(Garfield Campaign.)
1880.
FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the grandest
audience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General James A.
Garfield is to be the next President of the United States. This audience
certifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor of the city of
New York. This audience certifies that the business men of New York
understand their interests, and that the business men of New York are
not going to let this country be controlled by the rebel South and the
rebel North. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to force; now it
appeals to fraud. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to the sword;
now it appeals to the pen. It was treason then, it is forgery now. The
Democratic party cannot be trusted with the property or with the honor
of the people of the United States.
The city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man that
has cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man that helped
to build a railway helped to build up the palaces of this city. Where
I am now speaking are the termini of all the railways in the United
States. They all come here. New York has been built up by the labor of
the country, and New York owes it to the country to protect the best
interests of the country.
The farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers and the
bankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble of New York.
You owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; and this city
that does the business of a hemisphere--this city that will in ten years
be the financial centre of this world--owes it to itself, to be true to
the great principles that have allowed it to exist and flourish.
The Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever be a
free country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that free speech
shall forever be held sacred in the United States. The Republicans of
New York ought to see that the party that defended the Nation shall
still remain in power. The Republicans of New York should see that
the flag is safely held by the hands that defended it in war. The
Republicans of New York know that the prosperity of the country depends
upon good government, and they also know that good government
means protection to the people--rich and poor, black and white. The
Republicans of New York know that a black friend is better than a white
enemy. They know that a negro while fighting for the Government, is
better than any white man who will fight against it.
The Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the South
which allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than any white
man who is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest vote. A black
man in favor of liberty is better than a white man in favor of slavery.
The Republicans of New York must be true to their friends. This
Government means to protect all its citizens, at home and abroad, or it
becomes a byword in the mouths of the nations of the world.
Now, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election next
Tuesday, and every Republican knows why he is going to vote the
Republican ticket; while every Democrat votes his without knowing why.
A Republican is a Republican because he loves something; a Democrat is a
Democrat because he hates something. A Republican believes in progress;
a Democrat in retrogression. A Democrat is a "has been." He is a "used
to be." The Republican party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory.
The Democrat keeps his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man
because he casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want
to preserve--that the business men of New York want to preserve--and,
in the first place, we want an honest ballot. And where the Democratic
party has power there never has been an honest ballot. You take the
worst ward in this city, and there is where you will find the greatest
Democratic majority. You know it, and so do I.
There is not a university in the North, East or West that has not in it
a Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the United States
that has not in it a Democratic majority--and they know it. Two
years ago, about two hundred and eighty-three convicts were in
the penitentiary of Maine. Out of that whole number there was one
Republican, and only one. [A voice--"Who was the man?"] Well, I do
not know, but he broke out. He said that he did not mind being in the
penitentiary, but the company was a little more than he could stand.
You cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law that
has been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to throw
a safeguard around the ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican
party. Every law that has been defeated has been defeated by the
Democratic party. And you know it. Unless we have an honest ballot the
days of the Republic are numbered; and the only way to get an honest
ballot is to beat the Democratic party forever. And that is what we are
going to do. That party can never carry its record; that party is loaded
down with the infamies of twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down
with the infamies of fifty years. It will never elect a President in
this world. I give notice to the Democratic party to-day that it will
have to change its name before the people of the United States will
change the administration. You will have to change your natures; you
will have to change your personnel, and you will have to get enough
Republicans to join you and tell you how to run a campaign. If you want
an honest ballot--and every honest man does--then you will vote to keep
the Republican party in power. What else do you want? You want honest
money, and I say to the merchants and to the bankers and to the brokers,
the only party that will give you honest money is the party that resumed
specie payments. The only party that will give you honest money is the
party that said a greenback is a broken promise until it is redeemed
with gold. You can only trust the party that has been honest in
disaster. From 1863 to 1879--sixteen long years--the Republican party
was the party of honor and principle, and the Republican party saved the
honor of the United States. And you know it.
During that time the Democratic party did what it could to destroy our
credit at home and abroad.
We are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot and honest
money, but we are for law and order. What part of this country believes
in free speech--the South or the North? The South would never give free
speech to the country; there was no free speech in the city of New York
until the Republican party came into power. The Democratic party has
not intelligence enough to know that free speech is the germ of this
Republic. The Democratic party cares little for free speech because it
has no argument to make--no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is
summed up and ended in three words--"Hurrah for Hancock!" The Republican
party believes in free speech because it has something to say; because
it believes in argument; because it believes in moral suasion; because
it believes in education. Any man that does not believe in free speech
is a barbarian. Any State that does not support it is not a civilized
State.
I have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other human
being, and I am willing to give to every other human being the right
that I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in politics.
Republicanism means progress in civilization. Republicanism means that
every man shall be an educated patriot and a gentleman. I want to say to
you to-day that it is an honor to belong to the Republican party. It
is an honor to have belonged to it for twenty years; it is an honor to
belong to the party that elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let
me say to you that Lincoln was the greatest, the best, the purest, the
kindest man that has ever sat in the presidential chair. It is an honor
to belong to the Republican party that gave four millions of men the
rights of freemen; it is an honor to belong to the party that broke the
shackles from four millions of men, women and children. It is an honor
to belong to the party that declared that bloodhounds were not the
missionaries of civilization. It is an honor to belong to the party that
said it was a crime to steal a babe from its mother's breast. It is an
honor to belong to the party that swore that this is a Nation forever,
one and indivisible. It is an honor to belong to the party that elected
U. S. Grant President of the United States. It is an honor to belong to
the party that issued thousands and thousands of millions of dollars
in promises--that issued promises until they became as thick as the
withered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to the party that issued
them to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to the party that put
it down; an honor to belong to the party that had the moral courage
and honesty to make every one of the promises made in war, as good
as shining, glittering gold in peace. And I tell you that if there is
another life, and if there is a day of judgment, all you need say upon
that solemn occasion is, "I was in life and in my death a good square
Republican."
I hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered State
pride; because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a citizen of a
State than a citizen of this glorious country. I love the whole country.
I like New York because it is a part of the country, and I like the
country because it has New York in it. I am not standing here to-day
because the flag of New York floats over my head, but because that flag
for which more heroic blood has been shed than for any other flag that
is kissed by the air of heaven, waves forever over my head. That is the
reason I am here.
The doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of the
slave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as between the
States; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law; and if
there is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law he should be
ashamed--if not of himself--of the ignorance of the time in which he
lived.
That Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be friends of
the South. They said in 1850-52: "If you catch the slave we will be your
friend;" and they tell us now: "If you let us trample upon the rights of
the black man in the South, we will be your friend." I do not want their
friendship upon such terms. I am a friend of my friend, and an enemy
of my enemy. That is my doctrine. We might as well be honest about
it. Under that doctrine of State Rights, such men as I see before
me--bankers, brokers, merchants, gentlemen--were expected to turn
themselves into hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been lured by
the love of liberty and guided by the glittering North Star.
The Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the South, no
matter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and the Democratic
party to-day says if you want to sell your goods to the Southern people,
you must throw your honor and manhood into the streets. The patronage of
the splendid North is enough to support the city of New York.
There is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, covered
with wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I am in favor
of protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in favor of protecting
American brain and muscle; I am in favor of giving scope to American
ingenuity and American skill. We want a market at home, and the only
way to have it is to have mechanics at home; and the only way to have
mechanics is to have protection; and the only way to have protection is
to vote the Republican ticket. You, business men of New York, know that
General Garfield understands the best interests not only of New York,
but of the entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will
stand by you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the
city of New York? What does he know about the wants of this great and
splendid country? If he does not know more about it than he knows about
the tariff he does not know much. I do not like to hit the dead. My
hatred stops with the grave, and I tell you we are going to bury the
Democratic party next Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, and if that
party proposes to take advantage of the last hour, it is time it should
go into the repenting business. Nothing pleases me better than to see
the condition of that party to-day. What do the Democrats know on the
subject of the tariff? They are frightened; they are rattled.
They swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in effect:
"When we put that in we lied; and now having made that confession we
hope you will have perfect confidence in us from this out." Hancock says
that the object of the party is to get the tariff out of politics. That
is the reason, I suppose, why they put that plank in the platform. I
presume he regards the tariff as a little local issue, but I tell you
to-day that the great question of protecting American labor never will
be taken out of politics. As long as men work, as long as the laboring
man has a wife and family to support, just so long will he vote for the
man that will protect his wages.
And you can no more take it out of politics than you can take the
question of Government out of politics. I do not want any question
taken out of politics. I want the people to settle these questions for
themselves, and the people of this country are capable of doing it. If
you do not believe it, read the returns from Ohio and Indiana. There
are other persons who would take the question of office out of politics.
Well, when we get the tariff and office both out of politics, then, I
presume, we will see two parties on the same side. It will not do.
David A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on the
tariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it will not
do. You cannot run this country on scraps.
We believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good pay.
We believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to have
something to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps the hands
of the producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We believe in the
tariff because it developed American brain; because it builds up our
towns and cities; because it makes Americans self-supporting; because it
makes us an independent Nation. And we believe in the tariff because the
Democratic party does not.
That plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to
assassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have become
aroused and that is the plank that is broken in the Democratic platform;
and that plank was wide enough when it broke to let even Hancock
through.
Gentlemen, they are gone. They are gone--honor bright. Look at the
desperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic party,
driven to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with having worn the
tongue of slander to the very tonsils, not satisfied with attacking the
private reputation of a splendid man, not satisfied with that, they
have appealed to a crime; a deliberate and infamous forgery has been
committed. That forgery has been upheld by some of the leaders of
the Democratic party; that forgery has been defended by men calling
themselves respectable. Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by
and said that they were acquainted with the handwriting of James A.
Garfield; and that the handwriting in the forged letter was his, when
they knew that it was absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and no man
has certified that that was the writing of James A. Garfield who did not
know that in his throat of throats he told a falsehood.
Every honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a party
if he belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to belong to the
party that did such an infamous crime.
Senator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost control.
He is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind of. There was an
old fellow used to come into town every Saturday and get drunk. He had a
little yoke of oxen, and the boys out of pity used to throw him into the
wagon and start the oxen for home. Just before he got home they had
to go down a long hill, and the oxen, when they got to the brow of it,
commenced to run. Now and then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old
fellow an awful jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked
up and had one glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to
the bottom, and always say, "Gee a little, if anything." And that is the
only order Barnum has been able to give for the last two weeks--"Gee a
little, if anything." I tell you now that forgery makes doubly sure the
election of James A. Garfield. The people of the North believe in honest
dealing; the people of the North believe in free speech and an honest
ballot. The people of the North believe that this is a Nation; the
people of the North hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery;
the people of the North hate slander. The people of the North have made
up their minds to give to General Garfield a vindication of which any
American may be forever proud.
James A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there is not
money enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and manhood of
James A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I will swear to you
that money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield to-day wears the glorious
robe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; I like to say it here in Wall
Street; I like to say it surrounded by the millions of America; I like
to say it in the midst of banks and bonds and stocks; I love to say it
where gold is piled--that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in
integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him,
and I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor boy, he
is a certificate of the splendid form of our Government. Most of these
magnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; most of the success
of New York began almost in poverty. You know it. The kings of this
street were once poor, and they may be poor again; and if they are fools
enough to vote for Hancock they ought to be. Garfield is a certificate
of the splendor of our Government, that says to every poor boy, "All the
avenues of honor are open to you." I know him, and I like him. He is a
scholar; he is a statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above
all, he is a magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as
well as I do, Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city.
Compare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with William
H. English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this world, General
Arthur is one.
You know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying disaster,
there are some men always selling "short." That is what the Democratic
party is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that if the Democratic
party succeeds, every kind of property in the United States will
depreciate. You know it. There is not a man on the street, who if he
knew Hancock was to be elected would not sell the stocks and bonds of
every railroad in the United States "short." I dare any broker here to
deny it. There is not a man in Wall or Broad Street, or in New York,
but what knows the election of Hancock will depreciate every share
of railroad stock, every railroad bond, every Government bond, in the
United States of America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to
vote for Hancock and English.
I belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is prosperous.
I belong to the party that believes in good crops; that is glad when a
fellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there are forty bushels of
wheat to the acre; that laughs when every railroad declares dividends,
that claps both its hands when every investment pays; when the rain
falls for the farmer, when the dew lies lovingly on the grass. I belong
to the party that is happy when the people are happy; when the laboring
man gets three dollars a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when
he has a carpet on the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the
wall. I belong to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when
we have plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives
are happy and our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose banner
floats side by side with the great flag of the country; that does not
grow fat on defeat.
The Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend of an
early frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the weevil. When the
crops are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear to ear with smiles of
joy; it is in partnership with bad luck; a friend of empty pockets; rags
help it. I am on the other side. The Democratic party is the party of
darkness. I believe in the party of sunshine; and in the party that even
in darkness believes that the stars are shining and waiting for us.
Now, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for voting
the Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy any reasonable
man. And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic party, young man.
You have a character to make.
You cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a
resolution.
If your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace enough for
one family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. Tell the old
gentleman that you have made up your mind to stand with the party of
human progress; and if he asks you why you cannot vote the Democratic
ticket you tell him: "Every man that tried to destroy the Government,
every man that shot at the holy flag in heaven, every man that starved
our soldiers, every keeper of Libby, Andersonville and Salisbury, every
man that wanted to burn the negro, every one that wanted to scatter
yellow fever in the North, every man that opposed human liberty, that
regarded the auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound
as the music of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of
slavery, that thought lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for
labor performed, every one willing to rob a mother of her child--every
solitary one was a Democrat."
Tell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go with the
Republican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it destroyed slavery,
it preserved the Union, it paid the national debt; it made our credit as
good as that of any nation on the earth.
Tell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a
dollar and ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest
civilization. Tell the old man that the Republican party preserved the
honor of the Nation; that it believes in education; that it looks upon
the schoolhouse as a cathedral. Tell him that the Republican party
believes in absolute intellectual liberty; in absolute religious
freedom; in human rights, and that human rights rise above States.
Tell him that the Republican party believes in humanity, justice, human
equality, and that the Republican party believes this is a Nation and
will be forever and ever; that an honest ballot is the breath of the
Republic's life; that honest money is the blood of the Republic;
and that nationality is the great throbbing beat of the heart of the
Republic. Tell him that. And tell him that you are going to stand by
the flag that the patriots of the North carried upon the battle-field of
death. Tell him you are going to be true to the martyred dead; that you
are going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have voted were he living.
Tell him that if every traitor dead were living now, there would issue
from his lips of dust, "Hurrah for Hancock!" that could every patriot
rise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and for human
progress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to secure by the
ballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the ballot those who
fought it in the field. But we saved the country; and we have the heart
and brains to take care of it. I will tell you what we are going to do.
We are going to treat them in the South just as well as we treat the
people in the North. Victors cannot afford to have malice. The North is
too magnanimous to have hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we
treat the North. There are thousands of good people there. Let us give
them money to improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails
of their commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences
rebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns prosperous; I
want to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see books in the hands
of every child, and papers and magazines in every house; I want to see
all the rays of light, of civilization of the nineteenth century, enter
every home of the South; and in a little while you will see that country
full of good Republicans. We can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to
be unkind.
I will shake hands cordially with every believer in human liberty; I
will shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I will shake hands
with every man who is the friend of the human race. That is my doctrine.
I believe in the great Republic; in this magnificent country of ours.
I believe in the great people of the United States. I believe in the
muscle and brain of America, in the prairies and forests. I believe in
New York. I believe in the brains of your city. I believe that you
know enough to vote the Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand
enough to stand by the country that has stood by you. But whatever
you do, I never shall cease to thank you for the great honor you have
conferred upon me this day.
Note.--This being a newspaper report it is necessarily
incomplete.