

became permanent, and simply administrative. Many other changes

accompanied this fundamental one. “The whole concern,” he said, “is in

process of reorganisation.” This fresh start demanded much “personal

and anxious attendance.” Notwithstanding his anxious regard for the

interests of subordinates, the reconstruction could not but be attended

by serious friction. No amount of oiling will get rusty wheels to

revolve smoothly all at once. “Things progress rather _grumpily_,” he

reported privately, “owing to the extreme discontent of some parties.”

Further contentious business devolved upon him as a member of the

jury on scientific instruments at the Great Exhibition. His time was

fully and not agreeably occupied. Rising at six, he worked at home

until half-past nine, then hurried to the Mint, which he exchanged

between three and four o’clock for the Exhibition, and there, until the

closing of its doors, examined the claims, and appeased the quarrels of

rival candidates for distinction. He also sat on the Royal Commission

appointed in 1850 to inquire into the University system. Its

recommendations, agreed to by him in 1855, greatly disgusted Whewell;

but their friendship remained unaltered by this discordance of opinion.

These accumulated responsibilities were too much for Herschel’s

sensitive nature; and the burthen was made heavier by a partial

separation from his family. He was never alone in Harley Street, but

the joyous life of Collingwood could not be transported thither;

and the arid aspect of a vast metropolis, suggesting business and

pleasure in excess, but little of enjoyment in either, oppressed him

continually. His health suffered, and in 1855 he withdrew definitively

into private life. His resignation of the Mint was most reluctantly

accepted.

“I find,” playfully remarked De Morgan, “that Newton and Herschel added

each one coin to the list: Newton, the gold quarter-guinea, which was

in circulation until towards the end of the century; Herschel, the gold

quarter-sovereign, which was never circulated.”

It was not the repose of inaction that Herschel sought at Collingwood.

“Every day of his long and happy life,” Professor Tait said truly,

“added its share to his scientific services.” Thenceforward he devoted

himself chiefly to the formidable task of collecting and revising

his father’s results and his own. His “General Catalogue of Nebulæ,”

published in the _Philosophical Transactions_ for 1864, was in itself

a vast undertaking. It comprised 5,079 nebulæ and clusters, to which

it served as a universal index of reference. It averted the mischief

of duplicate discoveries, settled the sidereal status of many a

pseudo-comet, and quickly became the authoritative guide of both

comet- and nebula-hunters. In the enlarged form given to it by Dr.

Dreyer in 1888, it is likely long to hold its place. Herschel next, in

1867, amalgamated into a regular catalogue of 812 entries his father’s

various classed lists of double stars (Memoirs, Royal Astronomical

Society, xxxv.). A far more comprehensive work was then taken in hand.

He desired to do for double stars what he had done for nebulæ--to

compile an exhaustive register of them in the shape of a catalogue,

accompanied by a short descriptive account of each pair. But he was not

destined to put this coping-stone to the noble monument erected by his

genius. Strength failed him to digest and dispose the immense mass of

materials he had collected. Nor was it possible for another to gather

up the loose threads of his unfinished scheme. All that could be done

was to preserve the imposing fragment as he left it. An ordered list

of the 10,320 multiple stars he had proposed to treat was accordingly

published in the fortieth volume of the same Society’s _Memoirs_ under

the care of Professor Pritchard and Mr. Main. But it hardly possesses

more than a commemorative value.

Maria Edgeworth was an old friend of Sir John Herschel’s. In March,

1831, she paid him a three days’ visit at Slough, which, she told a

friend in Ireland, “has far surpassed my expectations, raised as they

were, and warm from the fresh enthusiasm kindled by his last work” (the

“Preliminary Discourse”). Mrs. Herschel she described as “very pretty,”

sensible, and sympathetic, and possessed of the art of making guests

happy without effort. On Sunday, after service, the philosopher showed

off the dazzling colour-effects of polarised light, and at night,

with the twenty-foot, “Saturn and his rings, and the moon and her

volcanoes.”

After twelve years, she came again, this time to Collingwood. “I should

have written before,” Herschel assured Sir William Hamilton, December

1st, 1843, “but Miss Edgeworth has been here, and that, among all

people who know how to enjoy her, is always considered an excellent

reason for letting correspondence and all other worldly things ‘gang

their ain gate.’ She is more truly admirable now, I think, than at any

former time, though in her seventy-fifth year.”

Maria herself wrote from Collingwood in the following spring: “Here are

Lord and Lady Adare, Sir Edward Ryan, and ‘Jones on Rent.’ Jones and

Herschel are very fond of one another, always differing, but always

agreeing to differ, like Malthus and Ricardo.”

Sir William Hamilton spent a week under the same hospitable roof in

1846. He was delighted, and, as was his wont, compressed the expression

of his pleasure “within the Sonnet’s scanty plot of ground.” In the

first of a pair entitled “Recollections of Collingwood,” he celebrated

the “thoughtful walk” with his host, and the “social hours” in a family

circle,

“Where all things graceful in succession come;

Bright blossoms growing on a lofty stalk,

Music and fairy-lore in Herschel’s home.”[I]

[I] The lines are quoted in Graves’s “Life of Hamilton,” vol.

ii. p. 525.

The second dealt with “high Mathesis,” and

“dimly traced Pythagorean lore;

A westward-floating, mystic dream of FOUR.”

Although not, like his friend, an incorrigible and impenitent

sonnetteer, Herschel was “very guilty” of at least one specimen of the

art. They were staying together, in June, 1845, at Ely, in the house of

Dean Peacock. Hamilton’s inevitable sonnet came duly forth, and “next

morning,” he related to De Morgan, “as my bedroom adjoined Herschel’s,

and thin partitions did my madness from his great wit divide, I easily

heard what Burns might have called a ‘crooning,’ and was not much

surprised (being familiar with the symptoms of the attack)[J] when,

before we sat down to breakfast at the Deanery, Lady Herschel handed

me, in her husband’s name and her own, a sonnet of _his_ to _me_,

which, unless the spirit of egotism shall seize me with unexpected

strength, I have no notion of letting you see.”

[J] “Aut insanit, aut versos facit.”

The circulation of Herschel’s fervid eulogy would assuredly have put

his modesty to the blush. Headed “On a Scene in Ely Cathedral,” it runs

as follows:--

“The organ’s swell was hushed, but soft and low

An echo, more than music, rang; when he,

The doubly-gifted, poured forth whisperingly,

High-wrought and rich, his heart’s exuberant flow

Beneath that vast and vaulted canopy.

Plunging anon into the fathomless sea

Of thought, he dived where rarer treasures grow,

Gems of an unsunned warmth and deeper glow.

O born for either sphere! whose soul can thrill

With all that Poesy has soft or bright,

Or wield the sceptre of the sage at will

(That mighty mace which bursts its way to light),

Soar as thou wilt!--or plunge--thy ardent mind

Darts on--but cannot leave our love behind.”

Of Hamilton’s abstruse invention, the method of “Quaternions” (here

alluded to), Herschel was, from the first, an enthusiastic admirer.

He characterised it in 1847 as “a perfect cornucopia, from which, turn

it on which side you will, something rich and valuable is sure to drop

out.” The “power and pregnancy” of the new calculus were supremely

delightful to him, and he advised every mathematician to gain mastery

over it as a “working tool.” As such it has not yet been brought into

ordinary use, yet it remains in the armoury of science, ready for

emergencies.

Miss Mitchell of Nantucket, the discoverer of a comet, and a professor

of astronomy, published in 1889 (in the _Century_ magazine) her

reminiscences of a short stay at Collingwood in 1858. Her host “was

at that time sixty-six, but he looked much older, being lame and much

bent in his figure. His mind, nevertheless, was full of vigour. He

was engaged in re-writing the ‘Outlines of Astronomy.’” “Sir John’s

forehead,” she says, “was bold but retreating; his mouth was very good.

He was quick in motion and in speech. He was remarkably a gentleman;

more like a woman in the instinctive perception of the wants and wishes

of a guest.”

“In the evening,” she relates, “we played with letters, putting out

charades and riddles, and telling anecdotes, Sir John joining the

family party and chatting away like the young people.” He propounded

the question: If one human pair, living in the time of Cheops, had

doubled, and their descendants likewise, once every thirty years, could

the resulting population find room on the earth? The company thought

not. “But if they stood closely, and others stood on their shoulders,

man, woman, and child, how many layers would there be?” “Perhaps

three,” replied Miss Mitchell. “How many feet of men?” he insisted.

“Possibly thirty.” “Enough to reach to the moon,” said his daughter.

“To the sun,” exclaimed another. “More, more!” cried Sir John, exulting

in the general astonishment. “To Neptune,” was the next bid. “Now you

burn,” he allowed. “_Take one hundred times the distance of Neptune,

and it is very near._” “That,” he added, “is my way of whitewashing

war, pestilence, and famine.”

He further entertained his American guest with accounts of the

paradoxical notions communicated to him by self-taught or would-be

astronomers. One had inferred the non-existence of the moon from

Herschel’s chapters on lunar physics and motions. Another enclosed

half-a-crown for a horoscope. A third wrote, “Shall I marry, and have

I seen her?” In reference to the efforts then being made to introduce

decimal coinage into England, he remarked, “We stick to old ways, but

we are not cemented to them.”

The portrait of Caroline Herschel, painted by Tielemann in 1829,

which she herself declared to “look like life itself,” hung in the

drawing-room. (It is that reproduced in this volume.) “You would say in

looking at it,” Miss Mitchell wrote, ‘she must have been handsome when

she was young.’ Her ruffled cap shades a mild face, whose blue eyes

were even then full of animation. But it was merely the beauty of age.”

Herschel was no exception to the rule that astronomers love music

and flowers. He was never tired of gardening, and--to quote James

Nasmyth--“his mechanical and manipulative faculty enabled him to take a

keen interest in all the technical arts which so materially aid in the

progress of science.” The manufacture of specula naturally came home

to him, and he watched with genuine pleasure Nasmyth’s grinding and

polishing operations. He spent several days with him at Hammerfield in

1864. “Of all the scientific men I have had the happiness of meeting,”

Nasmyth wrote in his “Autobiography,” “Sir John stands supremely at

the head of the list. He combined profound knowledge with perfect

humility. He was simple, earnest, and companionable. He was entirely

free from assumptions of superiority, and, still learning, would listen

attentively to the humblest student. He was ready to counsel and

instruct, as well as to receive information.”

Herschel’s correspondence with De Morgan extended over nearly forty

years, and became latterly of an intimate character. “Looking back on

our long friendship,” he wrote to the widow shortly after De Morgan’s

death in the spring of 1871, “I do not find a single point on which we

failed to sympathise; and I recall many occasions on which his sound

judgment and excellent feeling have sustained and encouraged me. Many

and very distinct indications tell me that I shall not be long after

him.”

It fell out as he had predicted. The obituary memoirs of the two are

printed close together in the Astronomical Society’s “Monthly Notices.”

After a prolonged decline of strength, Sir John Herschel died at

Collingwood, in his seventy-ninth year, May 5th, 1871, his intellect

remaining unclouded to the last. He was buried in Westminster Abbey,

near the grave of Newton. The words engraven above his resting-place,

“Coelis exploratis, hic prope Newtonum requiescit,” tell what he did,

and what he deserved.

His death created an universal sense of sorrow and of loss. He left

vacant a place which could never be filled. His powers, his qualities,

and his opportunities made a combination impossible to be reproduced.

His genius showed curious diversities from his father’s. He lacked

his profound absorption, his penetrating insight, his unaccountable

intuitions. A tendency to discursiveness, happily kept in check

by strength of will and devotion to an elevated purpose, replaced

in him his father’s enraptured concentration. On the other hand,

his appreciative instinct for the recondite beauty of mathematical

conceptions was wanting to his father. William Herschel possessed fine

mathematical abilities; but he cultivated them no further than was

necessary for the execution of his designs; and elementary geometry

served his turn. But Sir John might have taken primary rank as a pure

mathematician. Possibly his inventive faculty would have developed

in that line more strongly than in any other. The grasp of his mind

was indeed so wide that many possibilities of greatness were open

to him. That he chose rightly the one to make effective, no one

can doubt. The neglect on his part of astronomy would have been a

scientific delinquency. His splendid patrimony of telescopic results

and facilities was inalienable. It was a talent entrusted to him,

which he had not the right to bury in the ground. He laboured with it

instead to the last farthing. Not for his own glory. He aspired only

to fill up, for the honour of his father’s name, the large measure of

his achievements. In doing so he performed an unparalleled feat. He

swept from pole to pole the entire surface of the hollow sphere of the

sky. It is unlikely to be repeated. The days of celestial pioneering

are past. Nothing on the scale of a general survey will in future

be undertaken except with photographic help. The use of the direct

telescopic method tends to become more and more restricted. This is

a loss as well as a gain. A _hortus siccus_ is to a blooming garden

very much what a collection of photographs is to the luminous flowers

of the sky. They are depicted more completely, more significantly,

more conveniently for purposes of investigation, than they can be

seen; but the splendour of them is gone. Their direct contemplation

has an elevating effect upon the mind, which indirect study, however

diligent and instructive, is incapable of producing. The sublimity of

the visions drawn from the abyss of space cannot be reasoned about. It

strikes home to the spectator’s inner consciousness without waiting for

the approval of his understanding. Thus to Herschel, no less expressly

than to the Psalmist three thousand years earlier, “the heavens told

the glory of God.” He lived at his telescope a life apart, full of

incommunicable experiences.

“To Herschel,” as Mr. Proctor expressed it, “astronomy was not a

matter of right ascension and declination; of poising, clamping, and

reading-off; of cataloguing and correcting.” “It was his peculiar

privilege,” Dean Stanley remarked in his funeral sermon, “to combine

with those more special studies such a width of view and such a power

of expression as to make him an interpreter, a poet of science, even

beyond his immediate sphere.” Hence the popularity of his books, and

the favoured place he occupied in public esteem.

His character was of a more delicate fibre than his father’s. It was

also, by necessary consequence, less robust. Sir William Herschel

surmounted adversity. Sir John would have endured it, had his lot been

so appointed. But it never came his way. He was one of those rarest of

rare individuals--

“Whose even thread the Fates spin round and full,

Out of their choicest and their whitest wool.”

His life was a tissue of felicities. For him there was no weary

waiting, no heart-sickening disappointment, no vicissitudes of

fortune, no mental or moral tempests. Success attended each one of

his efforts; he could look back without regret; he could look forward

with confident hope; his family relations brought him unalloyed

happiness. He suffered, indeed, one bereavement in the untimely death

of his daughter, Mrs. Marshall, the wife of a nephew of Dr. Whewell;

but Christian resignation sweetened his sorrow. His religion was

unpretending and efficacious. No duty was left by him unfulfilled; and

he wore, from youth to age, “the white flower of a blameless life.”

A discriminating onlooker said of him, that his existence “was full

of the serenity of the sage and the docile innocence of a child.”

He was retiring almost to a fault, careless of applause, candid

in accepting criticism. Although habitually indulgent, he was no

flatterer, “Anyone,” Mr. Proctor said, “who objected to be set right

when in error, might well be disposed to regard Sir John Herschel as

a merciless correspondent, notwithstanding the calm courtesy of his

remarks. He set truth in the first place, and by comparison with her,

neither his own opinions, nor those of others, were permitted to have

any weight whatever.” Beginners invariably met with his sympathy and

encouragement. He felt for difficulties which he himself had never

experienced.

Being thus constituted, he could not but inspire affection. The French

physicist, Biot, when asked by Dr. Pritchard, after the death of

Laplace, who, in his opinion, was his worthiest successor, replied,

“If I did not love him so much, I should unhesitatingly say, John

Herschel.” His own attachments were warm and constant; and the few

scientific controversies in which he engaged, were carried on with his

habitual gentleness and urbanity.

Herschel left eight daughters and three sons, of whom the eldest, Sir

William James Herschel, succeeded him in the baronetcy, while the

second, Professor Alexander Stewart Herschel, has earned celebrity

by his meteoric researches. The election of the third, Colonel John

Herschel, to a Fellowship of the Royal Society, in recognition of his

spectroscopic examination of southern nebulæ, threw a gleam of joy over

his father’s deathbed. Lady Herschel survived her husband upwards of

thirteen years.

The learned societies of Europe vied with each other in enrolling

the name of Sir John Herschel; and he was nominated, in 1855, on the

death of Gauss, one of the eight foreign members of the French Academy

of Science. As we have seen, he received the Copley Medal from the

Royal Society twice, their Royal Medal thrice, and from the Royal

Astronomical Society, two Gold Medals and a testimonial. Compliments

and homage, however, left him as they found him--quiet, intent, and

unobtrusive.

Several portraits of him are in existence. One was executed in oils

by Pickersgill for St. John’s College, Cambridge, at a comparatively

early period of his life. It is here (page 142) reproduced from an

admirable engraving. His later aspect is finely represented in a

painting by his eldest daughter, Lady Gordon. The eyes in it are

sunken, though brilliant; the shape of the head is concealed by a

mane of grey hair. There is about it something of leonine grandeur,

disjointed from leonine fierceness. It perpetuates, indeed, the

countenance of a man replete with human tenderness.

The Herschels and Modern Astronomy · 第 9 / 10 章