CHAPTER XVIII.

RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES, THE BLOCK, THE BRAKE, AND LIGHT RAILWAYS

Until the autumn of 1888 nothing occurred to disturb the even tenor of my

way, and I pursued in peace my daily work at the County Down. It was

interesting work and pleasant to become personally acquainted with the

customers of the company, many of whom lived in towns and villages some

distance from the railway, and to gain their good will. It was

interesting and also satisfactory to gradually establish an improved and

efficient train service and to watch the traffic expand. It was

exhilarating to engage in lively competition with carriers by road who,

for short distance traffic, keenly competed with the railway. It was

good to introduce economies and improvements in working, and gratifying

to do what one could to help and satisfy the staff--a thing, I need

scarcely say, much easier to accomplish then than now.

And so the time passed until August, 1888, when the railway world was

deeply moved by the introduction of the _Railway and Canal Traffic Act_.

This Act was the outcome of the Report of the Select Committee of 1881,

before which Mr. James Grierson gave such weighty evidence. One of the

most important measures Parliament ever passed, it imposed on railway

companies an amount of labour and anxiety, prolonged and severe, such as

I hope they may not have to face again.

The Act, as I have stated before, altered the constitution of the Railway

Commission, and also effected minor alterations in the law relating to

railways and canals, but its main purpose was the revision of Maximum

Rates and Charges. It ordered each company to prepare a revised

classification of goods and a revised Schedule of Maximum Rates, and

submit them to the Board of Trade, who, after considering objections

lodged against them, were to agree (if they could) with the companies

upon a classification and schedule for adoption; and if they failed, to

determine a classification and schedule themselves. Public sittings at

Westminster, Edinburgh and Dublin, occupying 85 days, took place, but no

agreement was reached; and in their Report to Parliament the Board of

Trade embodied a Revised Classification and a standard Schedule of

Maximum Rates for general adoption. The Schedule included Terminals. In

accordance with the Act, it then became necessary for this Revised

Classification and Schedule to be confirmed by Parliament. Against them

petitions were lodged by both railways and traders, and the whole matter

was referred to a Joint Committee of both Houses. This Committee sat in

1891 from April till July; but it was not until January, 1893, that all

was completed and the Revised Classification and the new rates brought

into force. Little time was afforded to the companies for their part of

the work. The whole system of rates was changed. New rates had to be

calculated on the new scale; thousands of rate books had to be compiled,

and millions of rates altered and revised. It was a colossal task;

impossible of fulfilment in the time allowed. The application of the new

Schedule forcibly reduced many rates, inflicting much loss upon the

companies, and because the companies advanced other rates (within the

limits of the new maximum powers of course) to meet this loss, or to meet

it to some extent, a storm of abuse arose and swept across the land. A

trader from Berwick-on-Tweed, more frank than most, wrote the following

"characteristic" letter as it was called at the time:--

"What we want is to have our fish carried at _half_ present rates. We

don't care a --- whether it pays the railways or not. Railways ought to

be made to carry for the good of the country, or they should be taken

over by the Government. That is what all Traders want and mean to try to

get."

Perhaps they would not be happy if they got it! In his clear, and most

interesting book _Railways and Their Rates_, my friend Edwin A. Pratt

says this letter was quoted in the Report which the Board of Trade made

to Parliament after their 85 days' Inquiry. The railway companies

announced that the new rates were in no sense final, that the time

allowed them was insufficient for proper revision, that they would give

an assurance that no increase would be made that would interfere with

trade or agriculture or diminish traffic and that, unless under

exceptional circumstances, no increase would in any case exceed 5 per

cent. But all was in vain, and Parliament passed an Act which provided

that any increase whatever (though within the limits of the new statutory

maximum) if complained of, should be heard and decided upon by the

Railway Commissioners, and that the onus of proving the reasonableness of

the increase should rest on the railway company. Sir Alexander (then

Mr.) Butterworth, in his book on _The Law Relating to Maximum Rates and

Charges on Railways_, published in 1897, says this remarkable result is

presented: that Parliament, "after probably the most protracted inquiry

ever held in connection with proposed legislation, decided that certain

amounts were to be the charges which railway companies should for the

future be entitled to make, and in 1894 apparently accepted the

suggestion that many of the charges, sanctioned after so much

deliberation, were unreasonable, and enacted that to entitle a company to

demand them, it should not be sufficient that the charge was within any

limit fixed by an Act of Parliament." Thus Parliament, yielding to

popular clamour, stultified itself, and in feverish haste to placate an

angry and noisy public tied the hands of the railway companies, doing, I

believe, more harm than good. This legislation naturally made the

companies very cautious in reducing a rate because of the difficulties to

be encountered should circumstances require them to raise it again, and

railway rates thus lost that element of elasticity and adaptability so

essential to the development of trade. Many a keen and enterprising

business man have I heard lament the restrictions that Parliament imposed

and declare that such interference with the freedom of trade was short-

sighted in the extreme and bad for the country.

Immediately after the passing of the Act of 1888 the railway companies

vigorously attacked the work imposed upon them. A special meeting on the

subject was held at the Irish Railway Clearing House in Dublin for the

purpose of preparing a revised Classification and Schedule of Rates. This

was a rare opportunity for me and I eagerly availed myself of it. Before

I left Glasgow it will be remembered I had been entrusted with an

examination of the statutory charging powers of the Glasgow and South-

Western company, and with the drawing up of a suggested scale of maximum

rates. No similar work had yet been done in Ireland, and it was

altogether new to the Irish companies. I produced copies of the

statements which I had prepared in Glasgow, and they served as a basis

for what had to be done, saved much time and trouble and gained for me no

little _kudos_. But more than this resulted. As I have hinted before,

and as will hereafter appear, this bit of Glasgow work led to my

promotion to a greater charge than the busy little County Down, which

though I loved it well, I had begun to feel I was now outgrowing. Many

other meetings at the Clearing House followed in which I took part with

increasing confidence, and in which Walter Bailey also prominently

figured. He and I were hand and glove. Cotton, who soon discovered that

Bailey was an authority on the subject, as indeed he was on most railway

matters, was not slow to profit by his knowledge and ability. He brought

him to all our meetings, and valuable was the help that Bailey gave.

In 1889 there came into operation the _Regulation of Railways Act_. It

invested the Board of Trade with power to order any company to adopt

block working, to interlock all points and signals, and to use on all

trains carrying passengers automatic continuous brakes. Before issuing

the order the Board consented to hear any representations which the

railways desired to make. The smaller companies, upon which the

expenditure involved would press very hardly, and the circumstances of

whose traffic seemed scarcely to require the same elaborate precautions

for safety in working as the bigger and more crowded systems, banded

together and waited on the Board of Trade. Upon me devolved the duty of

presenting the case for the smaller Irish companies, and upon Conacher,

of the Cambrian, for the smaller English lines. How finely Conacher

spoke I well remember. He had an excellent voice, possessed in a high

degree the gift of concise and forcible expression, and his every word

told. But our eloquence accomplished little--some small modification

regarding mixed trains, and that was all. Many of the lines in Ireland

serving districts where population is scanty, traffic meagre, and trains

consequently infrequent, could well have been spared the costly outlay

which the Act involved. Three or four trains each way per day represent

the train service on many of these small railways, and some of the

sections of the larger lines warrant little more. Take, for instance,

the case of the Midland Great-Western. On 330 out of its 538 miles not

more than six trains each way in the 24 hours are required, and they

could probably be reduced without hurting anyone. These figures relate

not to the exceptional war time in which I pen these lines, when stern

necessity has sweepingly reduced the train service, but to pre-war days

when normal conditions prevailed. Half a dozen trains each way per day!

In England there are as many, or more, in the hour!

The Act of 1889 also dealt with the working hours of railway men whose

duty involved the safety of trains or passengers, and required each

company to make periodical returns of those employed for longer hours

than were to be named from time to time by the Board of Trade; and it

contained further a useful clause to the effect that the fares were in

future to be printed on passenger tickets. I should not be surprised if

this simple little clause has not brought more real satisfaction to the

minds and hearts of the people of the British Isles than all the laboured

legislation on railway rates and charges.

In the year 1889 a great fillip was given to the extension of railways in

Ireland by the passing of the _Light Railways (Ireland) Act_. It was

familiarly known as "Balfour's Act." Mr. Balfour was then Chief

Secretary of Ireland, and it was due to him that it was passed. The Act

was designed "to facilitate the construction of Light Railways in

Ireland," and embodied various recommendations of the Allport Commission.

It was the first introduction of the principle of State aid by free money

grants. Such aid was conditional upon the light railway being

constructed or worked by an existing railway company, except in cases

where the Baronies guaranteed dividends upon a portion of the capital.

The amount which the Treasury was authorised to grant was 600,000 pounds.

In 1896 this was increased by a further sum of 500,000 pounds, and both

were, in addition to a capital sum, represented by 40,000 pounds per

annum which had been granted under previous legislation. Under this Act

and Acts of 1890 and 1896, over 300 miles, comprising 15 separate lines,

were constructed at a total cost, exclusive of what the railway companies

contributed, of 1,849,967 pounds, of which the Government contribution

was 1,553,967 pounds. Although the lines were promoted under Light

Railway Acts, and the Government grants were based upon light railway

estimates, Parliamentary power was obtained to construct, maintain, and

work them as other than light railways. This was taken advantage of by

some of the working companies who, in eight instances contributed

themselves a considerable amount of capital, in order that the lines

should be made sound and substantial, of the usual gauge, and such as

could be worked by the ordinary rolling stock of the company. The

Midland Great-Western, for instance, so expended no less than 352,000

pounds of their capital on "Balfour Lines" in the west. It was a

spirited thing to do.

Of the 309 miles of "light" railways, made under the 1889 and subsequent

Acts, 194 were constructed on the ordinary gauge of the country, 5 feet 3

inches, and the remainder on a 3-foot gauge.

Several Light Railway or Tramway Acts were passed in Ireland between 1860

and 1883, under which 295 miles of light railways at a cost of 1,389,784

pounds were constructed. With the exception of the small sum of 144,804

pounds, the interest on the whole of this capital was guaranteed by the

Baronies, the Treasury repaying the Baronies one-half but not to exceed

two per cent.

The lines constructed under "Balfour's Act" are situated mostly in

Connemara, Kerry, Mayo and Donegal, serving districts remote and thinly

populated, where as commercial ventures they could not have been

projected. That they have proved to be of great benefit to the country

is beyond question. They have developed fishing and agriculture, and

have brought the tourist into districts little visited before. Live

stock and farm produce are able to reach their market, and places before

isolated are in touch with the outer world.

One of the first of the railways made under the 1889 Act was a short line

of 8 miles from the County Down line at Downpatrick to the little fishing

village of Ardglass. It stood first on the list of lines recommended for

construction in the Report of the Allport Commission. Primarily it was

intended for the development of the herring traffic which for years had

abounded on the coast, but no sooner was the line opened, than that

perverse migratory fish sought other seas, and did not return to Ardglass

for I don't know how long.

The promotion of the Ardglass railway, and the steps necessary for

obtaining an Order in Council for its construction and working,

familiarised me with the Light Railway Legislation of Ireland, with which

in subsequent years I was often concerned.

In the autumn of 1889, in company with Mr. Jackson (afterwards Lord

Allerton), then Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Andrews and other

directors of the County Down, I visited Ardglass. Under the new Act the

Treasury, in connection with the projected railway construction, held the

purse strings, and the Treasury, so far as we were concerned, was Mr.

Jackson. We of the County Down were keen on getting the line sanctioned,

and were very anxious concerning Mr. Jackson's visit. He was a man who

drove a hard bargain, so it was said. Certainly he was an able man, and

I greatly admired him that day. Later in life, when he was Lord

Allerton, and Chairman of the Great Northern Railway of England, I met

him again and liked him well.

In 1889 there were no _light railways_ in Great Britain, or practically

none. Except in Ireland they are of modern growth. What really

constitutes a light railway it is not easy to say. Commonly it is

thought to be a matter of gauge, but that is not so. Mr. Acworth says:

"such a definition is in the nature of things impossible," but that, "a

light railway must be something simpler and cheaper than an ordinary

railway." Mr. Cole says that "the natural demand for a definition must

he frankly met with the disappointing reply that a hard and fast

definition, at once concise, exact, and comprehensive is not forthcoming,

and that a partial definition would be completely misleading." As such

authorities are unable to furnish a definition I shall not attempt it,

and will content myself with suggesting that the most recognisable

feature of a _light_ railway is its _light_ traffic.

Fifty Years of Railway Life in England, Scotland and Ireland · 第 18 / 32 章