also the capital of an electoral division. The country here is
altogether a country of mountains, varying from three to seven thousand
feet high. The valleys between them are broad, so as to give ample space
for agriculture,--if only agriculture can be made to pay. Having heard
much of the continual plains of South Africa I had imagined that every
thing beyond the hills immediately surrounding Capetown would be flat;
but in lieu of that I found myself travelling through a country in which
one series of mountains succeeds another for hundreds of miles. The Cape
Colony is very large,--especially the Western Province, which extends
almost from the 28th to much below the 34th degree of latitude S., and
from the 17th to the 23rd of longitude E. Of this immense area I was
able to see comparatively only a small part;--but in what I did see I
was never out of the neighbourhood of mountains. The highest mountain in
South Africa is Cathkin Peak, in Natal, and that is over 10,000 feet. In
the districts belonging to the Cape Colony the highest is in Basuto, and
is the Mont aux Sources. The highest in the Western Province is called
The Seven Weeks Poort, which is in the neighbourhood of Swellendam and
belongs to the district of which I am now speaking. It is 7,600 feet
high. As the first and most important consequence of this the making of
roads within a couple of hundred miles of Capetown has been a matter of
great difficulty. In every direction passes through the mountains have
had to be found, which when found have required great skill and a very
heavy expenditure before they could be used for roads. But a second
consequence has been that a large extent of magnificent scenery has been
thrown open, which, as the different parts of the world are made nearer
to each other by new discoveries and advancing science, will become a
delight and a playground to travellers,--as are the Alps and the
Pyrenees and the Apennines in Europe. At present I think that but few
people in England are aware that among the mountains of the Cape Colony
there is scenery as grand as in Switzerland or the south-west of France.
And the fact that such scenery is close to them attracts the notice of
but a small portion of the inhabitants of the Colony itself. The Dutch I
fancy regarded the mountains simply as barriers or disagreeable
obstacles, and the English community which has come since has hardly as
yet achieved idleness sufficient for the true enjoyment of tourist
travelling.
Robertson itself is not an interesting town, though it lies close under
the mountains. Why it should have missed the beauty of The Paarl, of
Ceres, and of Swellendam which we were about to visit, I can hardly say.
Probably its youth is against it. It has none of the quaintness of
Dutch architecture; and the oaks,--for it has oaks,--are not yet large
enough to be thoroughly delightful. We found, however, in its
neighbourhood a modern little wood large enough to enable us to lose
ourselves, and were gratified by the excitement.
I have said that in these districts, mountainous as they are, the
valleys are broad enough for agriculture, if only agriculture can be
made to pay. The fertility of the soil is apparent everywhere. Robertson
itself is devoted to the making of brandy, and its vineyards are
flourishing. Patches of corn were to be seen and trees had grown
luxuriantly here and there. It seemed that almost anything would grow.
But little or nothing useful will grow without the aid of other water
than that bestowed in the regular course of nature. “I plant as many
trees,” said the magistrate of the district, speaking to me of the
streets of the town, “as I can get convicts to water.” “Wheat;--oh yes,
I can grow any amount of wheat,” a farmer said to me in another place,
“where I can lead water.” In Messrs. Silver and Co.’s Guide book, page
99, I find the following passage in reference to the Cape Colony. “The
whole question of the storing of water by means of scientifically
constructed dams is one that cannot be too strongly urged on the Cape
Government.” Of the truth of this there can be no doubt, nor is the
district one in which the fall of rain is deficient, if the rain could
be utilized. It amounts to something over 24 inches annually, which
would suffice for all the purposes required if the supply given could be
made to flow upon the lands. But it falls in sudden storms, is attracted
by the mountains, and then runs off into the rivers and down to the sea
without effecting those beneficent objects which I think we may say it
was intended to produce. The consequence is that agriculture is
everywhere patchy, and that the patches are generally small. The farmer
according to his means or according to his energy will subject 10, 20,
30, or 40 acres to artificial irrigation. When he does so he can produce
anything. When he does not do so he can produce nothing.[11]
There are the mountains and the rains fall upon them, running off
uselessly to the ocean with their purpose unaccomplished. When we want
to store the rain water from our roof for domestic uses we construct
pipes and tanks and keep the blessing by us so as to have it when we
want it. The side of a mountain is much like the roof of a house,--only
larger. And the pipes are for the most part made to our hand by nature
in the shape of gullies, kloofs, and rivulets. It is but the tanks that
we want, and some adjustment as to the right of using them. This, if
ever done, must be done by the appliance of science, and I of all men am
the last to suggest how such appliance should be made. But that it is
practicable appears to be probable, and that if done it would greatly
increase the produce of the lands affected and the general well being of
the Colony no one can doubt. But the work is I fear beyond the compass
of private enterprise in a small community, and seems to be one which
requires the fostering hand of Government. If a Governor of the Cape
Colony,--or a Prime Minister,--could stop the waters as they rush down
from the mountains and spread them over the fields before they reach the
sea he would do more for the Colony than has been effected by any
conqueror of Kafirs.
From Robertson we went a little off our road to Montague for the sake of
seeing Cogman’s Pass. That also is interesting though not as fine as
some others. Whence it has taken its name I could not discover. It was
suggested to me that it was so called because of its lizards;--and the
lizards certainly were there in great numbers. I could not find that
Cogman meant lizard either in Hottentot language or in Dutch. Nor did it
appear that any man of note of the name of Cogman had connected himself
with the road. But there is the Pass with its ugly name leading
gallantly and cleverly through the rocks into the little town of
Montague.
Montague like Oudtshoorn and Robertson makes brandy, the Montague brandy
being, I was assured, equal to the Cango brandy which comes from
Oodtshoorn, and much superior to that made at Robertson. I tasted them
all round and declare them to be equally villainous. I was assured that
it was an acquired taste. I hope that I may not be called on to go
through the practice necessary for acquiring it. I shall perhaps be told
that I formed my judgment on the new spirit, and that the brandy ought
to be kept before it is used. I tried it new and old. The new spirit is
certainly the more venomous, but they are equally nasty. It is generally
called Cape Smoke. Let me warn my readers against Cape Smoke should they
ever visit South Africa.
At Montague, as we were waiting outside the inn for our cart, two sturdy
English beggars made their appearance before us, demanding charity. They
could get no work to do,--so they said,--in this accursed land, and
wanted money to buy bread. No work to do! And yet every farmer, every
merchant, every politician I had met and spoke with since I had put my
foot on South African soil, had sworn to me that the country was a
wretched country simply because labour could not be had! The two men had
Cape Smoke plainly developed in every feature of their repulsive faces.
As we were seated and could not rid ourselves of our countrymen without
running away, we entered into conversation with them. Not get work! It
was certainly false! They were on their way, they said, from the Eastern
Province. Had they tried the railway? We knew that at the present moment
labour was peculiarly wanted on the railway because of the disturbance
created by Kreli and his Galekas. For the disturbance of which I shall
speak in one of the concluding chapters of my work was then on hand.
“Yes,” said the spokesman who, as on all such occasions, was by far the
more disreputable of the two. “They had tried the railway, and had been
offered 2s. 6d. a day. They were not going to work along side of niggers
for 2s. 6d., which would only supply them with grub! Did we want real
Englishmen to do that?” We told them that certainly we did want real
Englishmen to earn their grub honestly and not to beg it; and then,
having endeavoured to shame them by calling them mean fellows, we were
of course obliged to give them money.
Such rascals might turn up anywhere,--in any town in England much more
probably than in South Africa. But their condition as we saw them, and
the excuse which they made for their condition, were typical of the
state of labour in South Africa generally. The men, if worth anything,
could earn more than 2s. 6d. a day,--as no doubt those other men could
have done of whom I spoke some chapters back;--but an Englishman in
South Africa will not work along side of a coloured man on equal terms
with the coloured man. The English labourer who comes to South Africa
either rises to more than the labouring condition, or sinks to something
below it. And he will not be content simply to supply his daily wants.
He at once becomes filled with the idea that as a Colonist he should
make his fortune. If he be a good man,--industrious, able to abstain
from drink and with something above ordinary intelligence,--he does make
some fortune, more or less adequate. At any rate he rises in the world.
But if he have not those gifts,--then he falls, as had done those two
ugly reprobates.
On our way from Montague to Swellendam, where was to be our next short
sojourn, our Cape cart broke down. The axle gave way, and we were left
upon the road;--or should have been left, some fifteen miles from
Montague in one direction and the same distance from Swellendam in the
other, had not the accident happened within sight of a farm house. As
farm houses occur about once in every six or seven miles, this was a
blessing; and was felt so very strongly when a young Dutch farmer came
at once to our rescue with another cart. “I might as well take it,” he
said with a smile when we offered him half a sovereign, “but you’d have
had the cart all the same without it.” This was certainly true as we
were already taking our seats when the money was produced. I am bound to
say that I was never refused anything which I asked of a Dutchman in
South Africa. I must remark also that often as I broke down on my
travels,--and I did break down very often and sometimes in circumstances
that were by no means promising,--there always came a Deus ex machina
for my immediate relief. A generous Dutchman would lend me a horse or a
cart;--or a needy Englishman would appear with an animal to sell when
the getting of a horse under any circumstances had begun to appear
impossible. On one occasion a jibbing brute fell as he was endeavouring
to kick everything to pieces, and nearly cut his leg in two;--but a
kindhearted colonist appeared immediately on the scene, with a very
pretty girl in his cart, and took me on to my destination. And yet one
often travels hour after hour, throughout the whole day, without meeting
a fellow traveller.
Swellendam is such another village as The Paarl, equally enticing,
equally full of oaks, though not equally long. From end to end it is but
three miles, while The Paarl measures eight. But the mountains at
Swellendam are finer than the mountains at The Paarl, and with the
exception of those immediately over George, are the loveliest which I
saw in the Colony. Swellendam is close under the Langeberg range,--so
near that the kloofs or wild ravines in the mountains can be reached by
an easy walk. They are very wild and picturesque, being thickly wooded,
but so deep that from a little distance the wood can hardly be seen.
Here at the foot of the hills were exquisite sites for country
houses,--to be built, perhaps, by the future coloured millionaires of
South Africa,--with grand opportunities for semi-tropical gardens, if
only the water from the mountains could be used. Oranges, grapes, and
bananas grow with the greatest profusion wherever water has been “led
on.” And yet it seems that the district is the very country for oaks. I
had found more oaks during this last little tour through a portion of
the Western Province of the Cape Colony than I have ever seen during the
same time in England.
My kind host at Swellendam told me that it was imperative to go to the
Tradouw,--or Southey’s Pass through the mountains. The Tradouw is the
old Dutch name for the ravine which was used for a pass before the
present road was made. An energetic traveller will do as he is bid,
especially when he is in the hands of an energetic host. The traveller
wishes to see whatever is to be seen but has to be told what he should
see. To such commands I have generally been obedient. He is too often
told also what he should believe. Against this I have always
rebelled;--mutely if possible, but sometimes, under coercion, with
outspoken vehemence. “If it be true,” I have had to say, “that I mean to
write a book, I shall write my book and not yours.” But as to the seeing
of sights absolute obedience is the best. Therefore I allowed my host to
take me to the Tradouw, though my bones were all bruised and nearly
dislocated with Cape cart travelling and the sweet idea of a day of rest
under the Swellendam oaks had taken strong hold of my imagination. I was
amply repaid for my compliance.
On our way to the Tradouw we passed through a long straggling village
inhabited exclusively by coloured people, and called the Caledon
Missionary Institution. It had also some native name which I heard but
failed to note. It was under the charge of a Dutch pastor upon whom we
called and from whom I learned something of the present condition of the
location. I will say, however, before I describe the Institution, that
it is already doomed and its days numbered. That this should be its fate
was not at all marvellous to me. That it should have been allowed to
live so long was more surprising.
The place is inhabited by and belongs to persons of colour to whom it
was originally granted as a “location” in which they might live. The
idea of course has been that as the Colonists made the lands of the
Colony their own, driving back the Hottentots without scruple,
exercising the masterdom of white men for the spoliation of the natives,
something should be secured to the inferior race, the giving of which
might be a balm to the conscience of the invader and at the same time
the means of introducing Christianity among the invaded, Nothing can be
better than the idea,--which has been that on which the South African
missionaries have always worked. Nor will I in this place assail the
wisdom of the undertaking at the time at which it was set on foot.
Whether anything better could then have been done may, perhaps, be
doubted. I venture only to express an opinion that in the present
condition of our South African Colonies all such Institutions are a
mistake. As the Caledon Institution is about to be brought to an end, I
may say this with the less chance of giving offence.
The last census taken of the population of the village gave its numbers
as 3,000. I was told that at present there might be perhaps 2,000
coloured persons living there. I should have thought that to be a very
exaggerated number, judging from the size of the place and the number of
ruined and deserted huts, were it not that the statement was made to me
in a tone of depreciation rather than of boasting. “They call it three
thousand,” said the pastor, “but there are not more than two.” Looking
at the people as I passed through the village I should be inclined to
describe them as Hottentots, were it not for the common assertion that
the Hottentot race is extinct in these parts. The Institution was
originally intended for Hottentots, and the descendants of Hottentots
are now its most numerous inhabitants. That other blood has been mixed
with the Hottentot blood,--that of the negroes who were brought to the
Cape as slaves and of the white men who were the owners of the
slaves,--is true here as elsewhere. There is a church for the use of
these people,--and a school. Without these a missionary institution
would be altogether vain;--though, as I have stated some pages back, the
school belonging to the Institution at Pacaltsdorp had gone into
abeyance when I visited that place. Here the school was still
maintained; but I learned that the maximum number of pupils never
exceeded a hundred. Considering the amount of the population and the
fact that the children are not often required to be absent on the score
of work, I think I am justified in saying that the school is a failure.
M. Esselin in his schools at Worcester, which is a town of 4,000
inhabitants of whom a large proportion are white, has an average
attendance of 500 coloured children. The attendance at the missionary
church is no better, the number of customary worshippers being the same
as that of the scholars,--namely a hundred. With these people there is
nothing to compel them to send their children to school, and nothing but
the eloquence of the pastor to induce them to go to church. The same may
be said as to all other churches and all other congregations. But we are
able to judge of the utility of a church by the force of example which
it creates. Among these people the very fashion of going to church is
dying out.
But I was more intent, perhaps, on the daily employment than the
spiritual condition of these people, and asked whether it sent out girls
as maid-servants to the country around. The pastor assured me that he
was often unable to get a girl to assist his wife in the care of their
own children. The young women from the Missionary Institution do not
care for going into service.
“But how do they live?” Then it was explained to me that each resident
in the Institution had a plot of ground of his own, and that he lived on
its produce, as far as it went, like any other estated gentleman. Then
the men would go out for a little sheep-shearing, or the picking of
Buchus in the Buchu season. The Buchu is a medicinal leaf which is
gathered in these parts and sent to Europe. Such an arrangement cannot
be for the welfare either of the Colony or of the people concerned.
Nothing but work will bring them into such communion with civilization
as to enable them to approach the condition of the white man. The
arcadian idea of a coloured man with his wife and piccaninnies living
happily under the shade of his own fig tree and picking his own grapes
and oranges is very pretty in a book, and may be made interesting in a
sermon. But it is ugly enough in that reality in which the fig tree is
represented by a ruined mud-hut and the grapes and oranges by stolen
mutton. The sole effect of the missionary’s work has too often been that
of saving the Native from working for the white man. It was well that he
should be saved from slavery;--but to save him from other work is simply
to perpetuate his inferiority.
The land at the Caledon Institution is the property of the resident
Natives. Each landowner can at present sell his plot with the sanction
of the Governor. In ten years’ time he will be enabled to sell it
without such sanction. The sooner he sells it and becomes a simple
labourer the better for all parties. I was told that the Governor’s
sanction is rarely if ever now refused.
Then we went on to the Tradouw, and just at the entrance of the ravine
we came upon a party of coloured labourers, with a white man over them,
making bricks in the close vicinity of an extensive building. A party of
convicts was about to come to the spot for the purpose of mending the
road, and the bricks were being made so that a kitchen might be built
for the cooking of their food. The big building, I was told, had been
erected for the use of the convicts who a few years since had made the
road. But it had fallen out of repair, and the new kitchen was
considered necessary, though the number of men needed for the repair
would not be very large, and they would be wanted only for a few months.
I naturally asked what would become of the kitchen afterwards,--which
seemed to be a spacious building containing a second apartment, to be
used probably as a scullery. The kitchen would again be deserted and
would become the property of the owner of the land. I afterwards heard
by chance of a contract for supplying mutton to the convicts at 6½d.
a pound,--a pound a day for each man;--and I also heard that convict
labour was supposed to be costly. The convicts are chiefly coloured
people. With such usage as they receive the supply, I should imagine,
would be ample. The ordinary Hottentot with his daily pound of mutton,
properly cooked in a first-class kitchen and nothing but convict labour
to do, would probably find himself very comfortable.
Southey’s Pass,--so called from Mr. Southey who was Colonial Secretary
before the days of parliamentary government, and is now one of the
stoutest leaders of the opposition against the Ministers of the day,--is
seven miles from end to end and is very beautiful throughout. But it is
the mile at the end,--furthest from Swellendam,--in which it beats in
sublimity all the other South African passes which I saw, including even
the Montague Pass which crosses the Outiniqua mountains near George.
South Africa is so far off that I cannot hope to be able to excite
English readers to visit the Cape Colony for the sake of the
scenery,--though for those whose doctors prescribe a change of air and
habits and the temporary use of a southern climate I cannot imagine that
any trip should be more pleasant and serviceable;--but I do think that
the inhabitants of Capetown and the neighbourhood should know more than
they do of the beauties of their own country. I have never seen rocks of
a finer colour or twisted about into grander forms than those which make
the walls of that part of Southey’s Pass which is furthest from
Swellendam.
When we were in the ravine two small bucks called
Klip-springers,--springers that is among the stones,--were disturbed by
us and passing down from the road among the rocks, made their way to the
bottom of the ravine. Two dogs had followed the Hottentot who was
driving us, a terrier and a large mongrel hound, and at once got upon
the scent of the bucks. I shall never forget the energy of the Hottentot
as he rushed down from the road to a huge prominent rock which stood
over the gorge, so as to see the hunt as near as possible, or my own
excitement as I followed him somewhat more slowly. The ravine was so
narrow that the clamour of the two dogs sounded like the music of a pack
of hounds. The Hottentot as he leant forward over his perch was almost
beside himself with anxiety. Immediately beneath us, perhaps twenty feet
down, were two jutting stones separated from each other by about the
same distance, between which was a wall of rock with a slant almost
perpendicular and perfectly smooth, so that there could be no support to
the foot of any animal. Up to the first of these stones one of the
Klip-springers was hunted with the big hound close at his heels. From it
the easiest escape was by a leap to the other rock which the buck made
without a moment’s hesitation. But the dog could not follow. He knew the
distance to be too great for his spring, and stood on his rock gazing
at his prey. Nor could the buck go further. The stone it occupied just
beneath ourselves was altogether isolated, and it stood there looking up
at us with its soft imploring eyes, while the Hottentot in his
excitement cheered on the dog to make the leap which the poor hound knew
to be too much for him. I cannot say which interested me most, the man
beside me, the little buck just below my feet, or the anxious eager
palpitating hound with his short sharp barks. There was no gun with us,
but the Hottentot got fragments of stone to throw at the quarry. Then
the buck knew that he must shift his ground if he meant to save himself,
and, marking his moment, he jumped back at the dog, and was then up
among the almost perpendicular rocks over our heads before the brute
could seize it. I have always been anxious for a kill when hunting, but
I was thoroughly rejoiced when that animal saved himself. The Hottentot
who was fond of venison did not at all share my feelings.
This occurred about 22 miles from Swellendam, and delayed us a little.
My host, who had accompanied me, had asked a house full of friends to
dine with him at seven, and it was five when the buck escaped. South
African travelling is generally slow; but under the pressure of the
dinner party our horses were made to do the distance in an hour and
fifty minutes.
From Swellendam we went on to Caledon another exquisitely clean little
Dutch town. The distance from Swellendam to Caledon is nearly eighty
miles, through the whole of which the road runs under the Zondereinde
mountains through a picturesque country which produces some of the best
wool of the Colony. Caledon is another village of oak trees and pleasant
detached Dutch-looking houses, each standing in its own garden and never
mounting to a story above the ground. In winter no doubt the feeling
inspired by these village-towns would be different; but when they are
seen as I saw them, with the full foliage and the acorns on the oaks,
and the little gardens over-filled with their luxuriance of flowers,
with the streets as clean and shaded as the pet road through a
gentleman’s park, the visitor is tempted to repine because Fate did not
make him a wine-growing, orange-planting, ostrich-feeding Dutch farmer.
From Caledon we returned through East Somerset, a smaller village and
less attractive but still of the same nature, to Capetown, getting on to
the railway about twenty miles from the town at the Eerste River
Station. In making this last journey we had gone through or over two
other Passes, called How Hoek and Sir Lowry’s Pass. They are, both of
them, interesting enough for a visit from Capetown, but not sufficiently
so to be spoken of at much length after the other roads through the
mountains which I had seen. The route down from Sir Lowry’s Pass leads
to the coast of False Bay,--of which Simon’s Bay is an inlet. Between
False Bay to the South and Table Bay to the North is the flat isthmus
which forms the peninsula, on which stands Capetown and the Table
Mountains, the Southern point of which is the Cape of Good Hope.
In this journey among the Dutch towns which lie around the capital I
missed Stellenbosch, which is, I am told, the most Dutch of them all.
As good Americans when dead go to Paris, so do good Dutchmen while still
alive go to Stellenbosch,--and more especially good Dutchwomen, for it
is a place much affected by widows. The whole of this country is so
completely Dutch that an Englishman finds himself to be altogether a
foreigner. The coloured people of all shades talk Dutch as their native
language. It is hard at first to get over the feeling that a man or
woman must be very ignorant who in an English Colony cannot speak
English, but the truth is that many of the people are much less ignorant
than they are at home with us, as they speak in some fashion both
English and Dutch. In the Eastern Province of the Colony, as in the
other Colonies and divisions of South Africa, the native speaks some
native language,--the Kafir, Zulu, or Bechuana language as the case may
be; but in the part of the Western Province of which I am
speaking,--that part which the Dutch have long inhabited,--there is no
native language left among the coloured people. Dutch has become their
language. The South African language from the mouths of Kafirs and Zulus
does not strike a stranger as being odd;--but Dutch volubility from
Hottentot lips does do so.
I must not finish this short record of my journeys in the Western
Province of the Cape Colony without repeating the expression of my
opinion as to the beauty of the scenery and the special charms of the
small towns which I had visited.
CHAPTER X.
PORT ELIZABETH AND GRAHAMSTOWN.
From Capetown I went on by sea to Port Elizabeth or Algoa Bay, thus
travelling from the Western to the Eastern Province,--leaving the former
when I had as yet seen but little of its resources because it was
needful that I should make my tour through Natal and the Transvaal
before the rainy season had commenced.[12] The run is one which
generally occupies from thirty to forty hours, and was effected by us
under the excellent auspices of Captain Travers in something but little
in excess of the shorter period. It rained during the whole of our
little journey, so that one could not get out upon the deck without a
ducking;--which was chiefly remarkable in that on shore every one was
complaining of drought and that for many weeks after my first arrival in
South Africa this useless rain at sea was the only rain that I saw.
Persons well instructed in their geography will know that Algoa Bay and
Port Elizabeth signify the same seaport,--as one might say that a ship
hailed from the Clyde or from Glasgow. The Union Steam Ship Company
sends a first-class steamer once a month from Southampton to Algoa Bay,
without touching at Capetown.
Port Elizabeth, as I walked away from the quay up to the club where I
took up my residence, seemed to be as clean, as straight, and as regular
as a first class American little town in the State of Maine. All the
world was out on a holyday. It was the birthday of the Duke of
Edinburgh, and the Port-Elizabethians observed it with a loyalty of
which we know nothing in England. Flags were flying about the ships in
the harbour and every shop was closed in the town. I went up all alone
with my baggage to the club, and felt very desolate. But everybody I met
was civil, and I found a bedroom ready for me such as would be an
Elysium, in vain to be sought for in a first class London hotel. My
comfort, I own, was a little impaired by knowing that I had turned a
hospitable South African out of his own tenement. On that first day I
was very solitary, as all the world was away doing honour somewhere to
the Duke of Edinburgh.
In the evening I went out, still alone, for a walk and, without a guide,
found my way to the public park and the public gardens. I cannot say
that they are perfect in horticultural beauty and in surroundings, but
they are spacious, with ample room for improvement, well arranged as far
as they are arranged, and with a promise of being very superior to
anything of the kind at Capetown. The air was as sweet, I think, as any
that I ever breathed. Through them I went on, leaving the town between
me and the sea, on to a grassy illimitable heath on which, I told
myself, that with perseverance I might walk on till I came to Grand
Cairo. I had my stick in my hand and was prepared for any lion that I
might meet. But on this occasion I met no lion. After a while I found
myself descending into a valley,--a pretty little green valley
altogether out of sight of the town, and which as I was wending along
seemed at first to be an interruption in my way to the centre of the
continent. But as I approached the verge from which I could look down
into its bosom, I heard the sound of voices, and when I had reached a
rock which hung over it, I saw beneath me a ring, as it might be of
fairy folk, in full glee,--of folk, fairy or human, running hither and
thither with extreme merriment and joy. After standing awhile and gazing
I perceived that the young people of Port Elizabeth were playing
kiss-in-the-ring. Oh,--how long ago it was since I played
kiss-in-the-ring, and how nice I used to think it! It was many many
years since I had even seen the game. And these young people played it
with an energy and an ecstasy which I had never seen equalled. I walked
down, almost amongst them, but no one noticed me. I felt among them like
Rip Van Winkle. I was as a ghost, for they seemed not even to see me.
How the girls ran, and could always have escaped from the lads had they
listed, but always were caught round some corner out of the circle! And
how awkward the lads were in kissing, and how clever the girls in taking
care that it should always come off at last, without undue violence! But
it seemed to me that had I been a lad I should have felt that when all
the girls had been once kissed, or say twice,--and when every girl had
been kissed twice round by every lad, the thing would have become tame,
and the lips unhallowed. But this was merely the cynicism of an old man,
and no such feeling interrupted the sport. There I left them when the
sun was setting, still hard at work, and returned sadly to my dinner at
the club.
The land round the town, though well arranged for such purpose as that
just described, is not otherwise of a valuable nature. There seems to be
an unlimited commonage of grass, but of so poor and sour a kind that it
will not fatten and will hardly feed cattle. For sheep it is of no use
whatever. This surrounds the town, and when the weather is cool and the
air sweet, as it was when I visited the place, even the land round Port
Elizabeth is not without its charms. But I can understand that it would
be very hot in summer and that then the unshaded expanse would not be
attractive. There is not a tree to be seen.
The town is built on a steep hill rising up from the sea, and is very
neat. The town hall is a large handsome building, putting its rival and
elder sister Capetown quite to shame. I was taken over a huge store in
which, it seemed to me, that every thing known and wanted in the world
was sold, from American agricultural implements down to Aberdeen red
herrings. The library and reading room, and public ball room or concert
hall, were perfect. The place contains only 15,000 inhabitants, but has
every thing needed for instruction, civilization and the general
improvement of the human race. It is built on the lines of one of those
marvellous American little towns in which philanthropy and humanity
seem to have worked together to prevent any rational want.
Ostrich feathers and wool are the staples of the place. I witnessed a
sale of feathers and was lost in wonder at the ingenuity of the
auctioneer and of the purchasers. They seemed to understand each other
as the different lots were sold, with an average of 30 seconds allowed
to each lot. To me it was simply marvellous, but I gathered that the
feathers were sold at prices varying from £5 to £25 a pound. They are
sold by the pound, but in lots which may weigh perhaps not more than a
few ounces each. I need only say further of Port Elizabeth that there
are churches, banks, and institutions fit for a town of ten times its
size,--and that its club is a pattern club, for all Colonial towns.
Twenty miles north west of Port Elizabeth is the pleasant little town of
Uitenhage,--which was one of the spots peopled by the English emigrants
who came into the Eastern Province in 1820. It had previously been
settled and inhabited by Dutch inhabitants in 1804, but seems to have
owed its success to the coming of the English,--and is now part of an
English, as distinct from a Dutch Colony. It is joined to Port Elizabeth
by a railway which is being carried on to the more important town of
Graff Reynet. It is impossible to imagine a more smiling little town
than Uitenhage, or one in which the real comforts of life are more
accessible. There is an ample supply of water. The streets are well laid
out, and the houses well built. And it is surrounded by a group of
mountains, at thirty miles distance, varying from 3,000 to 6,000 feet in
height, which give a charm to the scenery around. It has not within
itself much appearance of business, but everything and everybody seems
to be comfortable. I was told that it is much affected by well-to-do
widows who go thither to spend the evenings of their lives and enjoy
that pleasant tea-and-toast society which is dear to the widowed heart.
Timber is generally scarce in South Africa;--but through the streets of
Uitenhage there are lovely trees, which were green and flowering when I
was there in the month of August, warning me that the spring and then
the heats of summer were coming on me all too soon.
During the last few years a special industry has developed itself at
Uitenhage,--that of washing wool by machinery. As this is all carried
on, not in stores or manufactories within the place, but at suburban
mills placed along the banks of the river Swartzcop outside the town,
they do not affect the semi-rural and widow-befitting aspect of the
place. I remarked to the gentleman who was kindly driving me about the
place that the people I saw around me seemed to be for the most part
coloured. This he good-humouredly resented, begging that I would not go
away and declare that Uitenhage was not inhabited by a white population.
I have no doubt that my friend has a large circle of white friends, and
that Uitenhage has a pure-blooded aristocracy. Were I to return there,
as I half promised, for the sake of meeting the charming ladies whom he
graciously undertook to have gathered together for my gratification, I
am sure that I should have found this to be the case. But still I
maintain that the people are a coloured people. I saw no white man who
looked as though he earned his bread simply with his hands. I was driven
through a street of pleasant cottages, and in asking who lived in the
best looking of the lot I was told that he was an old Hottentot. The men
working at the washing machines were all Kafirs,--earning on an average
3s. 6d. a day. It is from such evidence as this that we have to form an
opinion whether the so called savage races of South Africa may or may
not ultimately be brought into habits of civilization. After visiting
one of the washing mills and being driven about the town we returned to
Port Elizabeth to dine.
Starting from Port Elizabeth I had to commence the perils of South
African travel. These I was well aware would not come from lions,
buffaloes, or hippopotamuses,--nor even, to such a traveller as myself,
from Kafirs or Zulus,--but simply from the length, the roughness and the
dustiness of roads. I had been told before I left England that a man of
my age ought not to make the attempt because the roads were so long, so
rough,--and so dusty. In travelling round the coast there is nothing to
be dreaded. The discomforts are simply of a marine nature, and may
easily be borne by an old traveller. The terrible question of luggage
does not disturb his mind. He may carry what he pleases and revel in
clean shirts. But when he leaves the sea in South Africa every ounce has
to be calculated. When I was told at Capetown that on going up from
Natal to the Transvaal I should be charged 4s. extra for every pound I
carried above fifteen I at once made up my mind to leave my bullock
trunk at Government House. At Port Elizabeth a gentleman was very kind
in planning my journey for me thence up to Grahamstown, King
Williamstown &c.,--but, on coming into my bed room, he strongly
recommended me to leave my portmanteau and dispatch box behind me, to be
taken on, somewhither, by water, and to trust myself to two bags. So I
tied on addresses to the tabooed receptacles of my remaining comforts,
and started on my way with a very limited supply of wearing apparel. In
the selection which one is driven to make with an agonized mind,--when
the bag has been stamped full to repletion with shirts, boots, and the
blue books which are sure to be accumulated for the sake of statistics,
the first thing to be rejected is one’s dress suit. A man can live
without a black coat, waistcoat, and trousers. But so great is colonial
hospitality wherever the traveller goes, and so similar are colonial
habits to those at home, that there will always come a time,--there will
come many times,--in which the traveller will feel that he has left
behind him the very articles which he most needed, and that the blue
books should have been made to give way to decent raiment. These are
difficulties which at periods become almost heartbreaking. Nevertheless
I made the decision and rejected the dress suit. And I trusted myself to
two pair of boots. And I allowed my treasures to be taken from me, with
a hope that I might see them again some day in the further Colony of
Natal.
From Port Elizabeth there is a railway open on the road to Grahamstown
as far as a wretched place called Sand Flat. From thence we started in a
mail cart,--or Cobb’s omnibus as it is called. The whole distance to
Grahamstown is about 70 miles, and the journey was accomplished in
eleven hours. The country through which we passed is not favourable for
agriculture or even for pasture. Much of it was covered with bush, and
on that which is open the grass is too sour for sheep. It is indeed
called the Zuurveld, or sour-field country. But as we approached
Grahamstown it improved, and farming operations with farm steads,--at
long distances apart,--came in view. For some miles round Port Elizabeth
there is nothing but sour grass and bush and the traveller inspecting
the country is disposed to ask where is the fertility and where the
rural charms which produced the great effort at emigration in 1820, when
5,000 persons were sent out from England into this district. The Kafirs
had driven out the early Dutch settlers, and the British troops had
driven out the Kafirs. But the country remained vacant, and £50,000 was
voted by Parliament to send out what was then a Colony in itself, that
the land might be occupied. But it is necessary to travel forty or fifty
miles from Port Elizabeth, or Algoa Bay, before the fertility is
discovered.
Grahamstown when it is reached is a smiling little town lying in a
gentle valley on an elevated plateau 1,700 feet above the sea. It
contains between eight and nine thousand inhabitants of whom a third are
coloured. The two-thirds are almost exclusively British, the Dutch
element having had little or no holding in this small thriving capital
of the Eastern Province. For Grahamstown is the capital of the East, and
there are many there who think that it should become a Capital of a
Colony, whether by separation of the East from the West, or by a general
federation of South African States--in which case the town would, they
think, be more eligible than any other for all the general honours of
government and legislation. I do not know but that on the whole I am
inclined to agree with them. I think that if there were an united South
Africa, and that a site for a capital had to be chosen afresh, as it was
chosen in Canada, Grahamstown would receive from an outside commission
appointed to report on the matter, more votes than any other town. But I
am far from thinking that Grahamstown will become the capital of a South
African Confederation.
The people of Grahamstown are very full of their own excellencies. No
man there would call his town a “beastly place.” The stranger on the
other hand is invited freely to admire its delights, the charm of its
position up above the heat and the musquitoes, the excellence of its
water supply, the multiplicity of its gardens, the breadth and
prettiness of its streets, its salubrity,--for he is almost assured that
people at Grahamstown never die,--and the perfection of its
Institutions. And the clock tower appended to the cathedral! The clock
tower which is the work of the energetic Dean was when I was there,--not
finished indeed for there was the spire to come,--but still so far
erected as to be a conspicuous and handsome object to all the country
round. The clock tower was exercising the minds of men very much, and
through a clever manœuvre,--originating I hope with the Dean,--is
supposed to be a town-clock tower and not an appanage of the cathedral.
In this way all denominations have been got to subscribe, and yet, if
you were not told to the contrary, you would think that the tower
belongs to the cathedral as surely as its dome belongs to St. Paul’s.
In truth Grahamstown is a very pretty town, and seen, as it is on all
sides, from a gentle eminence, smiles kindly on those who enter it. The
British troops who guarded the frontier from our Kafir enemies were
formerly stationed here. As the Kafirs have been driven back eastwards,
so have the troops been moved in the same direction and they are now
kept at King Williamstown about 50 miles to the North East of
Grahamstown, and nearer to the Kei river which is the present boundary
of the Colony;--or was till the breaking out of the Kafir disturbance in
1877. The barracks at Grahamstown still belong to the Imperial
Government, as does the castle at Capetown, and are let out for various
purposes. Opening from the barrack grounds are the public gardens which
are pretty and well kept. Grahamstown altogether gives the traveller an
idea of a healthy, well-conditioned prosperous little town, in which it
would be no misfortune to be called upon to live. And yet I was told
that I saw it under unfavourable circumstances, as there had been a
drought for some weeks, and the grasses were not green.
I was taken from Grahamstown to see an ostrich farm about fifteen miles
distant. The establishment belongs to Mr. Douglas, who is I believe
among the ostrich farmers of the Colony about the most successful and
who was if not the first, the first who did the work on a large scale.
He is, moreover, the patentee for an egg-hatching machine, or incubator,
which is now in use among many of the feather-growers of the district.
Mr. Douglas occupies about 1,200 acres of rough ground, formerly devoted
to sheep-farming. The country around was all used not long since as
sheep walks, but seems to have so much deteriorated by changes in the
grasses as to be no longer profitable for that purpose. But it will feed
ostriches.
At this establishment I found about 300 of those birds, which, taking
them all round, young and old, were worth about £30 a piece. Each bird
fit for plucking gives two crops of feathers a year, and produces, on an
average, feathers to the value of £15 per annum. The creatures feed
themselves unless when sick or young, and live upon the various bushes
and grasses of the land. The farm is divided out into paddocks, and,
with those which are breeding, one cock with two hens occupies each
paddock. The young birds,--for they do not breed till they are three
years old,--or those which are not paired, run in flocks of thirty or
forty each. They are subject to diseases which of course require
attention, and are apt to damage themselves, sometimes breaking their
own bones, and getting themselves caught in the wire fences. Otherwise
they are hardy brutes, who can stand much heat and cold, can do for long
periods without water, who require no delicate feeding, and give at
existing prices ample returns for the care bestowed upon them.
But, nevertheless, ostrich farming is a precarious venture. The birds
are of such value, a full grown bird in perfect health being worth as
much as £75, that there are of course risks of great loss. And I doubt
whether the industry has, as yet, existed long enough for those who
employ it to know all its conditions. The two great things to do are to
hatch the eggs, and then to pluck or cut the feathers, sort them, and
send them to the market. I think I may say that ostrich farming without
the use of an incubator can never produce great results. The birds
injure their feathers by sitting and at every hatching lose two months.
There is, too, great uncertainty as to the number of young birds which
will be produced, and much danger as to the fate of the young bird when
hatched. An incubator seems to be a necessity for ostrich farming.
Surely no less appropriate word was ever introduced into the language,
for it is a machine expressly invented to render unnecessary the process
of incubation. The farmer who devotes himself to artificial hatching
provides himself with an assortment of dummy eggs,--consisting of
eggshells blown and filled with sand,--and with these successfully
allures the hens to lay. The animals are so large and the ground is so
open that there is but little difficulty in watching them and in
obtaining the eggs. As each egg is worth nearly £5 I should think that
they would be open to much theft when the operation becomes more
general, but as yet there has not come up a market for the receipt of
stolen goods. When found they are brought to the head quarters and kept
till the vacancy occurs for them in the machine.
The incubator is a low ugly piece of deal furniture standing on four
legs, perhaps eight or nine feet long. At each end there are two
drawers in which the eggs are laid with a certain apparatus of flannel,
and these drawers by means of screws beneath them are raised or lowered
to the extent of two or three inches. The drawer is lowered when it is
pulled out, and is capable of receiving a fixed number of eggs. I saw, I
think, fifteen in one. Over the drawers and along the top of the whole
machine there is a tank filled with hot water, and the drawer when
closed is screwed up so as to bring the side of the egg in contact with
the bottom of the tank. Hence comes the necessary warmth. Below the
machine and in the centre of it a lamp, or lamps, are placed which
maintain the heat that is required. The eggs lie in the drawer for six
weeks, and then the bird is brought out.
All this is simple enough, and yet the work of hatching is most
complicated and requires not only care but a capability of tracing
results which is not given to all men. The ostrich turns her egg
frequently, so that each side of it may receive due attention. The
ostrich farmer must therefore turn his eggs. This he does about three
times a day. A certain amount of moisture is required, as in nature
moisture exudes from the sitting bird. The heat must be moderated
according to circumstances or the yolk becomes glue and the young bird
is choked. Nature has to be followed most minutely, and must be observed
and understood before it can be followed. And when the time for birth
comes on the ostrich farmer must turn midwife and delicately assist the
young one to open its shell, having certain instruments for the purpose.
And when he has performed his obstetrical operations he must become a
nursing mother to the young progeny who can by no means walk about and
get his living in his earliest days. The little chickens in our farm
yards seem to take the world very easily; but they have their mother’s
wings, and we as yet hardly know all the assistance which is thus given
to them. But the ostrich farmer must know enough to keep his young ones
alive, or he will soon be ruined,--for each bird when hatched is
supposed to be worth £10. The ostrich farmer must take upon himself all
the functions of the ostrich mother, and must know all that instinct has
taught her, or he will hardly be successful.
The birds are plucked before they are a year old, and I think that no
one as yet knows the limit of age to which they will live and be
plucked. I saw birds which had been plucked for sixteen years and were
still in high feather. When the plucking time has come the necessary
number of birds are enticed by a liberal display of mealies,--as maize
or Indian corn is called in South Africa,--into a pen one side of which
is moveable. The birds will go willingly after mealies, and will run
about their paddocks after any one they see, in the expectation of these
delicacies. When the pen is full the moveable side is run in, so that
the birds are compressed together beyond the power of violent
struggling. They cannot spread their wings or make the dart forward
which is customary to them when about to kick. Then men go in among
them, and taking up their wings pluck or cut their feathers. Both
processes are common but the former I think is most so, as being the
more profitable. There is a heavier weight to sell when the feather is
plucked; and the quil begins to grow again at once, whereas the process
is delayed when nature is called upon to eject the stump. I did not see
the thing done, but I was assured that the little notice taken by the
animal of the operation may be accepted as proof that the pain, if any,
is slight. I leave this question to the decision of naturalists and
anti-vivisectors.
The feathers are then sorted into various lots, the white primary
outside rim from under the bird’s wing being by far the most
valuable,--being sold, as I have said before, at a price as high as £25
a pound. The sorting does not seem to be a difficult operation and is
done by coloured men. The produce is then packed in boxes and sent down
to be sold at Port Elizabeth by auction.
As far as I saw all labour about the place was done by black men except
that which fell to the lot of the owner and two or three young men who
lived with him and were learning the work under his care. These black
men were Kafirs, Fingos, or Hottentots--so called, who lived each in his
own hut with his wife and family. They received 26s. a month and their
diet,--which consisted of two pound of meat and two pound of mealies a
day each. The man himself could not eat this amount of food, but would
no doubt find it little enough with his wife and children. With this he
has permission to build his hut about the place, and to burn his
master’s fuel. He buys coffee if he wants it from his master’s store,
and in his present condition generally does want it. When in his hut he
rolls himself in his blanket, but when he comes out to his work attires
himself in some more or less European apparel according to regulation.
He is a good humoured fellow, whether by nature a hostile Kafir, or a
submissive Fingo, or friendly Basuto, and seems to have a pleasure in
being enquired into and examined as to his Kafir habits. But, if
occasion should arise, he would probably be a rebel. On this very spot
where I was talking to him, the master of the farm had felt himself
compelled during the last year,--1876--to add a couple of towers to his
house so that in the event of an attack he might be able to withdraw his
family from the reach of shot, and have a guarded platform from whence
to fire at his enemies. Whether or not the danger was near as he thought
it last year I am unable to say; but there was the fact that he had
found it necessary so to protect himself only a few months since within
twenty miles of Grahamstown! Such absence of the feeling of security
must of course be injurious if not destructive to all industrial
operations.
I may add with regard to ostrich farming that I have heard that 50 per
cent. per annum on the capital invested has been not uncommonly made.
But I have heard also that all the capital invested has not been
unfrequently lost. It must be regarded as a precarious business and one
which requires special adaptation in the person who conducts it. And to
this must be added the fact that it depends entirely on a freak of
fashion. Wheat and wool, cotton and coffee, leather and planks men will
certainly continue to want, and of these things the value will
undoubtedly be maintained by competition for their possession. But
ostrich feathers may become a drug. When the nurse-maid affects them the
Duchess will cease to do so.
Grahamstown is served by two ports. There is the port of Port Elizabeth
in Algoa Bay which I have already described as a thriving town and one
from which a railway is being made across the country, with a branch to
Grahamstown. All the mail steamers from England to Capetown come on to
Algoa Bay, and there is also a direct steamer from Plymouth once a
month. The bulk of the commerce for the whole adjacent district comes no
doubt to Port Elizabeth. But the people of Grahamstown affect Port
Alfred, which is at the mouth of the Kowie river and only 35 miles
distant from the Eastern Capital. I was therefore taken down to see Port
Alfred.
I went down on one side of the river by a four-horsed cart as far as the
confluence of the Mansfield, and thence was shewn the beauties of the
Kowie river by boat. Our party dined and slept at Port Alfred, and on
the following day we came back to Grahamstown by cart on the other side
of the river. I was perhaps more taken with the country which I saw than
with the harbour, and was no longer at a loss to know where was the land
on which the English settlers of 1820 were intended to locate
themselves. We passed through a ruined village called Bathurst,--a
village ruined while it was yet young, than which nothing can be more
painful to behold. Houses had been built again, but almost every house
had at one time,--that is in the Kafir war of 1850,--been either burnt
or left to desolation. And yet nothing can be more attractive than the
land about Bathurst, either in regard to picturesque situation or
fertility. The same may be said of the other bank of this river. It is
impossible to imagine a fairer district to a farmer’s eye. It will grow
wheat, but it will also grow on the slopes of the hills, cotton and
coffee. It is all possessed, and generally all cultivated;--but it can
hardly be said to be inhabited by white men, so few are they and so
far-between. A very large proportion of the land is let out to Kafirs
who pay a certain sum for certain rights and privileges. He is to build
his hut and have enough land to cultivate for his own purposes, and
grass enough for his cattle;--and for these he contracts to pay perhaps
£10 per annum, or more, or less, according to circumstances. I was
assured that the rent is punctually paid. But this mode of disposing of
the land, excellent for all purposes as it is, has not arisen of choice
but of necessity. The white farmer knows that as yet he can have no
security if he himself farms on a large scale. Next year there may be
another scare, and then a general attack from the Kafirs; or the very
scare if there be no attack, frightens away his profits;--or, as has
happened before, the attack may come without the scare. The country is a
European country,--belongs that is to white men,--but it is full of
Kafirs;--and then, but a hundred miles away to the East, is Kafraria
Proper where the British law does not rule even yet.
No one wants to banish the Kafirs. Situated as the country is and will
be, it cannot exist without Kafirs, because the Kafirs are the only
possible labourers. To utilize the Kafir and not to expel him must be
the object of the white man. Speaking broadly it may be said of the
Colony, or at any rate of the Eastern district, that it has no white
labourers for agricultural purposes. The Kafir is as necessary to the
Grahamstown farmer as is his brother negro to the Jamaica sugar grower.
But, for the sake both of the Kafir and of the white man, some further
assurance of security is needed. I am inclined to think that more evil
is done both to one and the other by ill defined fear than by actual
danger.
Along the coast of the Colony there are various sea ports, none of which
are very excellent as to their natural advantages, but each of which
seems to have a claim to consider itself the best. There is Capetown of
course with its completed docks, and Simon’s Bay on the other side of
the Cape promontory which is kept exclusively for our men of war. Then
the first port, eastwards, at which the steamers call is Mossel Bay.
These are the chief harbours of the Western Province. On the coast of
the Eastern Province there are three ports between which a considerable
jealousy is maintained, Port Elizabeth, Port Alfred, and East London.
And as there is rivalry between the West and East Provinces, so is there
between these three harbours. Port Elizabeth I had seen before I came up
to Grahamstown. From Grahamstown I travelled to Port Alfred, taken
thither by two patriotic hospitable and well-instructed gentlemen who
thoroughly believed that the commerce of the world was to flow into
Grahamstown via Port Alfred, and that the overflowing produce of South
Africa will, at some not far distant happy time, be dispensed to the
various nations from the same favoured harbour. “Statio bene fida
carinis,” was what I heard all the way down,--or rather promises of
coming security and marine fruitfulness which are to be results of the
works now going on. It was all explained to me,--how ships which now
could not get over the bar would ride up the quiet little river in
perfect safety, and take in and discharge their cargoes on comfortable
wharves at a very minimum of expense. And then, when this should have
been completed, the railway from the Kowie’s mouth up to Grahamstown
would be a certainty, even though existing governments had been so
shortsighted as to make a railway from Port Elizabeth to
Grahamstown--carrying goods and passengers ever so far out of their
proper course.
It is a matter on which I am altogether unable to speak with any
confidence. Neither at Port Elizabeth, or at the mouth of the Kowie
where stands Port Alfred, or further eastwards at East London of which I
must speak in a coming chapter, has Nature done much for mariners, and
the energy shown to overcome obstacles at all these places has certainly
been very great. The devotion of individuals to their own districts and
to the chances of prosperity not for themselves so much as for their
neighbours, is almost sad though it is both patriotic and generous. The
rivalry between places which should act together as one whole is
distressing;--but the industry of which I speak will surely have the
results which industry always obtains. I decline to prophesy whether
there will be within the next dozen years a railway from Port Alfred to
Grahamstown,--or whether the goods to be consumed at the Diamond Fields
and in the Orange Free State will ever find their way to their
destinations by the mouth of the Kowie;--but I think I can foresee that
the enterprise of the people concerned will lead to success.
CHAPTER XI.
BRITISH KAFRARIA.
It is not improbable that many Englishmen who have not been altogether
inattentive to the course of public affairs as affecting Great Britain
may be unaware that we once possessed in South Africa a separate colony
called British Kafraria, with a governor of its own, and a form of
government altogether distinct from that of its big brother the Cape
Colony. Such however is the fact, though the territory did not, perhaps,
attract much notice at the time of its annexation. Some years after the
last Kafir war which may have the year 1850 given to it as its date, and
after that wonderful Kafir famine which took place in 1857,--the famine
which the natives created for themselves by destroying their own cattle
and their own food,--British Kafraria was made a separate colony and was
placed under the rule of Colonel Maclean. The sanction from England for
the arrangement had been long given, but it was not carried out till
1860. It was not intended that the country should be taken away from the
Kafirs;--but only the rule over the country, and the privilege of living
in accordance with their own customs. Nor was this privilege abrogated
all at once, or abruptly. Gradually and piecemeal they were to be
introduced to what we call civilization. Gradually and piecemeal the
work is still going on,--and so progressing that there can hardly be a
doubt that as far as their material condition is concerned we have done
well with the Kafirs. The Kafir Chiefs may feel,--certainly do
feel,--that they have been aggrieved. They have been as it were knocked
about, deprived of their power, humiliated and degraded, and, as far as
British Kafraria is concerned, made almost ridiculous in the eyes of
their own people. But the people themselves have been relieved from the
force of a grinding tyranny. They increase and multiply because they are
no longer driven to fight and be slaughtered in the wars which the
Chiefs were continually waging for supremacy among each other. What
property they acquire they can hold without fear of losing it by
arbitrary force. They are no longer subject to the terrible
superstitions which their Chiefs have used for keeping them in
subjection. Their huts are better, and their food more constantly
sufficient. Many of them work for wages. They are partially
clothed,--sometimes with such grotesque partiality as quite to justify
the comical stories which we have heard at home as to Kafir full dress.
But the habit of wearing clothes is increasing among them. In the towns
they are about as well clad as the ordinary Irish beggar,--and as the
traveller recedes from the towns he perceives that this raiment
gradually gives way to blankets and red clay. But to have got so far as
the Irish beggar condition in twenty years is very much, and the custom
is certainly spreading itself. The Kafir who has assiduously worn
breeches for a year does feel, not a moral but a social shame, at going
without them. As I have no doubt whatever that the condition of these
people has been improved by our coming, and that British rule has been
on the whole beneficent to them, I cannot but approve of the annexation
of British Kafraria. But I doubt whether when it was done the
justification was as complete as in those former days, twenty years
before, when Lord Glenelg reprimanded Sir Benjamin D’Urban for the
extension he made in the same territory, and drew back the borders of
British sovereignty, and restored their lands and their prestige and
their customs to the natives, and declared himself willing to be
responsible for all results that might follow,--results which at last
cost so much British blood and so much British money!
The difficult question meets one at every corner in South Africa. What
is the duty of the white man in reference to the original inhabitant?
The Kafir Chief will say that it is the white man’s duty to stay away
and not to touch what does not belong to him. The Dutch Colonist will
say that it is the white man’s duty to make the best he can of the good
things God has provided for his use,--and that as the Kafir in his
natural state is a bad thing he should either be got rid of, or made a
slave. In either assertion there is an intelligible purpose capable of a
logical argument. But the Briton has to go between the two, wavering
much between the extremes of philanthropy and expansive energy. He knows
that he has to get possession of the land and use it, and is determined
that he will do so;--but he knows also that it is wrong to take what
does not belong to him and wrong also to treat another human being with
harshness. And therefore with one hand he waves his humanitarian
principles over Exeter Hall while with the other he annexes Province
after Province. As I am myself a Briton I am not a fair critic of the
proceeding;--but it does seem to me that he is upon the whole
beneficent, though occasionally very unjust.
After the wars, when this Kafraria had become British, a body of German
emigrants were induced to come here who have thriven wonderfully upon
the land,--as Germans generally do. The German colonist is a humble hard
working parsimonious man, who is content as long as he can eat and drink
in security and put by a modicum of money. He cares but little for the
form of government to which he is subjected, but is very anxious as to a
market for his produce. He is unwilling to pay any wages, but is always
ready to work himself and to make his children work. He lives at first
in some small hovel which he constructs for himself, and will content
himself with maize instead of meat till he has put by money enough for
the building of a neat cottage. And so he progresses till he becomes
known in the neighbourhood as a man who has money at the bank. Nothing
probably has done more to make Kafraria prosperous than this emigration
of Germans.
But British Kafraria did not exist long as a separate possession of the
Crown, having been annexed to the Cape Colony in 1864. From that time it
has formed part of the Eastern Province. It has three thriving English
towns, King-Williamstown, the capital, East London the port, and
Queenstown, further up the country than King-Williamstown;--towns which
are peculiarly English though the country around is either cultivated by
German farmers or held by Kafir tenants. The district is still called
British Kafraria. I myself have some very dim remembrance of British
Kafraria as a Colony, but like other places in the British empire it has
been absorbed by degrees without much notice at home.
Starting from Grahamstown on a hired Cape cart I entered British
Kafraria somewhere between that town and Fort Beaufort. A “Cape cart” is
essentially a South African vehicle, and is admirably adapted for the
somewhat rough roads of the country. Its great merit is that it travels
on only two wheels;--but then so does our English gig. But the English
gig carries only two passengers while the Cape cart has room for
four,--or even six. The Irish car no doubt has both these
merits,--carries four and runs on two wheels; but the wheels are
necessarily so low that they are ill adapted for passing serious
obstructions. And the Cape cart can be used with two horses, or four as
the need may be. A one-horse vehicle is a thing hardly spoken of in
South Africa, and would meet with more scorn than it does even in the
States. But the chief peculiarity of the Cape cart is the yoke of the
horses, which is somewhat similar in its nature to that of the curricle
which used to be very dangerous and very fashionable in the days of
George IV. With us a pair of horses is now always connected with four
wheels, and with the idea of security which four wheels give. Though the
horse may tumble down the vehicle stands. It was not so with the
curricle. When a horse fell, he would generally bring down his comrade
horse with him, and then the vehicle would go,--to the almost certain
destruction of the pole and the imminent danger of the passengers. But
with the Cape cart the bar, instead of passing over the horse’s
back--the bar on which the vehicle must rest when for a moment it loses
its balance on the two wheels with a propulsion forwards--passes under
the horses’ necks, with straps appended to the collars. I have never
seen a horse fall with one of them;--but I can understand that when such
an accident happens the falling horse should not bring the other animal
down with him. The advantage of having two high wheels,--and only
two,--need not be explained to any traveller.
On the way to Fort Beaufort I passed by Fort Brown,--a desolate barrack
which was heretofore employed for the protection of the frontier when
Grahamstown was the frontier city. I arrived there by a fine pass,
excellently well engineered, through the mountains, called the Queen’s
Road,--very picturesque from the shape of the hills, though desolate
from the absence of trees. But at Fort Brown the beauty was gone and
nothing but the desolation remained. The Fort stands just off the road,
on a plain, and would hold perhaps 40 or 50 men. I walked up to it and
found one lonely woman who told me that she was the wife of a policeman
stationed at some distant place. It had become the fate of her life to
live here in solitude, and a more lonely creature I never saw. She was
clean and pleasant and talked well;--but she declared that unless she
was soon liberated from Fort Brown she must go mad. She was eloquent in
favour of hard work, declaring that there was nothing else which could
give a real charm to life;--but perhaps she had been roused to that
feeling by knowing that there was not a job to be done upon the earth to
which in her present circumstances she could turn her hand. Optat arare
caballus. She told me of a son who was employed in one of the distant
provinces, and bade me find him if I could and tell him of his mother.
“Tell him to think of me here all alone,” she said. I tried to execute
my commission but failed to find the man.
I had intended sleeping at Fort Beaufort and on going from thence up the
Catsberg Mountain. But I was prevented by the coming of a gentleman, a
Wesleyan minister, who was very anxious that I should see the Kafir
school at Healdtown over which he presided. From first to last through
my tour I was subject to the privileges and inconveniences of being
known as a man who was going to write a book. I never said as much to
any one in South Africa,--or even admitted it when interrogated. I could
not deny that I possibly might do so, but I always protested that my
examiner had no right to assume the fact. All this, however, was quite
vain as coming from one who had written so much about other Colonies,
and was known to be so inveterate a scribbler as myself. Then the
argument, though never expressed in plain words, would take, in
suggested ideas, the following form. “Here you are in South Africa, and
you are going to write about us. If so I,--or we, or my or our
Institution, have an absolute claim to a certain portion of your
attention. You have no right to pass our town by, and then to talk of
the next town merely because such an arrangement will suit your
individual comfort!” Then I would allege the shortness of my time. “Time
indeed! Then take more time. Here am I,--or here are we, doing our very
best; and we don’t intend to be passed by because you don’t allow
yourself enough of time for your work.” When all this was said on behalf
of some very big store, or perhaps in favour of a pretty view, or--as
has been the case,--in pride at the possession of a little cabbage
garden, I have been apt to wax wroth and to swear that I was my own
master;--but a Kafir missionary school, to which some earnest Christian
man, with probably an earnest Christian wife, devotes a life in the hope
of making fresh water flow through the dry wilderness, has claims,
however painful they may be at the moment. This gentleman had come into
Fort Beaufort on purpose to catch me. And as he was very eloquent, and
as I did feel a certain duty, I allowed myself to be led away by him. I
fear that I went ungraciously, and I know that I went unwillingly. It
was just four o’clock and, having had no luncheon, I wanted my dinner. I
had already established myself in a very neat little sitting-room in the
Inn, and had taken off my boots. I was tired and dusty, and was about to
wash myself. I had been on the road all day, and the bedroom offered to
me looked sweet and clean;--and there was a pretty young lady at the Inn
who had given me a cup of tea to support me till dinner should be ready.
I was anxious also about the Catsberg Mountain, which under the
minister’s guidance I should lose, at any rate for the present. I spoke
to the minister of my dinner;--but he assured me that an hour would take
me out to his place at Healdtown. He clearly thought,--and clearly
said,--that it was my duty to go, and I acceded. He promised to convey
me to the establishment in an hour,--but it was two hours and a half
before we were there. He allured me by speaking of the beauty of the
road,--but it was pitch dark all the way. It was eight o’clock before my
wants were supplied, and by that time I hated Kafir children thoroughly.
Of Healdtown and Lovedale,--a much larger Kafir school,--I will speak in
the next chapter, which shall be exclusively educational. Near to
Lovedale is the little town of Alice in which I stayed two days with the
hospitable doctor. He took me out for a day’s hunting as it is called,
which in that benighted country means shooting. I must own here to have
made a little blunder. When I was asked some days previously whether I
would like to have a day’s hunting got up for me in the neighbourhood of
Alice, I answered with alacrity in the affirmative. Hunting, which is
the easiest of all sports, has ever been an allurement to me. To hunt,
as we hunt at home, it is only necessary that a man should stick on to
the back of a horse,--or, failing that, that he should fall off. When
hunting was offered to me I thought that I could at any rate go out and
see. But on my arrival at Alice I found that hunting meant--shooting, an
exercise of skill in which I had never even tried to prevail. “I haven’t
fired off a gun,” I said, “for forty years.” But I had agreed to go out
hunting, and word had passed about the country, and a hundred naked
Kafirs were to be congregated to drive the game. I tried hard to escape.
“Might I not be allowed to go and see the naked Kafirs, without a
gun,--especially as it was so probable that I might shoot one of them if
I were armed?” But this would not do. I was told that the Kafirs would
despise me. So I took the gun and carried it ever so many miles, on
horseback, to my very great annoyance.
At a certain spot on a hill side,--where the hill downwards was covered
with bush and shrubs, we met the naked Kafirs. There were a hundred of
them, I was told, more or less, and they were as naked as my heart could
desire,--but each carrying some fragment of a blanket wound round on his
arm, and many of them were decorated with bracelets and earrings. There
were some preliminary ceremonies, such as the lying down of a young
Kafir and the pretence of all the men around him,--and of all the dogs,
of which there was a large muster,--that the prostrate figure was a dead
buck over whom it was necessary to lick their lips and shake their
weapons;--and after this the Kafirs went down into the bush. Then I was
led away by my white friend, carrying my gun and leading my horse, and
after a while was told that the very spot had been found. If I would
remain there with my gun cocked and ready, a buck would surely come by
almost at once so that I might shoot him. I did as I was bid, and sat
alert for thirty minutes holding my gun as though something to be shot
would surely come every second. But nothing came and I gradually went to
sleep.
Then of a sudden I heard the Kafirs approaching. They had beaten the
woods for a mile along the valley; and then a gun was fired and then
another, and gradually my white friends reappeared among the Kafirs. One
had shot a bird, and another a hare; and the most triumphant of the
number had slaughtered a very fat monkey of a peculiarly blue colour
about his hinder quarters. This was the great battue of the day. There
were two or three other resting places at which I was instructed to
stand and wait; and then we would be separated again, and again after a
while would come the noise of the Kafirs. But no one shot anything
further, and during the whole day nothing appeared before my eyes at
which I was even able to aim my gun. But the native Kafirs with their
red paint and their blankets wound round their arms, passing here and
there through the bush and beating for game, were real enough and very
interesting. I was told that to them it was a day of absolute delight,
and that they were quite satisfied with having been allowed to be there.
I have spoken before of the Kafir scare of 1876 during which it was
certainly the general opinion at Grahamstown that there was about to be
a general rising among the natives, and that it would behove all
Europeans in the Eastern Province to look well to their wives and
children and homesteads. I have described the manner in which my friend
at the ostrich farm fortified his place with turrets, and I had heard of
some settlers further east who had left their homes in the conviction
that they were no longer safe. Gentlemen at Grahamstown had assured me
that the danger had been as though men were going about a powder
magazine with lighted candles. Here, where was our hunting party, we
were in the centre of the Kafirs. A farmer who was with us owned the
land down to the Chumie river which was at our feet, and on the other
side there was a wide district which had been left by Government to the
Kafirs when we annexed the land,--a district in which the Kafirs live
after their old fashion. This man had his wife and children within a
mile or two of hordes of untamed savages. When I asked him about the
scare of last year, he laughed at it. Some among his neighbours had
fled;--and had sold their cattle for what they would fetch. But he, when
he saw that Kafirs were buying the cattle thus sold, was very sure that
they would not buy that which they could take without price if war
should come. But the Kafirs around him, he said, had no idea of war;
and, when they heard of all that the Europeans were doing, they had
thought that some attack was to be made on them.[13] The Kafirs as a
body no doubt hate their invaders; but they would be well content to be
allowed to hold what they still possess without further struggles with
the white man, if they were sure of being undisturbed in their holdings.
But they will be disturbed. Gradually, for this and the other reason,
from causes which the white man of the day will be sure to be able to
justify at any rate to himself, more and more will be annexed, till
there will not be a hill side which the Kafir can call his own
dominion. As a tenant he will be admitted, and as a farmer, if he will
farm the land, he will be welcomed. But the Kafir hill sides with the
Kafir Kraals,--or homesteads,--and the Kafir flocks will all gradually
be annexed and made subject to British taxation.
From Alice I went on to King Williamstown,--at first through a cold but
grandly mountainous country, but coming, when half way, to a spot
smiling with agriculture, called Debe Nek, where too there were forest
trees and green slopes. At Debe Nek I met a young farmer who was full of
the hardships to which he was subjected by the unjust courses taken by
the Government. I could not understand his grievance, but he seemed to
me to have a very pleasant spot of ground on which to sow his seed and
reap his corn. His mother kept an hotel, and was racy with a fine Irish
brogue which many years in the Colony had failed in the least to
tarnish. She had come from Armagh and was delighted to talk of the
beauty and bounty and great glory of the old primate, Beresford. She
sighed for her native land and shook her head incredulously when I
reminded her of the insufficiency of potatoes for the needs of man or
woman. I never met an Irishman out of his own country, who, from some
perversity of memory, did not think that he had always been accustomed
to eat meat three times a day, and wear broad cloth when he was at home.
King Williamstown was the capital of British Kafraria, and is now the
seat of a British Regiment. I am afraid that at this moment it is the
Head Quarters of much more than one. This perhaps will be the best
place in which to say a few words on the question of keeping British
troops in the Cape Colony. It is held to be good colonial doctrine that
a Colony which governs itself, which levies and uses its own taxes, and
which does in pretty nearly all things as seems good to itself in its
own sight, should pay its own bills;--and among other bills any bill
that may be necessary for its own defence. Australia has no British
soldiers,--not an English redcoat; nor has Canada, though Canada be for
so many miles flanked by a country desirous of annexing it. My readers
will remember too that even while the Maoris were still in arms the last
regiment was withdrawn from New Zealand,--so greatly to the disgust of
New Zealand politicians that the New Zealand Minister of the day flew
out almost in mutiny against our Secretary of State at the time. But the
principle was maintained, and the measure was carried, and the last
regiment was withdrawn. But at that time ministerial responsibility and
parliamentary government had not as yet been established in the Cape
Colony, and there were excuses for British soldiers at the Cape which no
longer existed in New Zealand.
Now parliamentary government and ministerial responsibility are as
strong at Capetown as at Wellington, but the British troops still remain
in the Cape Colony. There will be, I think, when this book is published
more than three regiments in the Colony or employed in its defence. The
parliamentary system began only in 1872, and it may be alleged that the
withdrawal of troops should be gradual. It may be alleged also that the
present moment is peculiar, and that the troops are all this time
specially needed. It should, however, be remembered that when the troops
were finally withdrawn from New Zealand, disturbance among the Maoris
was still rampant there. I suppose there can hardly be a doubt that it
is a subject on which a so called Conservative Secretary of State may
differ slightly from a so called Liberal Minister. Had Lord Kimberley
remained in office there might possibly be fewer soldiers in the Cape
Colony. But the principle remains, and has I think so established itself
that probably no Colonial Secretary of whatever party would now deny its
intrinsic justice.
Then comes the question whether the Cape Colony should be made an
exception, and if so why. I am inclined to think that no visitor
travelling in the country with his eyes open, and with capacity for
seeing the things around him, would venture to say that the soldiers
should be withdrawn now, at this time. Looking back at the nature of the
Kafir wars, looking round at the state of the Kafir people, knowing as
he would know that they are armed not only with assegais but with guns,
and remembering the possibilities of Kafir warfare, he would hesitate to
leave a quarter of a million of white people to defend themselves
against a million and a half of warlike hostile Natives. The very
withdrawal of the troops might itself too probably cause a prolonged
cessation of that peace to which the Kafir Chiefs have till lately felt
themselves constrained by the presence of the red coats, and for the
speedy re-establishment of which the continued presence of the red coats
is thought to be necessary. The capable and clearsighted stranger of
whom I am speaking would probably decline to take such responsibility
upon himself, even though he were as strong in the theory of colonial
self-defence as was Lord Granville when he took the soldiers away from
New Zealand.
But it does not follow that on that account he should think that the
Cape Colony should be an exception to a rule which as to other Colonies
has been found to be sound. It may be wise to keep the soldiers in the
Colony, but have been unwise to saddle the Colony with full
parliamentary institutions before it was able to bear their weight. “If
the soldiers be necessary, then the place was not ripe for parliamentary
institutions.” That may be a very possible opinion as to the affairs of
South Africa generally.
I am again driven to assert the difference between South Africa, and
Canada, or Australia, or New Zealand. South Africa is a land peopled
with coloured inhabitants. Those other places are lands peopled with
white men. I will not again vex my reader with numbers,--not now at
least. He will perhaps remember the numbers, and bethink himself of what
has to be done before all those negroes can be assimilated and digested
and made into efficient parliamentary voters, who shall have
civilization, and the good of their country, and “God save the Queen”
generally, at their hearts’ core. A mistake has perhaps been made;--but
I do not think that because of that mistake the troops should be
withdrawn from the Colony.
I cannot, however, understand why they should be kept at Capetown, to
the safety of which they are no more necessary than they would be to
that of Sydney or Melbourne. It is alleged that they can be moved more
easily from Capetown, than they might be from any inland depot. But we
know that if wanted at all they will be wanted on the frontier,--say
within 50 miles of the Kei river which is the present boundary of the
Colony. If the Kafirs east of the Kei can be kept quiet, there will be
no rising of those to the west of the river. It was the knowledge that
there were troops at King Williamstown, not that there were troops at
Capetown, which operated so long on the minds of Kreli and other
Transkeian Kafirs. And now that disturbance has come all the troops are
sent to the frontier. If this be so, it would seem that British Kafraria
is the place in which they should be located. But Capetown has been Head
Quarters since the Colony was a Colony, and Head Quarters are never
moved very easily. It is right that I should add that the Colony pays
£10,000 a year to the mother country in aid of the cost of the troops. I
need hardly say that that sum does not go far towards covering the total
expense of two or more regiments on foreign service.
Another difficulty is apt to arise,--which I fear will now be found to
be a difficulty in South Africa. If imperial troops be used in a Colony
which enjoys parliamentary government, who is to be responsible for
their employment? The Parliamentary Minister will expect that they shall
be used as he may direct;--but so will not the authorities at home! In
this way there can hardly fail to be difference of opinion between the
Governor of the Colony and his responsible advisers.
King Williamstown is a thoroughly commercial little city with a
pleasant club, with a railway to East London, and with smiling German
cultivation all around it. But it has no trees. There is indeed a public
garden in which the military band plays with great éclat, and in which
horses can be ridden, and carriages with ladies be driven about,--so as
to look almost like Hyde Park in June. I stayed three or four days at
the place and was made very comfortable; but what struck me most was the
excellence of the Kafir servant who waited upon me. A gentleman had
kindly let me have the use of his house, and with his house the services
of this treasure. The man was so gentle, so punctual, and so mindful of
all things that I could not but think what an acquisition he would be to
any fretful old gentleman in London.
When I was at King Williamstown I was invited to hold a conference with
two or three Kafir Chiefs, especially with Sandilli, whose son I had
seen at school, and who was the heir to Gaika, one of the great kings of
the Kafirs, being the son of Gaika’s “great wife,” and brother to Makomo
the Kafir who in the last war had done more than Kafir had ever done
before to break the British power in South Africa. It was Makomo who had
been Sir Harry Smith’s too powerful enemy,--and Sandilli, who is still
living in the neighbourhood of King Williamstown, was Makomo’s younger
but more royal brother. I expressed, of course, great satisfaction at
the promised interview, but was warned that Sandilli might not
improbably be too drunk to come.
On the morning appointed about twenty Kafirs came to me, clustering
round the door of the house in which I was lodging,--but they declined
to enter. I therefore held my levee out in the street. Sandilli was not
there. The reason for his absence remained undivulged, but I was told
that he had sent a troop of cousins in his place. The spokesman on the
occasion was a chief named Siwani, who wore an old black coat, a flannel
shirt, a pair of tweed trousers and a billycock hat,--comfortably and
warmly dressed,--with a watch-key of ordinary appearance ingeniously
inserted into his ear as an ornament. An interpreter was provided; and,
out in the street, I carried on my colloquy with the dusky princes. Not
one of them spoke but Siwani, and he expressed utter dissatisfaction
with everything around him. The Kafirs, he said, would be much better
off if the English would go away and leave them to their own customs. As
for himself, though he had sent a great many of his clansmen to work on
the railway,--where they got as he admitted good wages,--he had never
himself received the allowance per head promised him. “Why not appeal to
the magistrate?” I asked. He had done so frequently, he said, but the
Magistrate always put him off, and then, personally, he was treated with
very insufficient respect. This complaint was repeated again and again.
I, of course, insisted on the comforts which the Europeans had brought
to the Kafirs,--trousers for instance,--and I remarked that all the
royal princes around me were excellently well clad. The raiment was no
doubt of the Irish beggar kind but still admitted of being described as
excellent when compared in the mind with red clay and a blanket.
“Yes,--by compulsion,” he said. “We were told that we must come in and
see you, and therefore we put on our trousers. Very uncomfortable they
are, and we wish that you and the trousers and the magistrates, but
above all the prisons, would go--away out of the country together.” He
was very angry about the prisons, alleging that if the Kafirs did wrong
the Kafir Chiefs would know how to punish them. None of his own children
had ever gone to school,--nor did he approve of schools. In fact he was
an unmitigated old savage, on whom my words of wisdom had no effect
whatever, and who seemed to enjoy the opportunity of unburdening his
resentment before a British traveller. It is probable that some one had
given him to understand that I might possibly write a book when I
returned home.
When, after some half hour of conversation, he declared that he did not
want to answer any more questions, I was not sorry to shake hands with
the prominent half dozen, so as to bring the meeting to a close. But
suddenly there came a grin across Siwani’s face,--the first look of good
humour which I had seen,--and the interpreter informed me that the Chief
wanted a little tobacco. I went back into my friend’s house and emptied
his tobacco pot, but this, though accepted, did not seem to give
satisfaction. I whispered to the interpreter a question, and on being
told that Siwani would not be too proud to buy his own tobacco, I gave
the old beggar half a crown. Then he blessed me, as an Irish beggar
might have done, grinned again and went off with his followers. The
Kafir boy or girl at school and the Kafir man at work are pleasing
objects; but the old Kafir chief in quest of tobacco,--or brandy,--is
not delightful.
King Williamstown is the head quarters of the Cape mounted frontier
police, of which Mr. Bowker, whose opinion respecting Kafirdom I have
already quoted, was at the period of my visit the Commandant. This is a
force, consisting now of about 1,200 men, maintained by the Colony
itself for its own defence, and was no doubt established by the Colony
with a view of putting its own foot forward in its own behalf and doing
something towards the achievement of that colonial independence of which
I have spoken. It has probably been thought that the frontier police
might at last stand in lieu of British soldiers. The effort has been
well made, and the service is of great use. The brunt of the fighting in
the late disturbance has been borne by the mounted police. The men are
stationed about the country in small parties,--never I think more than
thirty or forty together, and often in smaller numbers. They are very
much more efficacious than soldiers, as every man is mounted,--and the
men themselves come from a much higher class than that from which our
soldiers are enlisted. But the troop is expensive, each private costing
on an average about 7s. a day. The men are paid 5s. 6d. a day as soon as
they are mounted,--out of which they have to buy and keep their horses
and furnish everything for themselves. “When they join the force their
horses and equipments are supplied to them, but the price is stopped out
of their pay. They are recruited generally, though by no means
universally, in England, under the care of an emigration agent who is
maintained at home. I came out myself with six or seven of them,--three
of whom I knew to be sons of gentlemen, and all of whom may have been
so. So terrible is the struggle at home to find employment for young men
that the idea of £100 a year at once has charms, even though the
receiver of it will have to keep not only himself, but a horse also, out
of the money. But the prospect, if fairly seen, is not alluring. The
young men when in the Colony are policemen and nothing more than
policemen. Many of them after a short compulsory service find a better
employment elsewhere, and their places are filled up by new comers.
From King Williamstown I went to East London by railway and there waited
till the ship came which was to take me on to Natal. East London is
another of those ports which stubborn Nature seems to have made unfit
for shipping, but which energy and enterprise are determined to convert
to good purposes. As Grahamstown believes in Port Alfred, so does King
Williamstown believe in East London, feeling sure that the day will come
when no other harbour along the coast will venture to name itself in
comparison with her. And East London has as firm a belief in herself,
with a trustworthy reliance on a future day when the commerce of nations
will ride in safety within her at present ill-omened bar. I had heard
much of East London and had been warned that I might find it impossible
to get on board the steamer even when she was lying in the roads. At
Port Elizabeth it had been suggested to me that I might very probably
have to come back there because no boat at East London would venture to
take me out. The same thing was repeated to me along my route, and even
at King Williamstown. But not the less on that account, when I found
myself in British Kafraria of which East London is the port, was I
assured of all that East London would hereafter perform. No doubt there
was a perilous bar. The existence of the bar was freely admitted. No
doubt the sweep of the sea in upon the mouth of the Buffalo river was of
such a nature as to make all intercourse between ships and the shore
both difficult and disagreeable. No doubt the coast was so subject to
shipwreck as to have caused the insurance on ships to East London to be
abnormally high. All these evils were acknowledged, but all these evils
would assuredly be conquered by energy, skill, and money. It was thus
that East London was spoken of by the friends who took me there in order
that I might see the works which were being carried on with the view of
overcoming Nature.
At the present moment East London is certainly a bad spot for shipping.
A vessel had broken from her anchor just before my arrival and was lying
on the shore a helpless wreck. There were the fragments to be seen of
other wrecks; and I heard of many which had made the place noted within
the last year or two. Such was the character of the place. I was told by
more than one voice that vessels were sent there on purpose to be
wrecked. Stories which I heard made me believe in Mr. Plimsoll more than
I had ever believed before. “She was intended to come on shore,” was
said by all voices that day in East London as to the vessel that was
still lying among the breakers, while men were at work upon her to get
out the cargo. “They know that ships will drag their anchor here; so,
when they want to get rid of an old tub, they send her to East London.”
It was a terrible tale to hear, and especially so from men who
themselves believe in the place with all the implicit confidence of
expended capital. On the second day after my arrival the vessel that was
to carry me on to Natal steamed into the roads. It had been a lovely
morning and was yet early,--about eleven o’clock. I hurried down with a
couple of friends to the man in authority who decides whether
communication shall or shall not be had between the shore and the ship,
and he, cocking a telescope to his eye, declared that even though the
Governor wanted to go on board he would not let a boat stir that day. In
my ill-humour I asked him why he would be more willing to risk the
Governor’s life than that of any less precious individual. I own I
thought he was a tyrant,--and perhaps a Sabbatarian, as it was on a
Sunday. But in half an hour the wind had justified him, even to my
uneducated intelligence. During the whole of that day there was no
intercourse possible between the ships and the shore. A boat from a
French vessel tried it, and three men out of four were drowned! Early on
the following day I was put on board the steamer in a life-boat. Again
it was a lovely morning,--and the wind had altogether fallen,--but the
boat shipped so much water that our luggage was wet through.
But it is yet on the cards that the East Londoners may prevail. Under
the auspices of Sir John Coode a breakwater is being constructed with
the purpose of protecting the river’s mouth from the prevailing winds,
and the river is being banked and altered so that the increased force of
the water through a narrowed channel may scour away the sand. If these
two things can be done then ships will enter the Buffalo river and ride
there in delicious ease, and the fortune of the place will be made. I
went to see the works and was surprised to find operations of such
magnitude going on at a place which apparently was so insignificant. A
breakwater was being constructed out from the shore,--not an isolated
sea wall as is the breakwater at Plymouth and at Port Elizabeth,--but a
pier projecting itself in a curve from one of the points of the river’s
mouth so as to cover the other when completed. On this £120,000 had
already been spent, and a further sum of £80,000 is to be spent. It is
to be hoped that it will be well expended,--for which the name of Sir
John Coode is a strong guarantee.
At present East London is not a nice place. It is without a pavement,--I
may almost say without a street, dotted about over the right river bank
here and there, dirty to look at and dishevelled, putting one in mind of
the American Eden as painted by Charles Dickens,--only that his Eden was
a river Eden while this is a marine Paradise. But all that no doubt will
be mended when the breakwater has been completed. I have already spoken
of the rivalry between South African ports, as between Port Alfred and
Port Elizabeth, and between South African towns, as between Capetown and
Grahamstown. The feeling is carried everywhere, throughout everything.
Opposite to the town of East London, on the left side of the Buffalo
river, and connected with it by ferries, is the township of Panmure.
The terminus of the railway is at Panmure and not at East London. And at
Panmure there has gathered itself together an unpromising assemblage of
stores and houses which declares of itself that it means to snuff East
London altogether out. East London and Panmure together are strong
against all the coast of South Africa to the right and left; but between
the two places themselves there is as keen a rivalry as between any two
towns on the continent. At East London I was assured that Panmure was
merely “upstart;”--but a Panmurite had his revenge by whispering to me
that East London was a nest of musquitoes. As to the musquitoes I can
speak from personal experience.
And yet I ought to say a good word of East London for I was there but
three days and was invited to three picnics. I went to two of them, and
enjoyed myself thoroughly, seeing some beautiful scenery up the river,
and some charming spots along the coast. I was, however, very glad to
get on board the steamer, having always had before my eyes the terrible
prospect of a return journey to Port Elizabeth before I could embark for
Natal.
CHAPTER XII.
KAFIR SCHOOLS.
The question of Kafir education is perhaps the most important that has
to be solved in South Africa,--and certainly it is the one as to which
there exists the most violent difference of opinion among those who have
lived in South Africa. A traveller in the land by associating
exclusively with one set of persons would be taught to think that here
was to be found a certain and quick panacea for all the ills and dangers
to which the country is subjected. Here lies the way by which within an
age or two the population of the country may be made to drop its
savagery and Kafirdom and blanket loving vagabondism and become a people
as fit to say their prayers and vote for members of parliament as at any
rate the ordinary English Christian constituent. “Let the Kafir be
caught young and subjected to religious education, and he will soon
become so good a man and so docile a citizen that it will be almost a
matter of regret that more of us were not born Kafirs.” That is the view
of the question which prevails with those who have devoted themselves to
Kafir education,--and of them it must be acknowledged that their efforts
are continuous and energetic. I found it impossible not to be moved to
enthusiasm by what I saw at Kafir schools.
Another traveller falling into another and a different set will be told
by his South African associates that the Kafir is a very good fellow,
and may be a very good servant, till he has been taught to sing psalms
and to take pride in his rapidly acquired book learning;--but that then
he becomes sly, a liar and a thief, whom it is impossible to trust and
dangerous to have about the place. “He is a Kafir still,” a gentleman
said to me, “but a Kafir with the addition of European cunning without a
touch of European conscience.” As far as I could observe, the merchants
and shopkeepers who employ Kafirs about their stores, and persons who
have Kafirs about their houses, do eschew the school Kafir. The
individual Kafir when taken young and raw out of his blanket, put into
breeches and subjected to the general dominion of a white master, is
wonderfully honest, and, as far as he can speak at all, he speaks the
truth. There can I think be no question about his virtues. You may leave
your money about with perfect safety, though he knows well what money
will do for him; you may leave food,--and even drink in his way and they
will be safe. “Is there any housebreaking or shoplifting?” I asked a
tradesman in King Williamstown. He declared that there was nothing of
the kind known,--unless it might be occasionally in reference to a horse
and saddle. A Kafir would sometimes be unable to resist the temptation
of riding back into Kafirdom, the happy possessor of a steed. But let a
lad have passed three or four years at a Kafir school, and then he
would have become a being very much altered for the worse and not at all
fit to be trusted among loose property. The saints in Kafirland will say
that I have heard all this exclusively among the sinners. If so I can
only say that the men of business are all sinners.
For myself I found it very hard to form an opinion between the two, I do
believe most firmly in education. I should cease to believe in any thing
if I did not believe that education if continued will at least civilize.
I can conceive no way of ultimately overcoming and dispelling what I
must call the savagery of the Kafirs, but by education. And when I see
the smiling, oily, good humoured, docile, naturally intelligent but
still wholly uneducated black man trying to make himself useful and
agreeable to his white employers, I still recognise the Savage. With all
his good humour and spasmodic efforts at industry he is no better than a
Savage. And the white man in many cases does not want him to be better.
He is no more anxious that his Kafir should reason than he is that his
horse should talk. It requires an effort of genuine philanthropy even to
desire that those beneath us should become more nearly equal to us. The
man who makes his money by employing Kafir labour is apt to regard the
commercial rather than the philanthropic side of the question. I refuse
therefore to adopt his view of the matter. A certain instinct of
independence, which in the eyes of the employer of labour always takes
the form of rebellion, is one of the first and finest effects of
education. The Kafir who can argue a question of wages with his master
has already become an objectionable animal.
But again the education of the educated Kafir is very apt to “fall off.”
So much I have not only heard asserted generally by those who are
antikafir-educational in their sympathies, but admitted also by many of
those who have been themselves long exercised in Kafir education. And,
in regard to religious teaching, we all know that the singing of psalms
is easier than the keeping of the ten commandments. When we find much
psalm-singing and at the same time a very conspicuous breach of what has
to us been a very sacred commandment, we are apt to regard the
delinquent as a hypocrite. And the Kafir at school no doubt learns
something of that doctrine,--which in his savage state was wholly
unknown to him, but with which the white man is generally more or less
conversant,--that speech has been given to men to enable them to conceal
their thoughts. In learning to talk most of us learn to lie before we
learn to speak the truth. While dropping something of his ignorance the
Savage drops something also of his simplicity. I can understand
therefore why the employer of labour should prefer the unsophisticated
Kafir, and am by no means sure that if I were looking out for black
labour in order that I might make money out of it I should not eschew
the Kafir from the schools.
The difficulty arises probably from our impatience. Nothing will satisfy
us unless we find a bath in which we may at once wash the blackamoor
white, or a mill and oven in which a Kafir may be ground and baked
instantly into a Christian. That much should be lost,--should “fall off”
as they say,--of the education imparted to them is natural. Among those
of ourselves who have spent, perhaps, nine or ten years of our lives
over Latin and Greek how much is lost! Perhaps I might say how little is
kept! But something remains to us,--and something to them. There is need
of very much patience. Those who expect that a Kafir boy, because he has
been at school, should come forth the same as a white lad, all whose
training since, and from long previous to his birth, has been a European
training, will of course be disappointed. But we may, I think, be sure
that no Kafir pupil can remain for years or even for months among
European lessons and European habits, without carrying away with him to
his own people, when he goes, something of a civilizing influence.
My friend the Wesleyan Minister, who by his eloquence prevailed over me
at Fort Beaufort in spite of my weariness and hunger, took me to
Healdtown, the Institution over which he himself presides. I had already
seen Kafir children and Kafir lads under tuition at Capetown. I had
visited Miss Arthur’s orphanage and school, where I had found a most
interesting and cosmopolitan collection of all races, and had been taken
by the Bishop of Capetown to the Church of England Kafir school at
Zonnebloom, and had there been satisfied of the great capability which
the young Kafir has for learning his lessons. I had been assured that up
to a certain point and a certain age the Kafir quite holds his own with
the European. At Zonnebloom a master carpenter was one of the
instructors of the place, and, as I thought, by no means the least
useful. The Kafir lad may perhaps forget the names of the “five great
English poets with their dates and kings,” by recapitulating which he
has gained a prize at Lovedale,--or may be unable some years after he
has left the school to give an “Outline of Thomson’s Seasons,” but when
he has once learned how to make a table stand square upon four legs he
has gained a power of helping his brother Kafirs which will never
altogether desert him.