CHAPTER II. 49

THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS.

It is highly probable that the first Roman Catacombs were excavated by

the Jews.[31] Many Hebrew captives graced the triumph of Pompey after

his Syrian conquests, B. C. 62. The Jewish population increased by

further voluntary accessions. They soon swarmed in that Trans-Tiberine

region which formed the ancient Ghetto of Rome. They made many

proselytes from paganism to the worship of the true God, and thus, to

use the language of Seneca, “The conquered gave laws to their

conquerors.”[32]

All the national customs and prejudices of the Jews were opposed to

the Roman practice of burning the dead, which Tacitus asserts they

never observed;[33] and they clung with tenacity to their hereditary

mode of sepulture. Wherever they have dwelt they have left traces of

subterranean burial. The hills of Judea are honeycombed with 50

sepulchral caves and galleries. Similar excavations have been found in

the Jewish settlements of Asia Minor, the Ægean Isles, Sicily, and

Southern Italy.[34] So also in Rome they sought to be separated in

death, as in life, from the Gentiles among whom they dwelt. They had

their Catacombs apart, in which not a single Christian or pagan

inscription has been found. Bosio describes one such Catacomb, which

he discovered on Monte Verde, which was much more ancient than the

Christian Catacomb of St. Pontianus in the same vicinity. It was of

very rude construction, and contained not a single Christian monument,

but numerous slabs bearing the seven-branched Jewish candlestick, and

one inscription on which the word ϹΥΝΑΓΩΓ--Synagogue--was legible.[35]

It was situated near that Trans-Tiberine quarter of the city inhabited

at the period of the Christian era by the numerous Jewish population

of Rome. It cannot now, however, be identified, having been

obliterated or concealed by the changes of the last two centuries.

Maitland gives the following Jewish inscription from a MS. collection

in Rome. The figure to the left may be a horn for replenishing the

lamp with oil. The letters at the right are probably intended for the

Hebrew word שָׁלוֹם _Shalom_, or Peace, so common in its classical equivalent

upon Christian tombs. The palm branch is a Pagan as well as Jewish and

Christian symbol of victory. The central figure is a rude

representation of the seven-branched candlestick which appears also in 51

bass-relief on the Arch of Titus at Rome.

[Illustration: “Here lies Faustina. In Peace.”

Fig. 18.--Slab from Jewish Catacomb.]

In the year 1859 another Jewish Catacomb was discovered in the Vigna

Randanini, on the Appian Way, about two miles from Rome. It has been

minutely described by Padre Garrucci.[36] In this the graves and

sarcophagi are sunk in the floor as well as in the walls. They are

closed with terra cotta or marble slabs, and are otherwise similar to

those of the Christian Catacombs. It contains several vaulted

chambers, one of which has some very remarkable paintings of the

seven-branched candlestick on the roof and walls. The same figure is

frequently scratched on the mortar with which the graves are closed.

The dove and olive branch and the palm are also frequently repeated.

Although nearly two hundred inscriptions have been discovered, not one

of either pagan or Christian character has been met with.

The names are sometimes strikingly Jewish in form, and where the

epitaphs refer to the station of the deceased it is always to officers 52

of the synagogue, as ΑΡΚΟΝΤΕϹ, rulers, ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΙϹ, scribes. The

following examples are from the Kircherian Museum:

ΩΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΕ ϹΑΛΩ[ΜΗ] ΘΥΓΑΤΗΡ ΓΑΔΙΑ ΠΑΤΡΟϹ ϹΥΝΑΓΩΓΗ ΑΙΒΡΕΩΝ ΕΒΙΩϹΕΝ

ΜΑ ΕΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗ ΚΟΙΜΗϹΙϹ ΑΥΤΗϹ. Here lies Salome, daughter

of Gadia, Father of the Synagogue of the Hebrews. She lived

forty-one years. Her sleep is in peace. ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΕ ΚΥΝΤΙΑΝΟϹ

ΓΕΡΟΥϹΙΑΡΧΗϹ ϹΥΝΑΓΩΓΗϹ ΤΗϹ ΑΥΓΥϹΤΗϹΙΩΝ. Here lies Quintianus,

Gerousiarch (that is, Chief Elder) of the Synagogue of the

Augustenses. ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΑΙ ΝΕΙΚΟΔΗΜΟϹ HΟ ΑΡΧΩΝ ϹΙΒΟΥΡΗϹΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ

ΠΑϹΙ ΦΕΙΛΗΤΟϹ ΑΙΤΩΝ Λ ΗΜΕΡ ΜΒ ΘΑΡΙ ΑΒΛΑΒΙ ΝΕΩΤΕΡΕ ΟΥΔΕΙϹ

ΑΘΑΝΑΤΟϹ. Here lies Nicodemus, ruler of the Severenses, and

beloved of all; (aged) thirty years, forty-two days. Be of good

cheer, O inoffensive young man! no one is exempt from death.

This inscription will recall another “ruler of the Synagogue” of the

same name. Many of the sleepers in this Jewish Cemetery were

evidently, from their names,[37] Greek or Latin proselytes. Sometimes,

indeed, this is expressly asserted, as in the following:

MANNACIVS SORORI CRYSIDI DVLCISSIME PROSELYTE.--Mannacius to his

sweetest sister Chrysis, a proselyte.

It may be assumed that this Catacomb was exclusively Jewish, and we

know, from the testimony of Juvenal[38] and others, that numbers of

the Jews inhabited the adjacent part of Rome, about the Porta Capena

and the valley of Egeria. It is not, however, certain whether it is

the original type, or a later imitation, of the Christian cemetery.

But the Jewish population must have had extra-mural places of

sepulture before the Christian era; and it is probable that the early

Jewish converts to Christianity may have merely continued a mode of 53

burial already in vogue, substituting the emblems of their newly

adopted faith for those which they had forsaken; or, rather--for we

find that they frequently retained certain Jewish symbols, as the

dove, olive branch, and palm--supplementing them with the emblems of

Christianity. De Rossi has expressed the opinion that the earliest

mode of Christian burial was in sarcophagi, as in the Jewish cemetery

above described.

The date of the planting of Christianity in Rome is uncertain.

Probably some of the “strangers of Rome” who witnessed the miracle of

the Pentecost, or, perhaps, the Gentile converts of the “Italian band”

of Cornelius, brought the new evangel to their native city.[39] But

certain it is that as early as A. D. 58 the faith of the Roman Church 54

was “spoken of throughout the whole world.” “Christianity,” says

Tertullian, “grew up under the shadow of the Jewish religion, to which

it was regarded as akin, and about the lawfulness of which there was

no question;”[40] and it doubtless adopted the burial usages of

Judaism.

But even without the example of the Jews the Roman Christians would

naturally revolt from the pagan custom of burning the dead, with its

accompanying idolatrous usages,[41] and would prefer burial, after the

manner of their Lord. They showed a tender care for the remains of the

dead, under a vivid impression of the communion of saints and the

resurrection of the body. They seemed to regard the sepulchre as

“God’s cabinet or shrine, where he pleases to lay up the precious

relics of his dear saints until the jubilee of glory.”[42] Even the

Jews designated the grave as _Beth-ha-haim_, the “house of the

living,” rather than the house of the dead. It is probable, therefore,

that the origin of the Christian Catacombs dates from the death of the

first Roman believer in Christ.

Many of the Catacombs were probably begun as private sepulchres for 55

single families; indeed, some such tombs have been discovered in the

vicinity of Rome, which never extended beyond a single chamber. They

were excavated in the gardens or vineyards of the wealthy converts to

Christianity, in imitation of that rock-hewn sepulchre consecrated by

the body of Christ. The following inscription, which may still be seen

in the most ancient part of the Catacombs of Sts. Nereus and Achilles,

seem to refer to such a family tomb. Another inscription, found in

the Catacomb of St. Nicomedes, restricts the use of the sepulchre to

the original owner, and those of his dependents who belong to his

religion--AT [AD] RELIGIONEM PERTINENTES MEAM.

[Illustration:

M · ANTONI

VS · RESTVTV

S · ECIT · VPO

GEV · SIBI · ET

SVIS · FIDENTI

BVS · IN · DOMINO.

M. Antonius Res[ti]tutus made [this] hypogeum for himself and his

[relatives] who believe in the Lord.[43]]

The names of many of the burial crypts commemorate these original

owners. Among others those of Lucina, Priscilla, and Domitilla are

considered to belong to the First Century, and the two former to the

times of the Apostles. Some of these may have been originally

designed, or afterwards opened, for the reception of the poor

belonging to the Church; and thus the Catacombs would be indefinitely

extended till they attained their present dimensions. Tertullian

expressly declares that the provision made for the poor included 56

that for their burial--_egenis humandis_.[44]

There is reason to believe that, even from the very first, the

Christian Church at Rome contained not a few who were of noble blood

and of high rank. In one of the apostolic epistles Paul conveys the

salutation of Pudens, a Roman Senator, of Linus, reputed the first

Roman bishop, and of Claudia, daughter of a British king;[45] and we

know that even in the Golden House of Nero, the scene of that colossal

orgy whose record pollutes the pages of Suetonius and Tacitus, were

disciples of the crucified Nazarene. In remarkable confirmation of

this fact is the discovery in the recent explorations of the ruins of

the Imperial Palace of several Christian memorials, including one of

those lamps adorned with evangelical symbols, so common in the

Catacombs. Much of the evidence on this subject has been lost by the

zealous destruction of ecclesiastical records during the terrible

Diocletian persecution; but from inscriptions in the Catacombs, and

from the incidental allusions of early writers, we learn that persons 57

of the highest position, and even members of the Imperial family, were

associated with the Christians in life and in death. Some of the

noblest names of Rome occur in funeral epitaphs in some of the most

ancient galleries of the Catacombs. There is evidence that even during

the first century some who stood near the throne became converts to

Christianity, and even died as martyrs for the faith.[46]

But doubtless the preservation and advancement of true religion was

better secured amid the dark recesses of the Catacombs, during the

fiery persecutions that befel the Church, than it would have been in

the sunshine of imperial favour, in an age and court unparalleled for

their corruptions. The sad decline of Christianity after the accession

of Constantine makes it a matter of congratulation that in the earlier

ages it was kept pure by the wholesome breezes of adversity.

The new religion, notwithstanding all the efforts that were made for

its suppression, rapidly spread, even in the high places of the earth.

“We are but of yesterday,” writes Tertullian at the close of the

second century, “yet we fill every city, town, and island of the

empire. We abound in the very camps and castles, in the council

chamber and the palace, in the senate and the forum; only your 58

temples and theatres are left.”[47]

It is evident from an examination of the earliest Catacombs that they

were not the offspring of fear on the part of the Christians. There

was no attempt at secrecy in their construction. They were, like the

pagan tombs, situated on the high roads entering the city. Their

entrances were frequently protected and adorned by elegant structures

of masonry, such as that which is still visible at the Catacomb of St.

Domitilla on the Via Ardeatina;[48] and their internal decorations and

frescoes, which in the most ancient examples are of classic taste and

beauty, were manifestly not executed by stealth and in haste, but in

security and at leisure.

There was, in classic times, a sacred character attached to _all_

places set apart for the purposes of sepulture. They enjoyed the

especial protection of the law, and were invested with a sort of

religious sanctity.[49] This protection was asserted in many

successive edicts, and the heaviest penalties were inflicted on the

violators of tombs, as guilty of sacrilege.[50] Reverence for the

sepulchres of the dead was regarded by the ancient mind as a religious

virtue; and the neglect of the ancestral tomb even involved disability

for municipal office.[51]

Being situated along the public highway, these pagan tombs were liable 59

to various pollutions, to which numerous inscriptions refer. Hence the

frequent CAVE VIATOR--“Traveller, beware!”--so common in classic

epitaphs. The SCRIPTOR PARCE HOC OPVS--“Writer, spare this

work”--sometimes met with, is, as Kenrick well remarks,[52] not the

address of an author to a critic, but of a relative of the deceased,

entreating the wall-scribbler not to disfigure a tomb. Electioneering

notices were sometimes written upon these wayside monuments--a

practice which is deprecated in the following: CANDIDATVS FIAT

HONORATVS ET TV FELIX SCRIPTOR SI HIC NON SCRIPSERIS--“May your

candidate be honoured and yourself happy, O writer, if you write not

on this tomb!” INSCRIPTOR, ROGO TE VT TRANSEAS MONVMENTVM--“Inscriber,

I pray you pass by this monument.”

As these sepulchral areas, often of considerable extent, were taken

from the fields in the vicinity of a great city, where the land was

very valuable for the purpose of tillage, they were in continual

danger of invasion from the cupidity of the heirs or of adjacent

land-owners, but for this legal protection. On many of the

_cippi_, or funereal monuments, which line the public roads in

the vicinity of Rome, the extent of these areas is set forth. Some of

them are quite small, as is indicated in the following inscription:

TERRENVM SACRATVM LONGVM P[EDES] · X · LAT · P[EDES] · X · FODERE

NOLI · NE SACRILEGIVM COMMITTAS[52a]--“A consecrated plot of earth, ten

feet long and ten feet broad. Do not dig here, lest you commit

sacrilege.”

More generally the size of the area is expressed, as in the following:

IN FRONTE P[EDES] · IX IN AGRO P[EDES] · X; that is, “Frontage on the 60

road, nine feet; depth in the field, ten feet.” This area, small as it

is, was designed for several families. The limited space occupied by

the cinerary urns rendered this quite possible. Frequently, however,

the size was much larger. An area one hundred and twenty-five feet

square would be of very moderate extent. Horace mentions one one

thousand feet by three hundred,[53] and sometimes they greatly exceed

this, as one on the Via Labicana, five hundred by eighteen hundred

feet, or over twenty English acres. There were also frequently

_exhedræ_, or seats by the wayside, for passers-by, who were sometimes

exhorted to pause and read the inscription, or to pour a libation for

the dead, as in the following: SISTE VIATOR TV QVI VIA FLAMINIA

TRANSIS, RESTA AC RELEGE--“Stop, traveller, who passest by on the

Flaminian Way; pause and read, and read again!” MISCE BIBE DA

MIHI--“Mix, drink, and give to me.” VIATORES SALVETE ET

VALETE--“Travellers, hail and farewell.”

These burial plots were incapable of alienation or transfer from the

families for whom they were originally set apart; who are sometimes

enumerated in the inscription, or more generally expressed by the

formulæ, SIBI SVISQVE FECIT, SIBI ET POSTERIS SVIS, or with the

addition, LIBERTIS LIBERTABVSQVE POSTERISQVE, that is, “He made this

for himself and his family,” or “for himself and his descendants;”

also “for his freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants.”

Sometimes this limitation is plainly asserted to be, VT NE VNQVAM DE

NOMINE FAMILIAE NOSTRAE HOC MONVMENTVM EXEAT--“That this monument 61

may not go out of the name of our family.” The cupidity of the

inheritor of the estate is especially guarded against by the

ever-recurring formula, H · M · H · N · S ·, that is, _Hoc monumentum

hæredem non sequitur_--“This monument descends not to the heir.”

Sometimes within a stately mausoleum reposed in solitary magnificence

the dust of a single individual, who in sullen exclusiveness declares

in his epitaph that he has no associate even in the grave, or that he

made his tomb for himself alone--IN HOC MONVMENTO SOCIVM HABEO NVLLVM,

or, HOC SOLO SIBI FECIT.

The violation of the monument is earnestly deprecated in numerous

inscriptions in some such terms as these: ROGO PER DEOS SVPEROS

INFEROSQVE NE VELITIS OSSA MEA VIOLARE--“I beseech you, by the

supernal and infernal gods, that you do not violate my bones.”

Sometimes this petition is accompanied by an imprecation of divine

vengeance if it should be neglected, as, QVI VIOLAVERIT DEOS

SENTIAT IRATOS--“May he feel the wrath of the gods[54] who

shall have violated [this tomb.]” Another invokes the fearful

curse, QVISQVIS HOC SVSTVLERIT AVT LAESERIT VLTIMVS SVORVM

MORIATVR[55]--“Whoever shall take away or injure this [tomb] let

him die the last of his race.”

From a distrust of posterity many erected their monuments during their

life-time, and wrote their own epitaphs, leaving only a space for the

age. This is sometimes expressed by the words, SIBI VIVVS FECIT, or,

SE VIVO, SE VIVIS, or even by such solecisms as ME VIVVS, or SE VIVVS.

The following records the strange fact of the erection of a funereal

monument by one living person to another: SEMIRAMIAE LICINIAE QVAM 62

LOCO FILIAE DILIGO OB MERITA EIVS VIVVS VIVAE FECI--“To Semiramia

Licinia, whom I love in place of my daughter: on account of her

merits, alive, I made this to her alive.”

These classic usages have been thus detailed because traces of their

influence may be observed in many practices adopted by the primitive

Christians, and because they furnish an explanation of those

remarkable immunities and privileges which the Catacombs so long

enjoyed. These latter were constructed in separate and limited areas,

in like manner as the pagan sepulchres. De Rossi has given a map of

the Catacomb of Callixtus, in which these areas are accurately

defined. They vary in size and shape, that of the crypt of St. Lucina

being one hundred feet _in fronte_ and one hundred and eighty

_in agro_, that of St. Cecilia two hundred and fifty feet _in

fronte_ and one hundred _in agro_, and others still larger. By

the very tenor of the law these areas enjoyed the same protection as

those of the pagan sepulchres, of which protection it required a

special edict to deprive them. Even when Christianity fell under the

ban of persecution that freedom of sepulture was not at first

interfered with. Having wreaked his cruel rage upon the living body,

the pagan magistrate at least did not deny right of burial to the

martyr’s mutilated remains. A beneficent Roman law declared that the

bodies even of those who died by the hand of the public executioner

might be given up to any who asked for them.[56] So that even the

sentence of outlawry against the Christians did not affect the bodies

of the dead. Indeed, we know from ecclesiastical history that

frequently the faithful received the remains of the martyrs and gave 63

them Christian burial. It was not till the third century, when the

pagan opposition to Christianity became intense and bitter, that the

persecutors waged war upon the dead. Although both Diocletian and

Maximian confirmed the decree just cited, it often happened that, in

order that the Christians might not have even the melancholy

consolation of gathering up the martyrs’ bones, and honouring the

remains of their fallen heroes, those sacred relics were denied the

rites of sepulture which were freely accorded to the body of the

vilest malefactor.

These areas, Christian as well as pagan, were under the guardianship

of the Roman _Pontifices_, who, although pagans, were actually

confirmed in their authority by the Christian Emperor Constans. In

consequence of this protection the Christians were enabled to conduct

their worship and celebrate their _agapæ_ in the oratories or

other buildings erected over the Catacombs, the ruins of which are

still to be seen at the Catacombs of St. Domitilla and Sts. Nereus and

Achilles, and which to the popular apprehension would seem to

correspond to the pagan structures for the celebration of funeral

banquets. Even when oppressed and persecuted above ground, they found

a sanctuary beneath its surface, and were permitted by the ignorance

or indifference of their foes to worship God among the holy dead. So

long as their sepulchral areas were uninvaded the Christians

scrupulously abstained from extending their excavations beyond their

respective limits, digging lower _piani_ instead, when insatiate

death demanded room for still more graves. But when the ruthless

persecutor pursued them even beneath the earth, they felt at liberty

to transcend those limits and burrow in any direction for safety or

escape.

The Christian inscriptions often strongly deprecate the violation of 64

the graves to which they are attached, in like manner as we have seen

in pagan epitaphs, and against this crime the Fathers intensely

inveigh. Sometimes the petition assumes a most solemn character, as

this: [ADIVRO] VOS PER C[H]RISTVM, NE MIHI AB ALIQVO VIOLENTIAM

[_sic_] FIAT ET NE SEPVLCRVM MEVM VIOLETVR--“[I conjure] you by Christ

that no violence be offered me by any one, and that my sepulchre may

not be violated.” Still more awful in its adjuration is the following:

CONIVRO VOS PER TREMENDVM DIEM IVDICII VT HANC SEPVLTVRAM NVLLI

VIOLENT[57]--“I conjure you by the dreadful day of judgment that no

one violate this sepulchre.”

Sometimes a most terrible imprecation is expressed, as in the

following:

MALE · PEREAT · INSEPVLTVS

IACEAT · NON · RESVRGAT

CVM · IVDA · PARTEM · HABEAT

SI · QVIS · SEPVLCHRVM · HVNC · VIOLAVERIT--

If any one shall violate this sepulchre,

Let him perish miserably and remain unburied;

Let him lie down and not rise again,

Let him have his portion with Judas.[58]

....[EMI]GRAVIT AD XPM

....SEPVLCRVM VIOLARE

....SIT ALIENVS A REGNO DEI.

... Has departed to Christ. [If any one dare] to violate

this sepulchre, let him ... and be far from the kingdom of

God.[59]

It is probable that this dread of the violation of the grave arose, in 65

part at least, from the fear that the dispersion of the remains might

impede the resurrection of the body; and also from that natural

aversion to the disturbance of the slumbering dust, so passionately

expressed on the tombstone of England’s greatest dramatist.[60]

We sometimes find also the announcement upon Christian as well as upon

pagan tombs, that they have been prepared while the tenants were yet

alive, as in the following: LOCVS BASILIONIS SE BIBO FECIT--“The place

of Basilio, he made it when alive;” SABINI BISOMVM SE BIBVM FECIT SIBI

IN CEMETERIVM BALBINAE IN CRYPTA NOBA [_sic_]--“The bisomus of

Sabinus, he made it for himself during his life-time, in the cemetery

of Balbina, in the new crypt.” As Sabinus could only occupy one half

of this, the other half was probably intended for his wife. Observe in

the following the beautiful euphemism for the grave. It is calmly

chosen as the last long home, as the “house appointed for all 66

living.” (Fig. 19.[61])

[Illustration: Fig. 19.--Epitaph from Lapidarian Gallery.[61]]

But there was another and still more remarkable resemblance between

the funeral usages of the pagans and Christians than any yet

mentioned, and one which greatly contributed to the freedom of action

and security of the latter. There is abundant monumental and other

evidence of the existence in Rome, in the time of the later Republic

and of the Empire, of certain funeral confraternities--_collegia_, as

they were called--much like the modern burial clubs. A remarkable

inscription of the time of Hadrian, A. D. 103, found at Lavigna,

nineteen miles from Rome, on the Appian Way, gives an insight into

their constitution and objects. With much legal tautology it sets

forth the privilege of this _collegium_ of the worshippers of Diana

and the new divinity Antinous appointed by a decree of the Roman

Senate and people, to assemble, convene, and have an association for

the burial of the dead.[62] The members of this confraternity were to 67

pay for that purpose a hundred _sesterces_ at entrance, besides an

_amphora_ of good wine, and five _ases_ a month thereafter,[63] all of

which was forfeited by the non-payment of the monthly dues. Three

hundred _sesterces_ were expended on the funeral, fifty of which were

to be distributed at the cremation of the body. If a member died at a

distance from Rome three of the confraternity were sent to fetch the

body. Even if they failed to obtain it the funeral rites were duly

paid to an effigy of the deceased. There was also provision made for

the members dining together on anniversary and other occasions

according to rules duly prescribed by the _collegium_.

The names of very many of these _collegia_ have been preserved, each

of which consisted of the members of a similar profession or

handicraft. Thus we have the _Collegium Medicorum_, the association of

the physicians; _Aurificum_, of the gold-workers; _Tignariorum_, of

the carpenters; _Dendrophororum_, of the wood-fellers; _Pellionariorum_,

of the furriers; _Nautarum_, of the sailors; _Pabulariorum_, of the

forage merchants; _Aurigariorum_, of the charioteers; and

_Utriculariorum_, of the bargemen.[64]

They were frequently also connected by the bond of nationality or of

common religious observance, as _Collegium Germanorum_, the

association of the Germans; _Pastophororum_, of the priests of Isis;

_Serapidis et Isidis_, of Serapis and Isis; _Æsculapii et Hygeiæ_, of

Æsculapius and Hygeia.[65] Sometimes they were _Cultores Veneris_,

_Jovis_, _Herculis_, worshippers of Venus, Jupiter, Hercules, or, as

we have seen, of Diana and Antinous.

These associations were often favoured with especial privileges, 68

immunities, and rights, like those of incorporation, such as the

holding of territorial property. De Rossi has shown, by ample

citations, that the emperors, who were always opposed to associations

among the citizens, made a special exemption in favour of these

funeral clubs.[66]

By conformity to the constitution of these corporations the Christian

church had peculiar facilities for the burial of its dead, and even

for the celebration of religious worship. Indeed, it has been

suggested, and is highly probable, that it was under the cover of

these funeral associations that toleration was conceded, first to the

sepulchres, then to the churches. Tertullian describes the practice of

the Christian community in the second century as follows: “Every one

offers a small contribution on a certain day of the month, or when he

chooses, and as he is able, for no one is compelled; it is a voluntary

offering. This is our common fund for piety; for it is not expended in

feasting and drinking and in wanton excesses, but in feeding and

_burying the poor_, in supporting orphans, aged persons, and such as

are shipwrecked, or such as languish in mines, in exile, or in

prison.”[67] Thus the _Ecclesia Fratrum_, the “Congregation of the

Brethren,” who restored the funeral monument described on page

fifty-six,[68] suggests the pagan college of the _Fratres Arvales_; 69

and the _Cultor Verbi_, or worshipper of the Divine Word, in the same

inscription, would seem to the heathen magistrate analogous to the

_Cultores Jovis_ or _Cultores Dianæ_ of the pagan _collegia_. Indeed,

it is difficult to decide from the names of some of these associations

whether they were Christian or pagan. Thus we read of the _Collegium

convictorum qui una epulo vesci solent_--“The fraternity of

table-companions who are accustomed to feast together.” De Rossi

suggests that there may be here a covert reference to a Christian

community, and probably to the celebration of the Agape or of the

Eucharist.[69] Another is the _Collegium quod est in domo Sergiæ

Paulinæ_--“The association which is in the house of Sergia Paulina.”

This possibly may have been a Christian community, like “the church

which was in the house” of Priscilla and Aquila.[70]

That the primitive Christians availed themselves of the privileges

granted to the funeral associations, is confirmed by a discovery made

by De Rossi in the Cemetery of St. Domitilla in the year 1865, and

already referred to. At the entrance was found a chamber, with stone

seats like the _schola_, or place of meeting of the pagan tombs where

the religious confraternity celebrated the funeral banquet of the

deceased. Here the Christians celebrated instead the _Agape_, or Feast

of Charity, and the _Natalitia_, or anniversary of the martyrs who

were buried there, just as the pagan associations commemorated the

anniversaries of their deceased patrons.

The ancient privileges of these _collegia_ were confirmed by an edict

of Septimius Severus about the year A. D. 200. It is a curious

coincidence that precisely at this time Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome,

appointed Callixtus to be “guardian of the cemetery,” as well as 70

head of the clergy.[71] In order to secure to the funeral association

the protection of the law it was necessary that one of its members

should be appointed agent or “syndic,” by whom its business should be

transacted, and in whose name its property should be held.[72] Thus

Callixtus became the syndic of the public cemetery of the church,

which still bears his name. De Rossi conjectures that this was the

first cemetery set apart for the use of the whole Christian community.

Hence it was taken under the care of the ecclesiastical authorities,

and became, as we shall see hereafter, the burying-place of the Roman

bishops, and the especial property of the church.[73]

We will now trace briefly the history of those persecutions which

glutted the Catacombs with victims, and at times drove the church for

sanctuary to their deepest recesses. We have seen that Christianity

grew up under the protection accorded to Judaism as one of the

tolerated religions of Rome. But this toleration did not long

continue. In Rome as well as elsewhere the new creed was doomed to a

baptism of blood. The causes of this persecution are not far to seek.

The Christian doctrine spread rapidly, and early excited the jealousy

of the Roman authorities by its numerous converts from the national

faith, many of whom were of exalted rank. These carefully refrained

from the idolatrous adulation by which the servile mob were wont to 71

express their loyalty to the imperial monster who aspired to be a god.

Hence they were accused of disaffection, of treason.[74] They were the

enemies of Cæsar, and of the Roman people.[75] They were supposed to

exert a malign influence on the course of nature. If it did not rain

the Christians were to blame.[76] “If the Tiber overflows its banks,”

says Tertullian, “or the Nile does not; if there be drought or

earthquakes, famine or pestilence, the cry is raised, ‘_The Christians

to the lions!_’”[77] If the pecking of the sacred chickens or the

entrails of the sacrificial victims gave unfavourable omens, it was

attributed to the counter spell of “the atheists.” At Rome, as well as

at Ephesus and Philippi, the selfish fears of the shrine and image

makers, whose “craft was in danger,” and the hostility of the priests

and dependents on the idol-worship, inspired or intensified the

opposition to Christianity, as did also the jealousy of the Jews, who

regarded with especial hostility the believers in the lowly Nazarene,

whom their fathers with wicked hands had crucified and slain.[78]

The terrible conflagration which destroyed the greater part of the

city during the reign of Nero was made the excuse for the first

outburst of persecution against the Christian community. By public

rumour this deed was attributed to Nero himself. “To put an end to 72

to this report,” says Tacitus, “he laid the guilt, and inflicted the

most cruel punishment, upon these men, who, already branded with

infamy, were called by the vulgar, Christians.... Their sufferings at

their executions,” he adds, “were aggravated by insult and mockery;

for some were sewn up in the skins of wild beasts, and worried to

death by dogs; some were crucified, and some, wrapped in garments of

pitch, were burned as torches to illumine the night.”[79]

During this persecution St. Paul fell a victim, A. D. 64. He was

beheaded “without the gate,” on the Ostian Way, and weeping friends

took up his bleeding corpse and laid it, according to tradition, in

one of the most ancient crypts of an adjoining Catacomb, where

Eusebius asserts that his tomb could be seen in his day.[80]

From this time Christianity was exposed to outbursts of heathen rage,

and express decrees were published against it.[81] No longer sharing

the protection of Judaism, it fell under the ban of the empire. At

times the rage of persecution slumbered, and again it burst forth with

inextinguishable fury. But, like the typical bush that “flourished

unconsumed in fire,” the Christian faith but grew and spread the more.

Yet the sword ever impended over the church. Sometimes its stroke 73

was for a time deferred, when the little flock took courage and

rejoiced; but often it fell with crushing weight, smiting the

shepherds and scattering the sheep. One of these periods of rest

extended from the time of the Neronian persecution till near the end

of the century, when Domitian, “a second Nero,”[82] stretched forth

his hand again to vex the saints. During the short reign of the

“justice-loving Nerva” the Christians again enjoyed repose, so that

Lactantius even asserts that they were restored to all their former

privileges.

To the first century De Rossi refers the construction of at least

three or four of the Catacombs. These are, (1) the Cemetery of

Priscilla, excavated, according to an ancient tradition, in the

property of the Roman Senator Pudens, mentioned by St. Paul, and in

which, it is said, were interred his daughters Pudentiana and

Praxides; (2) the Catacomb of Domitilla, the grandniece of the Emperor

Domitian, in which she herself was buried, together with her

chamberlains Nereus and Achilles, who were beheaded for their

steadfastness in the Christian faith; (3) the Crypt of Lucina,

afterwards part of the Catacomb of Callixtus, in which some of the

most ancient inscriptions have been found. De Rossi conjectures that

this lady is the same as the Pomponia Græcina before mentioned, the

wife of Plautius, the conqueror of Britain. (4) De Rossi is also of

the opinion that he has discovered another, and the oldest of all the

Catacombs, dating from the very times of the apostles themselves, in

that known as the Fons Petri, or the Cemetery of the Font of Peter, in

which tradition asserts that he himself baptized. The classical style

of the architecture, frescoes, and graceful stucco wreaths and

garlands, and the character of the inscriptions, all point to a very 74

ancient period, before art had degenerated, and before long-continued

persecution had banished Christianity into seclusion and poverty.

The law of Trajan against secret assemblies, synchronous with the

opening of the second century, gave a new occasion of persecuting the

Church. With such severity was this done that, according to Pliny, the

deserted temples became again frequented, and their neglected rites

revived.[83]

The Emperor Hadrian is described by his contemporaries as diligently

practising the Roman rites, and despising all foreign religions.[84]

Although he restrained the tumultuous attacks of the populace upon the

Christians, he nevertheless favoured their legal prosecution.[85]

The following epitaph given by Maitland commemorates a martyrdom of

this reign. The last sentence seems to imply that it was erected in a

time of actual persecution; but no dated example of the monogram which

accompanies it appears before the time of Constantine. The inscription

was probably written long after the death of Marius, or the monogram 75

may have been added by a later hand:

[Illustration:

TEMPORE ADRIANI IMPERATORIS MARIVS

ADOLESCENS DVX MILITVM QVI SATIS VIXIT

[leafed DVM VITAM PRO |CHO| CVM SANGVINE CON ☧

branch] SVNSIT IN PACE TANDEM QVIEVIT BENE

MERENTES CVM LACRIMIS ET METV POSVE

RVNT I. D. VI.

In Christ. In the time of the Emperor Hadrian, Marius, a young

military officer, who had lived long enough, when, with his

blood, he gave up his life for Christ. At length he rested in

peace. The well-deserving set up this with tears and in fear, on

the 6th, Ides of December.]

In this reign also suffered Alexander, bishop of Rome, whose tomb has

been found on the Nomentan Way, together with Eventius and Theodulus,

a presbyter and deacon.

Under the humane and equitable Antoninus Pius,[86] Christianity seems

to have enjoyed a partial toleration, although the edict of Trajan was

still unrevoked. Yet several outbreaks of popular fury against the

Christians took place, and in the very first year of his reign

Telesphorus, the bishop of the church at Rome, suffered martyrdom.[87]

One of the strangest phenomena in history is the persecution of the

primitive church by the philosophical emperor Marcus Aurelius,[88]

whose “Meditations” seem almost like the writings of an apostle in

their praise of virtue, yearning for abstract perfection, and contempt

of pomp and pleasure. Nevertheless, he was one of the most systematic

and heartless of all the oppressors of the Christian faith--a faith so

much loftier than even his high philosophy, and yet having so much 76

akin. With the cool acerbity of a stoic, he resolved to exterminate

the obnoxious doctrines. An active inquisition for the Christians was

set on foot, and the odious system of domestic espionage, which even

Trajan had forbidden, was encouraged. Shameless informers, greedy for

gain, fed their rapacity on the confiscated spoils of the believers,

whom they plundered, says Melito, by day and by night. Though gentle

to other classes of offenders, and even to rebels, Aurelius exceeded

in barbarity the most ruthless of his predecessors in the refinements

of torture, by rack and scourge, by fire and stake, employed to

enforce the recantation of the Christians; and every year of his long

reign was polluted with innocent blood.

From Gaul to Asia Minor raged the storm of persecution. The

earthquakes, floods, and famine, the wars and pestilence, that wasted

the empire, were visited upon the hapless Christians, who were

immolated in hecatombs as the causes of these dire calamities. From

the crowded amphitheatre of Smyrna ascended, as in a chariot of fire,

the soul of the apostolic bishop Polycarp. The arrowy Rhone ran red

with martyrs’ blood. The names of the venerable Pothinus, of the

youthful Blandina and Ponticus, and of the valiant Symphorianus, will

be memories of thrilling power and pathos to the end of time. At Rome

the persecution selected some of its noblest victims. Justin, the

Christian philosopher, finding in the Gospels a loftier lore than in

the teachings of Zeno or Aristotle, of Pythagoras or Plato, became the

foremost of the goodly phalanx of apologists and defenders of the

faith, and sealed his testimony with his blood. With six of his

companions he was brought before the prefect for refusing obedience to

the imperial decree. “We are Christians,” they said, “and sacrifice 77

not to idols.” They were forthwith scourged and beheaded, and devout

men bore them to their burial, doubtless in these very Catacombs,

where their undiscovered remains may yet lie. In this reign also

suffered the seven sons of St. Felicitas--the tomb of one of whom De

Rossi believes he has found--and St. Cecilia and her companions, to be

hereafter mentioned.[89]

The legend of the Thundering Legion, supported as it is by the medals 78

and the column of Antoninus, commemorates, indeed, the deliverance of

the Roman army by a timely shower; but the Emperor ascribed that

deliverance not to the prayers of the Christians, but to his own

appeal to the heathen gods,[90] and there is no evidence that he ever

relaxed the severity of the persecution.

The ferocity of the brutal Commodus[91] was tempered by the influence

of his concubine, Marcia, and Christianity spread among the highest

ranks; but persecution did not entirely cease. Apollonius, a senator 79

of the empire, was put to death at Rome, and we read of numerous

martyrdoms elsewhere. A Christian inscription commemorates an officer

of Commodus, and Procurator of the Imperial household, who was

“received to God”--RECEPTVS AD DEVM--A. D. 217.[92]

On the death of this emperor the persecution raged with such violence

that, according to Clemens Alexandrinus, many martyrs were burned,

crucified, and beheaded every day.[93] _Non licet esse vos_--“It

is not lawful for you to exist”--was the stern edict of extermination

pronounced against the saints.

Christianity had little favour to expect from a military despot like

Septimius Severus, whose dying counsel to his successor expressed the

principle of his government--“Be generous to the soldiers and trample

on all besides.”

The revived accusations against the new faith called forth the bold

defence, or rather defiance, of Tertullian, one of the noblest

monuments of the primitive ages. In this reign the sanctity of the

Christian cemeteries was first violated, and that not at Rome but in

Africa, where the persecution was most virulent. “The mob assails us

with stones and flames with the frenzy of bacchanals,” says

Tertullian; “They do not even spare the Christian dead, but tear them

from the rest of the tomb, from the asylum of death, cut them in

pieces, and rend them asunder.”[94]

After the cessation of this persecution the Church enjoyed a period of 80

unwonted rest. Although under the ignoble Heliogabalus the sensual

Asiatic worship of Baal was introduced to Rome, and human sacrifice

was even offered to this Eastern Moloch,[95] yet the religion of peace

and purity shared the toleration accorded to the most obscene and

cruel rites. The just and amiable Alexander Severus inaugurated a new

era for Christianity,[96] to which he was favourably disposed,

probably through the influence of his mother, Mammæa, who had enjoyed

at Antioch the instruction of Origen.[97] He used frequently to quote

with approval the Golden Rule of Our Lord, and caused it to be

inscribed on his palace walls, and also ceded to the Christians a

piece of public ground for the erection of a church.[98] But Alexander

was only a religious eclectic, honouring what he thought best in the

current systems of belief. Of this reign is the epitaph of Urban,

bishop of Rome, which has been found in the so-called “Papal Crypt,” 81

bearing his name and the initial letter of his title--ΟΥΡΒΑΝΟϹ Ε....

The accession of the Thracian savage, Maximin, A. D. 235, was the

signal for a fresh outburst of persecution. To have been favoured by

Severus was sufficient to incur the hate of his murderer. His rage was

especially directed against the chief pastors of the flock of Christ.

Pontianus, the Roman bishop, was exiled to Sardinia, and there slain.

Antherus, his successor in this dangerous dignity, for his zeal in

preserving the records of the martyrs himself suffered martyrdom a few

weeks after his accession, and was laid in that narrow chamber

destined to receive so many of Rome’s early bishops, where a slab

bearing his name and title--ΑΝΤΕΡΩϹ · ΕΠΙ--has been found. In this

reign also suffered the celebrated Hippolytus, bishop of Pontus, and

author of the “Philosophoumena.”

Under Gordian and Philip a respite was again granted to the persecuted

church. The latter, indeed, is claimed by Eusebius as a Christian; but

his character and conduct are inconsistent with such a supposition.

A violent reaction took place on the accession of Decius, whose name

became an object of execration to mankind.[99] He resolved to entirely

crush and extirpate Christianity, whose bishops and churches began to

rival the pontiffs and temples of the gods of Rome. At his instigation

a persecution of unprecedented virulence raged like an epidemic

throughout the empire. The imperial edicts enforced conformity to the

pagan ritual under penalty of the most horrible tortures. This unwonted

severity produced the first great apostasy of the primitive church; 82

and many of the less stable converts procured exemption from martyrdom

by sacrificing to the gods, burning incense on their altars, or

purchasing certificates of indulgence from the heathen magistrate.[100]

“Pale and trembling, and more like sacrificial victims than those

about to sacrifice,” says an eye-witness, “some approached the heathen

shrines; but others, firm and blessed pillars of the Lord, witnessed a

good confession unto death.”[101] The bishops of the church, who, as

the leaders of Christ’s sacramental host, bore gallantly the battle’s

brunt, were naturally the earliest victims of the tyrant’s rage.

Accordingly, at the very outbreak of the Decian slaughter, the

venerable Fabian, head of the Roman church, perished by decapitation;

and the Catacombs were glutted with a host of unknown martyrs. In the

very chamber in the Cemetery of Callixtus to which his mutilated

corpse was borne, may still be seen the Bishop’s epitaph--ΦΑΒΙΑΝΟϹ ·

ΕΠΙ--with the monogram of his martyrdom, the conjoined letters ΜΤΡ,

added probably by a later hand. The church seemed paralyzed with fear, 83

and for sixteen months no successor was elected. But, undismayed by

the tragic fate of Fabian, Cornelius, allied with some of the noblest

families of Rome, became the leader of the forlorn hope of

Christianity against all the power of the empire. After a year’s

episcopate he was first banished and then beheaded under Gallus, a

worthy successor in persecution of Decius. Through the archæological

researches of De Rossi have been recovered, first his epitaph--CORNELIVS

· MARTYR · EP--and then his tomb, with a Damasine inscription, in one

of the most interesting crypts of the Catacombs. Lucius, his

successor, in six months shared his fate, and was buried in the

chamber consecrated by the dust of so many martyr-bishops, where his

brief epitaph--ΛΟΥΚΙϹ--is still legible.

Valerian,[102] who revived in his own person the ancient office of

Censor, was at first so favourable toward the Christians that his

house, says Dionysius of Alexandria, was filled with pious persons,

and was, indeed, a congregation[103] of the Lord. This favour was

doubtless the result of the Censor’s approval of Christian influence

on public morals.[104] In the latter part of his reign, however, the

Emperor passed under the dominion of the most abject superstition.

Through the influence of Macrianus, a pagan bigot learned in the dark

lore of Egypt, he became addicted to magic arts, and is said to have

sought the auguries of the empire in the entrails of human

victims.[105] The most relentless decrees were launched against the

Christian church. The bishops, priests, and deacons were forthwith to

be put to the sword; all others were to share the same fate, or to be

punished by exile and fetters.[106] The holding of assemblies, or even 84

entering the Christian cemeteries, was strictly prohibited A. D.

257.[107] By this unwonted invasion of the immemorial sanctity of the

sepulchre the Christians were forbidden even these last refuges from

persecution.

Among the most illustrious victims of Valerian whose bodies lie in the

lowly Catacombs, but whose names live for evermore, were Stephen I.

and Sixtus II., bishops of the persecuted church, and a number of

distinguished ecclesiastics, as well as many laymen of noble rank.[108]

Stephen, as the head of the Christian community, was especially

obnoxious to heathen rage. According to the Acts of his martyrdom he

sought concealment in these sepulchral crypts,[109] where he was

secretly visited by the faithful, and where he administered the

sacraments. He was traced by the Roman soldiers to his subterranean

chapel, but, awed by the mysterious rites, they allowed him to

conclude the service in which he was engaged. He was then beheaded,

with several of his adherents,[110] and buried in the Catacomb.

Sixtus, the successor of Stephen, within a year received the martyr’s 85

crown. Like another Daniel setting at defiance the emperor’s decree,

he was leading the devotions of the persecuted flock in the Catacomb

of Prætextatus, probably because it was less known than the public

cemetery of Callixtus, when he was apprehended by the fierce soldiery,

who had tracked his footsteps thither. He was hurried away to summary

judgment, brought back to the place of his offence, and there

beheaded, sprinkling with his blood the walls of the chamber. With him

were also executed four of his deacons,[111] the monuments of two of

whom, Agapetus and Felicissimus, De Rossi discovered in the very

Catacomb in which they suffered. Sixtus himself was buried in the

“Bishops’ Tomb” in the Callixtan Cemetery, where the following

inscription, fragments of which have been found in the _débris_,

was afterward set up by Damasus:

TEMPORE QVO GLADIVS SECVIT PIA VISCERA MATRIS

HIC POSITVS RECTOR COELESTIA IVSSA DOCEBAM

ADVENIVNT SVBITO RAPIVNT QVI FORTE SEDENTEM

MILITIBVS MISSIS POPVLI TVNC COLLA DEDERE

MOX SIBI COGNOVIT SENIOR QVIS TOLLERE VELLET

PALMAM SEQVE SVVMQVE CAPVT PRIOR OBTVLIT IPSE

IMPATIENS FERITAS POSSET NE LAEDERE QVEMQVAM

OSTENDIT CHRISTVS REDDIT QVI PRAEMIA VITAE

PASTORIS MERITVM NVMERVM GREGIS IPSE TVETVR

At the time when the sword pierced the tender heart of the Mother 86

[church,] I, the ruler buried here, was teaching the laws of

heaven. Suddenly came [the enemy,] who seized me sitting as I

was. Then the people presented their necks to the soldiers sent

against me. Soon the old man saw who sought to bear away the

palm, and was the first to offer himself and his own head, that

impatient rage might injure no one else. Christ who bestows the

rewards of life, manifests the merit of the pastor: he himself

defends the flock.[112]

Thus seven bishops of the church at Rome fell in succession by the

hand of the headsman, five of them in the space of eight years--heroic

athletes of Christ who, at the very seat of paganism, as in a mighty

theatre of God, bore the brunt of persecution, and, conquering even in

death, received the martyr’s crown and palm.

The accession of Gallienus[113] restored peace to the church. His

decree granting complete religious toleration, the restoration of

confiscated ecclesiastical property, and permission to “recover what

they called their cemeteries,”[114] won the gratitude of his Christian

subjects. His character, however, by no means justified the epithet of

“holy and pious emperor” bestowed by Dionysius of Alexandria.[115]

This was the first formal recognition of Christianity as a _religio

licita_, or legalized faith, and for forty years the church enjoyed

comparative repose; at least such repose as was possible while twenty 87

rival emperors--fantastic things “that likeness of a kingly crown had

on”--struggled for the supremacy, and harried the land with their

mutual devastations. During this period, Felix, the bishop of the

Roman church, who, according to the _Liber Pontificalis_, was

exceedingly diligent in honouring the martyrs of the Catacombs, became

himself a conscript of that noble army, and was beheaded, in

accordance with an imperial decree, as was also Agapetus, a Christian

of noble rank.

The mild and amiable Tacitus[116] ruled over a turbulent people only

six months. His brother Florian retained the purple only half that

time. Probus, “the just,” whose name, says his epitaph, expressed his

character,[117] fell by the hands of his own tumultuous legionaries.

The sensual and abominable Carinus displayed the extravagancies of

Heliogabalus, aggravated by the cruelty of Domitian. In his reign died

Eutychianus, whose epitaph and title--ΕΥΤΥΧΙΑΝΟϹ ΕΠΙϹ--have been

found in the “Papal Crypt” of Callixtus.[118]

Christianity was destined to undergo a final ordeal before it should 88

ascend the throne of the Cæsars. The church must pass once more

through the purifying flames of persecution before it was fit to be

entrusted with the reins of empire. The long peace and temporal

prosperity had fostered pride and luxury, and relaxed the morals of

the Christian community. Schisms and feuds destroyed the unity of the

faith, and the bishops had begun to aspire to temporal power, and to

assert an unwarranted authority. “Prelates inveighed against

prelates,” says Eusebius, “and people rose against people, assailing

each other with words as with darts and spears.”[119] The blasts of

adversity were necessary to winnow the spurious and false away, and to

leave the tried and true behind. From the fatal slumber of religious

apathy into which the church was falling it was to be rudely awakened.

Its former afflictions sank into insignificance compared with this

great tribulation, which was pre-eminently called _The_ Persecution by

the historian of the times.[120]

The close of the third century witnessed the strange spectacle of the

government of the Roman world by a group of men who had climbed to the

giddy height of power from the lowest stations in life. Diocletian,

originally a slave, or at least the son of a slave, reduced the

haughty aristocracy of Rome to a condition of oriental servility.

Maximian, a Pannonian peasant, betrayed the savageness of his nature

by his bloodthirsty cruelty. Galerius, an Illyrian herdsman, but

exhibited more conspicuously upon the throne of empire the native

barbarity of his character. Constantius was of nobler birth than any

of his colleagues, and he alone adorned his lofty station by dignity,

justice, and clemency. The world groaned under the oppression of its

cruel masters. So exhausting were their exactions that none remained 89

to tax, says Lactantius,[121] but the beggars.

The early years of the reign of Diocletian were characterized for the

most part by principles of religious toleration. Indeed, his wife and

daughter, the empresses Prisca and Valeria, favoured, if they did not

adopt, the Christian faith, and some of the first officers of the

imperial household belonged to the now powerful sect.[122] But even

during this period the Christians were not free from danger. Caius,

the Roman bishop, is said to have lived for eight years in the

Catacombs on account of the persecution, and at last underwent

martyrdom in the year A. D. 296.[123] Marcus and Marcelianus, two

Roman Christians of noble rank, who have given their name to one of

the Catacombs, suffered about this time. Others, especially in the

army, where the ancient faith had firmest hold, and where, indeed,

Eusebius says, the persecution began,[124] endured martyrdom as the

valiant soldiers of Christ. The storm, of which these events were the

precursors, at length burst with fury on the Christians in the year

303. A series of cruel edicts, written, says Eusebius, with a dagger’s

point,[125] were fulminated for the extirpation of the Christian

name.[126] They were framed with malignant ingenuity, so as to leave 90

no chance of escape save in open apostasy. All ecclesiastical property

was confiscated. The churches were razed to the ground, and the sacred

scriptures burned with fire.[127] All assemblies for worship were

prohibited on pain of death. The clergy of every order were zealously

sought out, and thrust into dungeons designed for the worst of

felons.[128] The whole Christian community was outlawed, degraded from

every secular office, deprived of the rights of citizenship, and

exposed to the punishment of the vilest slaves. With intensifying

violence edict followed edict, like successive strokes of thunder in a

raging storm. A universal and relentless proscription of the Christian

name took place. The truculent monster Galerius, of whom his Christian

subjects said, that he never supped without human blood,[129] proposed

that all who refused to sacrifice to the gods should be burned alive;

and the fiendish ingenuity of the persecutors was exhausted in

devising fresh tortures for their victims.

In Italy, and especially at Rome, the work of destruction was eagerly

carried on by Maximian, an implacable enemy of the Christians; and

after his death by the abominable voluptuary Maxentius, in whom the

twin passions of cruelty and lust struggled for the mastery. These 91

monsters of iniquity revelled in a carnival of blood, and glutted the

Catacombs with victims, some of the most illustrious of whom will

shortly be mentioned. On the retirement of Diocletian, satiated with

slaughter and weary with the cares of state, to his retreat at

Salonica, Galerius continued the persecution with increased zeal. It

was the expiring effort of paganism, the death throes of its mortal

agony. But the Christian religion, like the trodden grass that ranker

grows, flourished still in spite of the oppression it endured. Like

the rosemary and thyme, which the more they are bruised give out the

richer perfume, it breathed forth the odours of sanctity which are

fragrant in the world to-day. Though the frail and the fickle fell off

in the blast of adversity, the staunch and true remained; and from the

martyr’s blood, more prolific than the fabled dragon’s teeth, a new

host of Christian heroes rose, contending for the martyr’s starry and

unwithering crown.

But the period of deliverance was at hand. Smitten by the power of

that God whose titles and attributes he had usurped, the wretched

Galerius, amid the agonies of a loathsome disease, implored the

intercessions of the Christians whom he had so ruthlessly proscribed.

With sublimest magnanimity the church exhibited the nobility of a

Gospel revenge, and obeyed the injunction of its divine Master to pray

for those who persecuted and despitefully used it. From the dying

couch of the remorseful monarch came an abject apology for his cruel

deeds; and, in late atonement for his crime, a decree of amplest

recognition of Christianity, and restoration of the right to worship

God. Like the trump of jubilee, the edict of deliverance pealed

through the land. It penetrated the gloomy dungeon, the darksome mine,

the catacomb’s dim labyrinth; and from their sombre depths vast 92

processions of the “noble wrestlers of religion”[130] thronged to the

long forsaken churches with grateful songs of praise to God.

But this treacherous calm was soon to be again broken. The

superstitious tyrant Maximin endeavoured to revive the dying paganism,

and to renew the persecution. He paid Christianity the high compliment

of attempting a complete organization of the heathen priesthood on the

model of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and restored the ancient

worship with unwonted pomp. He prohibited the assemblies in the

cemeteries, and reiterated the edict of extermination against the

Christians.[131] But the loathsome death of this brutal voluptuary

soon delivered the church from the most implacable of its foes. From

the distant island of Britain--that ultimate far Thule of the

empire--had arrived the Cæsar who should enthrone the new faith on the

seat of its persecutors, and establish it as the religion of the

state,[132] an event more perilous to its purity and spiritual power

than the direst oppression it had ever endured. Constantine having

overcome the enemies of Christianity, who were also his own, became

its protector, more, it is easy to believe, either from conviction of

its truth or from policy than on account of the alleged miraculous

vision of the cross of Christ, the presage of a bloody victory.[133]

He issued at Milan, A. D. 313, that decree of full and unlimited 93

toleration[134] which became thenceforth the charter of the church’s

liberties.[135]

The sufferings of the more illustrious victims of persecution are 94

alone recorded in history, which is silent concerning the great army

of unknown martyrs, whose names are recorded only in the Book of Life.

The bishops of the church were ever the first to feel the tyrants’

rage. The episcopal chair was often but the stepping-stone to the

scaffold. Yet faithful shepherds were not wanting to lead the flock of

Christ, and to testify their devotion to their trust by the sacrifice

of their lives. We have seen how Caius suffered even before the final

outbreak of persecution. Marcellinus, his successor, incurred the

resentment of the tyrant Maxentius, was degraded to the office of

groom of the public stables, where the horses of the circus were kept,

and soon sank beneath the weight of his miseries and those of the

church.[136] Marcellus, sometimes confounded with Marcellinus, paid

the penalty of exile for his firmness in maintaining the

ecclesiastical discipline against those who apostatized from the faith

in those times of fiery trial. This event is recorded in the Damasine

inscription:

VERIDICVS RECTOR LAPSOS QVIA CRIMINA FLERE

PRAEDIXIT MISERIS FVIT OMNIBVS HOSTIS AMARVS

HINC FVROR HINC ODIVM SEQVITVR DISCORDIA LITES

SEDITIO CAEDES SOLVVNTVR FOEDERA PACIS

CRIMEN OB ALTERIVS CHRISTVM QVI IN PACE NEGAVIT

FINIBVS EXPVLSVS PATRIAE EST FERITATE TYRANNI

HAEC BREVITER DAMASVS VOLVIT COMPERTA REFERRE

MARCELLI VT POPVLVS MERITVM COGNOSCERE POSSET.[137]

The truth-speaking ruler, because he preached that the lapsed 95

should weep for their crimes, was bitterly hated by all those

unhappy ones. Hence fury, hence hatred followed, discord,

contentions, sedition, and slaughter; and the bonds of peace were

ruptured. For the crime of another, who in a time of peace had

denied Christ, he was expelled the shores of his country by the

cruelty of the tyrant. These things Damasus having learned, was

desirous to relate briefly, that the people might recognize the

merit of Marcellus.

Neither Marcellus nor Marcellinus was buried in the Catacomb of

Callixtus--which, as Diocletian had confiscated all the public

cemeteries, was inaccessible to the Christians--but in the private

crypt of the Christian matron Priscilla, on the Salarian Way.

Eusebius, the successor of Marcellus, was also banished on account of

the controversy concerning the “lapsed.” New light has recently been

thrown on this subject by De Rossi’s discovery, in the tomb of the

bishop, of the following Damasine inscription in a fragmentary

condition:

HERACLIVS VETVIT LABSOS [_sic_] PECCATA DOLERE

EVSEBIVS MISEROS DOCVIT SVA CRIMINA FLERE

SCINDITVR [IN] PARTES POPVLOS GLISCENTE FVRORE

SEDITIO CAEDES BELLVM DISCORDIA LITES

EXTEMPLO PARITER PVLSI FERITATE TYRANNI

INTEGRA CVM RECTOR SERVARET FOEDERA PACIS

PERTVLIT EXILIVM DOMINO SVB IVDICE LAETVS

LITORE TRINACRIO MVNDVM VITAMQ · RELIQUIT.

Heraclius forbade the lapsed to grieve for their sins. Eusebius

taught those unhappy ones to weep for their crimes. The people

were rent in parties, and with increasing fury began sedition,

slaughter, fighting, discord, and strife. Straightway both were

banished by the cruelty of the tyrant, although the ruler was

preserving the bonds of peace inviolate. He bore his exile with

joy, looking to the Lord as his Judge, and on the Trinacrian

shore gave up the world and his life.

The Heraclius mentioned in the inscription is probably the heretical

leader referred to in the epitaph of Marcellus, previously given. No

reference to this event occurs in any of the ecclesiastical writers,

and this inscription, says Dr. Northcote, is the recovery of a lost 96

chapter in the history of the church.[138] The remains of Eusebius

were brought from Sicily, the place of his exile, by his successor,

Melchiades, and interred in the Catacomb of Callixtus, but not with

the other bishops, the approaches to whose tomb were blocked up with

earth, probably to prevent its violation by the enemies of the faith.

Melchiades, with whom the long succession of Rome’s martyr bishops

comes to a close, was the last of his order who was buried in the

Catacombs, and De Rossi conjectures that he has discovered in the

Cemetery of Callixtus his tomb, and the very sarcophagus in which he

lay.[139]

One of the most illustrious of the lay martyrs of the Diocletian

persecution was the gallant young soldier Sebastian, who has given his

name to one of the most ancient basilicas of Rome and to the adjacent

Catacomb, and Adauctus, a treasurer of the imperial palace. In the

Damasine epitaph of the latter occur the fine lines:

INTEMERATA FIDE CONTEMPTO PRINCIPE MVNDI

CONFESSVS |XRM| CAELESTIA REGNA PETISTI.[140]

With unfaltering faith, despising the lord of the world, having

confessed Christ, thou didst seek the celestial realms.

Several of the Christian cemeteries receive their designation from the 97

martyrs of this period, among others those of Saints Agnes, Peter, and

Marcellinus, of Pancratius, Generosa, Zeno, Soteris, and _Quattro

Incoronati_, notice of whom will be more appropriate in the accounts

of their respective sepulchres. History has also preserved the names

of many other valiant confessors, who proved faithful even unto death

amid the fiery trials and cruel mockings and scourgings to which they

were exposed. Among these may be mentioned Cosmo and Damian, two holy

brothers of Cilicia, who practised in Rome with great skill the

healing art, from pure love to God and to their fellow-men, refusing

to receive aught for their services;[141] Simplicius and Faustinus,

who were drowned in the Tiber by the tyrant’s orders, and their

martyred sister Beatrice, whose tombs and epitaphs De Rossi believes

he has recovered.[142] Most of the legends, however, of what may be

called the Romish mythology are disfigured by absurd and superstitious

additions; and the martyrs themselves have become the objects of

idolatrous veneration far alien from the spirit of that primitive

Christianity for which they died.[143]

The following inscriptions from the Catacombs are the only records of 98

the victims of persecution whose names they bear.

[Illustration: Fig. 21.--Lannus, the martyr of Christ, rests here.

He suffered under Diocletian. For his successors also.]

[Illustration: ☧] PRIMITIVS IN PACE QVI POST

MVLTAS ANGVSTIAS FORTISSIMVS MARTYR

ET VIXIT ANNOS P · M · XXXVIII CONIVG · SVO

PERDVLCISSIMO BENEMERENTI FECIT.

Primitius in peace, after many torments, a most valiant martyr.

He lived thirty-eight years, more or less. [His wife] raised this

to her dearest husband, the well-deserving.

HIC GORDIANVS GALLIAE NVNCIVS

IVGVLATVS PRO FIDE CVM FAMILIA TOTA

QVIESCVNT IN PACE

THEOPHILA ANCILLA FECIT.

Here lies Gordianus, deputy of Gaul, who was executed for the

faith, with all his family: they rest in peace. Theophila, a

handmaid, set up this.[144]

The history of the Catacombs is inextricably interwoven with that of 99

Christianity. Their very structure reflects the character of the times

in which they were made. The absence of constraint or concealment, and

the superior construction and ornamentation of those belonging to the

earliest times, indicate the comparative security of the church before

it had awakened the jealousy or fear of the Roman emperors. Their

immense extension and crowded galleries testify to the rapid increase

of the Christian community. The altered character which they gradually

assumed, the obstructed passages, the masked entrances, devious

windings, and devices for concealment or escape, and the rudely

scratched inscriptions and uncouth paintings, betray the sense of fear

and the kindling rage of persecution which pursued the hunted

Christians to these subterraneous sanctuaries of the faith. Their

greater magnificence and more ornate structure, the costly mosaics,

the marble stairways, and richly carved sarcophagi of the later ages,

tell of the enthronement of Christianity on the seat of the Cæsars,

and of the homage paid to the relics and shrines of the saints and

martyrs. And their debased architecture, barbarous paintings, and

progressive ruin during the later years of their history indicate the

gradual eclipse of art, and their final abandonment. We must therefore

carefully determine at least the proximate date of any particular

feature if we would correctly interpret its significance.

The last and most terrible persecution of the church before its final 100

triumph left abundant evidence of its violence and lengthened duration

in the changes which contemporaneously took place in the Catacombs.

God prepared a place for his saints, and hid them in the clefts of the

rock as in the hollow of his hand. When the public observance of

Christianity was proscribed by law the believers withdrew from the

light of day, and in the inmost and darkest recesses of these

subterranean crypts, by the graves of their martyred dead, enjoyed the

consolation of religious worship, and broke the bread and drank the

wine in memory of their dying Lord.[145]

But after the decree of Valerian which forbade the entering or holding

any assemblies in the Christian cemeteries, even these retreats were

not safe, and the last sanctuaries of the faith were unscrupulously

invaded. Persecution relentlessly followed the Christians through the

labyrinthine windings of the Catacombs, and violated the sepulchres of

the sainted dead by sacrilegious tumult and bloodshed. Sometimes the

heathen soldiery, fearing to pursue their victims into these unknown

passages, blocked up the entrance to prevent their escape; and many

were thus buried alive and perished of hunger in these chambers of

gloom.[146]

An entire change in the construction of the Catacombs now took place.

They became obviously designed for purposes of safety and concealment.

The new galleries were less wide and lofty, and the _loculi_ more

crowded on account of the greater difficulty of removing the excavated 101

material. At this time, too, many of the lower _piani_ were made

for additional graves and greater secrecy. The main entrances were

blocked up and the stairways demolished. Sometimes entire galleries

were filled with earth, the removal of which is the chief obstacle to

modern exploration, or were built up with masonry to obstruct pursuit;

and means of escape were provided, in case of forcible invasion of

these retreats. A striking example of this occurs in the Catacomb of

Callixtus. The ancient stairway was partially destroyed, the entrance

completely obstructed, and some of the galleries walled up. Narrow

passages for escape were made connecting with an adjacent

_arenarium_, and a very narrow secret stairway constructed from

the roof of the latter to the surface of the ground, as shown in the

section above [Transcriber’s Note: Fig. 22, below], which stairway

could only be reached by a movable ladder connecting it with the

floor.[147]

[Illustration: Fig. 22.--Secret stairway into Arenarium.]

It is impossible that the mass of the Christian community, or even any 102

considerable proportion of it, could ever have taken refuge in these

subterraneous crypts. Their vast extent and the number of chambers

would indeed permit a great multitude to remain concealed for a time

in their depths; but the difficulty of procuring a regular supply of

food, the confined atmosphere, and the probable exhalation of noxious

gases from the graves--especially on the opening of a _bisomus_, or

double tomb, for its second inmate--seem insuperable obstacles. As

it was the religious leaders of the Christian community who were

especially obnoxious to those in power, they would be the most likely

to seek concealment in the Catacombs, not from inferiority of courage,

but, like the afterward martyred Cyprian, that they might the better

guide and govern the persecuted church. Hence the examples before

given of bishops and other ecclesiastics lying hidden, some for years,

in these depths, and visited by the faithful for instruction or for

the celebration of worship.[148] There is evidence, however, that

during the exacerbations of persecution private Christians sought

safety in these recesses, and, burrowing in their depths, evaded the

pursuit of their enemies. Tertullian speaks of “a lady, unaccustomed

to privation, trembling in a vault, apprehensive of the capture of her

maid, upon whom she depends for her daily food.” The heads of

Christian families, and those most obnoxious to the pagan authorities,

would be especially likely to leave the fellowship of the living in

order to live in security among the dead. Father Marchi conjectures

that supplies of grain were laid up for the maintenance of the hidden 103

fugitives, and De Rossi describes certain crypts in the Catacomb of

Callixtus which were probably employed for storing corn or wine in

time of persecution. Frequent wells occur, amply sufficient for the

supply of water; and the multitude of lamps which have been found

would dispel the darkness, while their sudden extinction would prove

the best concealment from attack by their enemies.[149] Hence the

Christians were stigmatized as a skulking, darkness-loving race,[150]

who fled the light of day to burrow like moles in the earth.

The Catacombs of Rome, and Their Testimony Relative to Primitive Christianity · 第 2 / 11 章