THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866.
1. The four months following the adjournment of the first session of the
39th Congress were full of excitement. The public was thoroughly aroused,
and all incidents were considered in the light they threw upon the
question of the hour. The President's uncompromising hostility to the 14th
Amendment brought about a crisis in the Cabinet.[124] William Dennison,
Postmaster-General, was the first to declare the impossibility of
maintaining cabinet relations with the President. He resigned on July 11,
and A. W. Randall, of Wisconsin, First Assistant Postmaster-General, was
appointed in his place. Mr. Randall was a devoted adherent of the
administration, and president of the National Union Club which called the
convention of August 14. The second resignation was that of James Speed,
Attorney-General, on July 18. Coming from Kentucky, Mr. Speed had had the
reputation of being quite conservative in his views regarding
reconstruction, and his formal notice of separation from the President
created no little excitement. His intimate connection with the
administration gave unusual force to his denunciation of its policy, made
at the time of taking the chair as permanent president of the convention
of Southern loyalists. Henry Stanbery of Ohio was appointed as his
successor, and retained his position until he resigned to assist in the
defense of the President in the impeachment trial. A few days after Mr.
Speed's withdrawal, the Secretary of the Interior, James Harlan, tendered
his resignation, and O. H. Browning, of Illinois, was appointed to fill
the vacancy.
It is altogether probable that these resignations would have been made
earlier than they were, had it not been feared that the control of these
important administrative departments would fall into the hands of those
who would use their powers in opposition to Congress. But the time had
come when the incumbents considered that by the retention of the offices
they were being forced to share the odium attached to the President, and
deemed total separation from him as the best method of justification.
The laws discriminating against the colored man, and the numerous
instances of cruelty which had been reported to the North, were an
important factor in creating and sustaining the common feeling of
hostility to the administration. But the New Orleans riots, occurring on
July 30, did more to rouse the people of the North, and convince them that
stern measures were necessary, than all that had preceded. The massacre
stood out vividly against the background of "black laws," and furnished an
argument of the most effective kind to be used in the campaign.
2. The riots were of a peculiarly exasperating character. The
constitutional convention of 1864, summoned by the proclamation of Major
General Banks, had passed resolutions giving the president of the
convention power "to reconvoke the convention for any cause." A majority
of the members came to the conclusion, in the spring of 1866, that the
State constitution should be amended, to place it in harmony with the
congressional policy.[125] They determined to have the convention
reconvoked for this purpose. The president, Judge E. H. Durell, declined
to take advantage of his prerogative, but the delegates, not to be
thwarted in this way, proceeded to elect a president _pro tem._ who was
willing to issue the desired proclamation. The governor of the State, J.
M. Wells, concurred in this rather questionable procedure, and issued a
proclamation for an election to fill existing vacancies.
It being well understood that negro suffrage was one of the ultimate
objects desired by the supporters of the proposed constitutional
convention, active hostility to the movement rapidly developed. The
proclamation of the president _pro tem._ called for the assembling of the
delegates on July 30; and though the only object of this meeting was to
determine officially the existing vacancies to be filled in the fall
elections, the enemies to the enfranchisement of the freedmen determined
to crush the movement in its incipient stage. It is an easy matter to stir
up the passions and prejudices of the people, and the indiscreet speeches
of certain of the delegates only added to the popular excitement. A negro
procession organized in honor of the convention was attacked by a mob in
front of Mechanics' Hall, where the convention was in session. The attack
was soon extended to the hall itself, the police of the city joining hands
with the assailants. When the riot was over nearly two hundred persons
were found to have been killed or wounded, the greatest sufferers being
the negroes, who were shot down in front of the hall without mercy.
The flagrancy of the act, the connivance of the city authorities, and the
fact that, while legal steps were taken against the delegates and innocent
spectators, the actual murderers were in no way molested, furnished to the
people of the incensed North ample proof of the inability of the South to
maintain local government, and of the advisability of refusing to restore
these States to their former position in the Union. New Orleans was taken
as a fair example of what might happen at any place in the South. There
was no satisfactory justification for these acts of violence, and there
was little inclination in the North to consider the legal technicalities
involved in the attempt to amend the constitution of Louisiana. They
simply took cognizance of the fact that about fifty loyal citizens had
been murdered in cold blood, with the city authorities silently
acquiescing. In the face of such a fact, the solicitude of the President
to preserve the "inherent rights of the States" did not appeal to the
masses, and Johnson was forced to begin his campaign badly handicapped.
But, in addition to the blow given to the theory of the administration,
Johnson was forced to labor against a certain amount of personal censure,
brought about by his supposed attitude before the riots and his known
attitude after them. It was freely charged that he was in full sympathy
with the determination of the Mayor of New Orleans, and the
Lieutenant-Governor and Attorney-General of Louisiana, to prevent the
convention from accomplishing its plans. In support of the charge, his
answer to the inquiry as to whether the military power would interfere
with the attempt to arrest the members of the convention upon criminal
process was cited. His reply was as follows:[126] "The military will be
expected to sustain, and not to obstruct or interfere with the proceedings
of the court." While this may have indicated too great confidence in the
civil authorities of Louisiana, it certainly did not imply any connivance
in or sympathy with the summary proceeding of July 30. Possibly the
well-known opposition of Johnson to negro suffrage may have stimulated the
rioters to bolder defiance of Northern sentiment, but censure of him can
extend no farther. But, in his political canvass in the fall,[127] while
endeavoring in every way to discredit the 39th Congress in the eyes of the
people, he committed a grave error by an indirect defense of the rioters,
attacking the members of the convention as traitors who incited the negro
population to rioting, and throwing the responsibility of the whole affair
back upon Congress as having originated and fostered the plan to force
negro suffrage upon Louisiana.[128]
3. The fall campaign was formally opened by the supporters of the
presidential policy, who had immediately accepted the report of the
Committee on Reconstruction as the platform of the Republican
anti-administration faction, and had determined to appeal on that issue to
the people. Their hope was that the conservative element of the
population, thoroughly worn out by the struggle, would uphold the speedy
restoration of the Southern States, and that thereby a coalition might be
made between the Democrats and the administration Republicans strong
enough to unseat many of the radical members, reverse the majority, and so
give the administration control in the 40th Congress.
The first steps were promptly taken. The executive committee of the
National Union Club, a political organization established in Washington by
supporters of the administration, issued on June 25, just one week after
the submission of the report of the Committee on Reconstruction, a call
for a national convention to be held in Philadelphia on August 14.[129]
Delegates to this convention were to be chosen by those supporting the
administration and agreeing to certain "fundamental propositions" which
formed the platform of the conservatives. These propositions maintained
the absolute indissolubility of the Union, the universal supremacy of the
Constitution and acts of Congress in pursuance thereof, the constitutional
guarantee to maintain the rights, dignity and equality of the States, and
the right of each State to prescribe the qualifications of electors,
without any federal interference. They declared that the usurpation and
centralization of powers infringing upon the rights of the States "would
be a revolution, dangerous to republican government, and destructive of
liberty;" that the exclusion of loyal senators and representatives,
properly chosen and qualified under the Constitution and laws, was unjust
and revolutionary; that as the war was at an end, "war measures should
also cease, and should be followed by measures of peaceful
administration;" and that the restoration of the rights and privileges of
the States was necessary for the prosperity of the Union. This formal call
was approved, and its principles endorsed by the Democratic congressmen,
who issued an address to the "People of the United States" on July 4,
urging them to act promptly in the selection of delegates to the
convention.
In accordance with the call, every State and Territory was represented in
the convention. A glance at the list of delegates shows that they included
many of the prominent Democrats of the country, re-enforced by a number of
the prominent Republicans[130] who were in sympathy with the
administration. The enthusiastic manner in which the summons was answered
seemed to the friends of the administration to indicate an unquestionable
overthrow of the radicals. They thought that harmony was soon to reign
over all portions of the Union, which was once more being drawn closely
together by the watchword "National Union."
Reverdy Johnson, who had submitted in the Senate the minority report of
the Committee on Reconstruction, was chosen chairman, and Senator Cowan,
of Pennsylvania, chairman of the committee on resolutions. The resolutions
were reported on August 17, and unanimously adopted by the convention.
They re-affirmed the fundamental principles set forth in the call of June
25, and appealed to the people of the United States to elect none to
Congress but those who "will receive to seats therein loyal
representatives from every State in allegiance to the United States." They
reiterated the claim that in the ratification of constitutional amendments
all the States "have an equal and an indefeasible right to a voice and
vote thereon." In concession to Northern sentiment, they declared that the
South had no desire to re-establish slavery; that the civil rights of the
freedmen were to be respected, the rebel debt repudiated, the national
debt declared sacred and inviolable, and the duty of the government to
recognize the services of the federal soldiers and sailors admitted. A
final resolution commended the President in the highest terms, as worthy
of the nation, "having faith unassailable in the people and in the
principles of free government."[131]
These views were fully elaborated in an address prepared by Henry J.
Raymond, and read before the convention. Little attempt was made to
qualify or render less offensive the argument that the Southern States
must be allowed their representation in Congress, whether or not such
action was for the best interest of the Union. Referring to this the
address declared that "we have no right, for such reasons, to deny to any
portion of the States or people rights expressly conferred upon them by
the Constitution of the United States." We should trust to the ability of
our people "to protect and defend, under all contingencies and by
whatever means may be required, its honor and welfare."[132]
A committee of the convention hastened formally to present its proceedings
to President Johnson, who had taken the keenest interest in the plans of
the National Union party. In his remarks to the committee he feelingly
referred to the somewhat theatrical entrance of the delegates of South
Carolina and Massachusetts, "arm in arm, marching into that vast
assemblage, and thus giving evidence that the two extremes had come
together again, and that for the future they were united, as they had been
in the past, for the preservation of the Union." Speaking to a sympathetic
audience, who applauded him to the echo, and believing that the people
were now endorsing his opposition to Congress, he saw no necessity for
tempering his statements, and cast aside his discretion. His
characterization of Congress was as follows: "We have witnessed, in one
department of the government, every endeavor to prevent the restoration of
peace, harmony and union. We have seen hanging upon the verge of the
Government, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, the
Congress of the United States, while in fact it is a Congress of only a
part of the States. We have seen this Congress pretend to be for the
Union, when its every step and act tended to perpetuate disunion and make
a disruption of the States inevitable. Instead of promoting reconciliation
and harmony, its legislation has partaken of the character of penalties,
retaliation and revenge. This has been the course and policy of one
portion of the Government."[133] Again, to show the disinterestedness of
his own course, he said: "If I had wanted authority, or if I had wished to
perpetuate my own power, how easily could I have held and wielded that
power which was placed in my hands by the measure called the Freedmen's
Bureau bill (laughter and applause). With an army, which it placed at my
discretion, I could have remained at the capital of the nation, and with
fifty or sixty millions of appropriations at my disposal, with the
machinery to be unlocked by my own hands, with my satraps and dependents
in every town and village, with the Civil Rights bill following as an
auxiliary (laughter), and with the patronage and other appliances of the
Government, I could have proclaimed myself dictator." ("That's true!" and
applause.)[134]
But his indiscretions did not end with speeches before his sympathizers.
Two weeks later he started on a trip, nominally to assist in the ceremony
of laying the cornerstone of the Douglas monument in Chicago.[135] As a
matter of fact, however, he was merely taking advantage of an opportunity
to defend his policy publicly. Johnson was of too impassioned a nature to
be able to judge as to how far the President of the United States could
afford to adopt the methods of the stump speaker. All constraint was
thrown away, and he acted at many times the part most natural to him, that
of a popular orator addressing the masses. His speeches at no time lacked
clearness. All could see where he stood, and nothing was left for
speculation.
His first important effort while on his journey was at New York on August
29, where he responded to a toast proposed by the mayor of the city. In
this speech he defined the issue as follows: "The rebellion has been
suppressed, and in the suppression of the rebellion it [the government]
has * * * established the great fact that these States have not the power,
and it denied their right, by forcible or peaceable means, to separate
themselves from the Union. (Cheers, 'Good!') That having been determined
and settled by the Government of the United States in the field and in one
of the departments of the government--the executive department of the
government--there is an open issue; there is another department of your
government which has declared by its official acts, and by the position of
the Government, notwithstanding the rebellion was suppressed for the
purpose of preserving the Union of the States and establishing the
doctrine that the States could not secede, yet they have practically
assumed and declared and carried up to the present point, that the
Government was dissolved and the States were out of the Union. (Cheers.)
We who contended for the opposite doctrine years ago contended that even
the States had not the right to peaceably secede; and one of the means and
modes of possible secession was that the States of the Union might
withdraw their representatives from the Congress of the United States, and
that would be practical dissolution. We denied that they had any such
right. (Cheers.) And now, when the doctrine is established that they have
no right to withdraw, and the rebellion is at an end * * * we find that in
violation of the Constitution, in express terms as well as in spirit, that
these States of the Union have been and still are denied their
representation in the Senate and in the House of Representatives."[136]
Then, speaking of the people of the South: "* * Do we want to humiliate
them and degrade them and drag them in the dust? ('No, no!' Cheers.) I say
this, and I repeat it here to-night, I do not want them to come back to
this Union a degraded and debased people. (Loud cheers.) They are not fit
to be a part of this great American family if they are degraded and
treated with ignominy and contempt. I want them when they come back to
become a part of this great country, an honored portion of the American
people."[137]
Another representative speech was the one which he made in Cleveland on
September 3: "I tell you, my countrymen, I have been fighting the South,
and they have been whipped and crushed, and they acknowledge their defeat
and accept the terms of the Constitution; and now, as I go around the
circle, having fought traitors at the South, I am prepared to fight
traitors at the North. (Cheers.) God willing, with your help we will do
it. (Cries of 'We won't.') It will be crushed North and South, and this
glorious Union of ours will be preserved. (Cheers.) I do not come here as
the Chief Magistrate of twenty-five States out of thirty-six. (Cheers.) I
came here to-night with the flag of my country and the Constitution of
thirty-six States untarnished. Are you for dividing this country? (Cries
of 'No.') Then I am President, and I am President of the whole United
States. (Cheers.)"[138]
Speeches of this nature, coming at a time when the outrages in the South
had so greatly incensed the North, had a most depressing influence upon
the fortunes of the National Union party, and failed utterly in the object
for which they were intended. The trip proved to be a grave political
mistake. The undignified spectacle of a President receiving coarse
personal abuse and retorting in scarcely less coarse expressions was
quickly taken advantage of by his opponents; and the phrase "swinging
around the circle" has assumed historic dignity as a description of his
journey.
4. The "off year" national convention plan adopted by the National Union
Club was immediately accepted by the congressional party, which was no
less active in preparations for the struggle. On July 4, the same day on
which the Democratic congressmen issued their address to the people,
representative Southern Unionists,[139] supporters of Congress, issued a
call to "the Loyal Unionists of the South," for a convention to be held in
Philadelphia on September 3.[140] The call stated that the convention was
"for the purpose of bringing the loyal Unionists of the South" into
conjunction with the true friends of republican government in the North.
"* * The time has come when the restructure of Southern State government
must be laid on constitutional principles. * * * We maintain that no
State, either by its organic law or legislation, can make transgression on
the rights of the citizen legitimate. * * * Under the doctrine of 'State
sovereignty,' with rebels in the foreground, controlling Southern
legislatures, and embittered by disappointment in their schemes to destroy
the Union, there will be no safety for the loyal element of the South. Our
reliance for protection is now on Congress, and the great Union party that
has stood and is standing by our nationality, by the constitutional
rights of the citizen, and by the beneficent principles of the
government."
The convention met at the time appointed, with representatives present
from all the lately insurrectionary States.[141] James Speed of Kentucky,
Attorney-General until July 18, was elected permanent chairman. For
purposes of co-operation, the Northern States had been invited to send
delegations, and all responded. Thus the convention was as truly national
as the "National Union" convention of August 14 had been. It was decided,
however, that for the purpose of rendering the declaration of the Southern
Unionists more significant, the Northern and Southern Unionists should
hold their sessions separately, and Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania was
accordingly elected chairman of the Northern section.
The resolutions of the Southern section were reported by Governor Hamilton
of Texas, chairman of the committee on resolutions, and they naturally
endorsed the action of Congress in its entirety.[142] While demanding the
restoration of the States, they declared Johnson's policy to be "unjust,
oppressive, and intolerable," and that restoration under his "inadequate
conditions" would only magnify "the perils and sorrows of our condition."
They agreed to support Congress and to endeavor to secure the ratification
of the 14th Amendment. Congress alone had power to determine the political
status of the States and the rights of the people, "to the exclusion of
the independent action of any and every other department of the
Government." "The organizations of the unrepresented States, assuming to
be state governments, not having been legally established," were declared
"not legitimate governments until reorganized by Congress." In addition to
these resolutions, an address "from the loyal men of the South to their
fellow-citizens of the United States," was prepared and adopted after the
formal adjournment of the convention.[143] This reaffirmed, in far
stronger terms, the condemnation of President Johnson, specifying many
ways in which he had wrought injury to them, and closing with the
following significant and powerful declaration: "We affirm that the
loyalists of the South look to Congress with affectionate gratitude and
confidence, as the only means to save us from persecution, exile and death
itself; and we also declare that there can be no security for us or our
children, there can be no safety for the country against the fell spirit
of slavery, now organized in the form of serfdom, unless the Government,
by national and appropriate legislation, enforced by national authority,
shall confer on every citizen in the States we represent the American
birthright of impartial suffrage and equality before the law. This is the
one all-sufficient remedy. This is our great need and pressing
necessity."[144]
A third convention of the year was the Cleveland convention of soldiers
and sailors,[145] organized on September 17, with General Wood of the
regular army as chairman. This convention was composed of supporters of
the administration, and, like the National Union convention, contained a
considerable proportion of Democrats. The resolutions endorsed those of
the National Union convention, and declared that "our object in taking up
arms to suppress the late rebellion was to defend and maintain the
supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the
dignity, equality, and rights of the States unimpaired."
The great mass of the soldiers, however, were earnest supporters of
Congress, and the results of the Cleveland convention were disappointing
to its originators; its principal effect was to create great enthusiasm
over the anti-administration convention of soldiers and sailors, which met
in Pittsburg on September 25 and 26.[146] This demonstration was intended
to offset whatever influence the Cleveland convention might have had over
the people, and it proved wonderfully effective. It was estimated that at
least twenty-five thousand old soldiers were in the city at the time. The
cause for this enthusiastic support is not difficult to find. The policy
of the administration appealed to the moderates--those who wished as rapid
a restoration to former conditions as possible, and those who were most
influenced by the appeal to so-called justice. The majority of the
soldiers, on the contrary, those who had made the greatest sacrifices for
their country, were the most sensitive concerning the results of their
sacrifices. Thoroughly accustomed to the thought of their great
accomplishments, the manumission of the slaves and the preservation of the
integrity of national power, they were keen to resent any steps which they
thought tended toward the annulling of these results. With this natural
bias, the arguments which the congressional party brought to bear upon
them were accepted with enthusiasm; and many of the leaders went into the
political campaign to be followed by the same soldiers who had followed
them through their military campaigns. The convention, however, was in no
sense a convention of officers. While the permanent president, Jacob D.
Cox, of Ohio,[147] had been a general of volunteers, the temporary
chairman, L. E. Dudley, had been a private, and the majority of the
offices of the convention were filled by men below the rank of
lieutenant.
As was to be expected from the nature of the convention, the feeling
against the administration was stronger and declared in more impassioned
tones than in the previous anti-administration convention. Its influence
upon the country was correspondingly greater. The army, recognized at this
time as the great preserver of the commonwealth, had great influence over
all classes of citizens. The anti-administration conventions, the New
Orleans massacre, and the violent attacks on Congress by the President
while "swinging around the circle," assured the triumph of the
congressional party.
The resolutions adopted at Pittsburgh were presented by General
Butler.[148] They were emphatic in tone, commencing with the declaration
that "the action of the present Congress in passing the pending
constitutional amendment is wise, prudent, and just," and that it was
unfortunate that it was not received in the proper spirit, the terms being
the mildest "ever granted to subdued rebels." The President's policy was
declared to be "as dangerous as it is unwise," and "if consummated it
would render the sacrifices of the nation useless." The power "to pass all
acts of legislation that are necessary for the complete restoration of the
Union" was declared to rest in Congress. The declaration of the President
to the committee of the National Union convention, that he could have made
himself dictator through the Freedmen's Bureau, aided by the army and
navy, was characterized as an insult to "every soldier and sailor in the
Republic." The obligation of the soldiers and sailors to the loyal men of
the South was acknowledged; and it was added: "We will stand by and
protect with our lives, if necessary, those brave men who remain true to
us when all around are false and faithless."
This, the most successful of the four conventions, completed the
remarkable series of national gatherings organized for effect on the State
elections. They were all characterized by frankness of statement, and by
clear recognition of the points at issue. But, as frequently happens in
political campaigns, the most important incidents were those which were
not designed to affect national issues. The riot at New Orleans was
intended, by its participants, to affect only Louisiana politics, yet all
the Southern States were compelled to share the responsibility. The same
thing was true of all other incidents through which the South manifested,
during these critical months, an unwillingness to accept the political
results of the war.
5. The fall elections resulted in a decisive victory for the congressional
policy, which secured a two-thirds majority in both houses. The protests
of the President were shown to lack popular support, and his vetoes in the
coming sessions were to be considered as merely one necessary step in the
legislative formality of passing a bill. The country had decreed that
Johnson could not have a voice in legislation. The campaign had been in
all respects disastrous to the President. The support which he had
received was mainly drawn from the Democratic party, and was of a
half-hearted nature; for, however nearly they agreed in theory, the fact
still remained that he was nominally a Republican President, and that
almost all of his patronage was bestowed upon Republicans. He had thrown
out decided hints that he would reverse his policy. For example, in St.
Louis, on September 8, he said: "I believe in the good old doctrine
advocated by Washington, Jefferson and Madison--of rotation in office.
These people who have been enjoying these offices seem to have lost sight
of this doctrine. I believe that one set of men have enjoyed the
emoluments of office long enough. They should let another portion of the
people have a chance. * * * Congress says he [the President] shall not
turn them out, and they are trying to pass laws to prevent it being done.
Well, let me say to you, if you will stand by me in this action (cheers),
if you will stand by me in trying to give the people a fair
chance--soldiers and citizens--to participate in these offices, God being
willing I will kick them out. * * * God willing, with your help, I will
veto their measures whenever any of them come to me."[149] But all this
failed to give him that which he prided himself so much on having, the
support of the people; and, so far as reconstruction was concerned, his
influence was ended by the fall elections of 1866.
6. While such was the general result of the campaign, the South voted to
sustain the President's policy. The fact that Johnson had taken direct
issue with Congress, and was actively supporting Democratic principles,
had a wonderful influence upon the South. The papers enthusiastically
prophesied the complete overthrow of the Republican party. They reasoned
that the enormous patronage of the President would ensure him a following
so powerful that its coalition with Democracy could not but result in
victory. Then, they reasoned, it would only be necessary to wait until the
convening of the 40th Congress, when the obnoxious amendment would be
discredited and the States readmitted to the possession of all their
rights and privileges without further delay or conditions. They utterly
failed to realize the injury which their discriminative legislation, the
New Orleans riots, the widely spread reports of cruelty and oppression,
and the defiant attitude of their press, had inflicted on their cause.
They only saw that the administration and Congress were estranged, and
believed that to be a sure indication of final success.
In this frame of mind they came to the polls, and in all the Southern
States overwhelming Democratic majorities evidenced the popular sentiment
among the dominant classes. Accordingly, when the State legislatures
convened, the 14th amendment was rejected almost unanimously in all except
Tennessee, which had ratified it in July. Delaware, Maryland and Kentucky,
the border Union States, also rejected the amendment, allying themselves
with the Southern cause. Twenty-one of the remaining twenty-four States
ratified the amendment, endorsing thereby the action of Congress.[150]
Iowa, Nebraska and California did not act upon the amendment at this time.
Had Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner been able to persuade Congress to
adopt their theory of the status of the Southern States, the amendment
would have been assumed to be a part of the Constitution, as twenty-one
States were more than three-quarters of twenty-seven, the total number of
States represented in Congress. But the majority of congressmen were never
able to adopt, in its entirety, the theory that the rebellion had utterly
destroyed the States and left them mere territory. It preferred to
accomplish the same result by less violent means. The legislation enacted
as a result of the attitude of the South towards the amendment practically
treated the States as conquered territory, yet they were counted in
determining the ratification of both the 13th and the 14th amendment.
The defiant attitude taken by the Southern legislatures was a grave
mistake. The most of them did not convene until Congress was again in
session, after the defeat of the administration, and when they should have
been able to see that their only hope was in submission. But the South,
ever too ready to act first and consider the consequences afterwards, only
saw in the proposed amendment an insult to the white race and an injustice
to their leaders. That they should be asked deliberately to inflict upon
themselves this punishment, seemed a humiliation which self-respect could
permit them only to spurn. They did not stop to realize that the rejection
of these terms would cause measures still more severe to be enacted.