XIII. Kabkabaga-an. A powerful female spirit who falls in love with
Aponitolau.
XIV. Asibowan. The maiden of Gegenáwan, who is related to the spirit
Kaboniyan. The mistress of Aponitolau.
In consequence of modern rationalism there is a tendency on the
part of a considerable number of the Tinguian to consider these
tales purely as stories and the characters as fictitious, but the
mass of the people hold them to be true and speak of the actors as
"the people who lived in the first times." For the present we shall
take their point of view and shall try to reconstruct the life in
"the first times" as it appears in the tales.
The principal actors live in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan, [6] towns
which our chief story teller--when trying to explain the desire of
Kanag to go down and get fruit--assures us were somewhere in the air,
above the earth (p. 141). [7] At other times these places are referred
to as Sudipan--the term by which spirits are supposed to call the
present earth--while the actors are referred to as Ipogau--the spirit
name for Tinguian. Whatever its location it was a place much like the
present home of this people. The sky, the chief abode of spirits and
celestial bodies, was above the land, and the heroes of the tales
are pictured as ascending to visit the upper realms. The trees,
plants, and animals were for the most part those known to-day. The
ocean appears to have been well known, while mention is made of some
places in Luzon, such as Dagopan and San Fernando in Pangasinan with
which the people of to-day are not at all familiar (p. 89, 168).
We learn that each village is situated near to a river or waterway
by the banks of which shallow wells are dug, and there we find the
women gathering under the shade of the trees, dipping up water to be
carried to their homes, washing and combing their hair, and taking
their baths (p. 48). They seldom go singly, for enemies are apt to
be near, and unless several are in the company it will be impossible
to spread the alarm and secure help in case of attack (p. 43).
Leading up from the spring to the village are bamboo poles on which
the heads of enemies are displayed (p. 43). In cases where the
warriors have been especially successful these trophies may surround
the whole settlement (p. 76). About the town is a defensive wall,
generally of bamboo, but in some cases made up entirely of gigantic
snakes (p. 43). Within this inclosure are many houses. The bamboo
floors are raised high above the ground, while the thatching is of
grass. Ladders lead up to little porches, from which doors open into
the dwellings. At least part of the houses have a cooking room in
addition to that used by the family, while structures containing a
ninth room are several times mentioned (pp. 43, 52, 85).
In one corner of the living room is a box containing blankets, above
which are pillows and mats used by members of the household and guests;
an iron caldron lies on the floor, while numerous Chinese jars stand
about. A hearth, made up of a bed of ashes in which stones are sunk,
is used for cooking. Above it is a bamboo food hanger, while near by
stand jars of water and various cooking pots. Food baskets, coconut
shell cups, and dishes, and a quantity of Chinese plates appear when
the meal is served, while the use of glass is not unknown. Cups of
gold, wonderful jars, and plates appear at times, but seem to be so
rare as to excite comment (pp. 33, 98, 102, 105).
Scattered through the village are numerous small buildings known
as _balaua_ (p. 43), which are erected for the spirits during the
greatest of the ceremonies, and still inside the enclosure are the
rice drying plots and granaries, the latter raised high above the
ground so as to protect their contents from moisture (p. 150).
About the town pigs and chickens roam at will, while half-starved
hunting dogs prowl about below the kitchens and fight for morsels
which drop from above (p. 99). Carabao are kept and used as food
(p. 101), but in the cycle proper no mention is made of using them as
work animals. [8] Game, especially deer and wild chickens, and fish
are added to the domestic supply of food (p. 80), but the staple
appears to be mountain rice. Beans, coconuts, oranges, sugar cane,
betel-nuts, and tobacco are also cultivated (pp. 33, 107, 121, 138).
Clothing is scanty but nevertheless receives much attention. The
poorest of the men wear clouts of banana leaf, and the women, when in
danger of capture, don skirts of bark; but on most occasions we find
the man wearing a colored cotton clout, above which is a bright belt
of the same material, while for ceremonies he may add a short coat or
jacket. A headband, sometimes of gold, keeps his long hair in place,
and for very special events he may adorn each hair with a golden bead
(pp. 74, 76, 81).
The cotton skirts of the women reach from the waist to the knees;
the arms are covered with strands above strands of beads, while
strings of agate beads surround the neck or help to hold the hair in
place. To the real hair is often added a switch which appears to be
valued highly (p. 89). Ornaments of gold adorn the ears, and finger
rings of the same metal are several times mentioned (pp. 39, 43, 124).
The tales afford us a glimpse of the daily life. In the early
morning the chilly mountain air drives the people from their mats to
the yard, where they squat about the fires (p. 132). As it becomes
light, part of the women begin pounding out the rice from its straw
and husks (p. 144), while others depart for the springs to secure
water (p. 101). In planting time husband and wife trudge together
to the fields, where the man plants the seeds or cuttings, and his
wife assists by pouring on water (p. 107). In midday, unless it is
the busy season, the village activities are practically suspended,
and we see the _balaua_ filled with men, asleep or lounging, while
children may be playing about with tops or disk-like _lipi_ seeds
(p. 139). As it becomes cooler, the town again takes on life; in the
houses the women weave blankets or prepare food, the older women feed
the chickens and pigs (p. 93), while the workers from the fields,
or hunters with their dogs and game, add to the general din and
excitement (p. 80). When night comes on, if it be in the dry season,
bonfires spring up in different parts of the village, and about them
the girls and women gather to spin. Here also come the men and boys,
to lounge and talk (p. 117). A considerable portion of the man's time
is taken up in preparation for or actual participation in warfare
(p. 74). We have already seen that the constant danger of enemies
makes it advisable for the women to go in parties, even to the village
spring. One tale informs us of a girl who is left alone to guard the
rice field and is promptly killed by the _alzado;_ [9] another states
that "all the tattooed Igorot are enemies" (pp. 43, 155, 161).
Revenge for the loss of relations or townspeople is a potent cause
of hostile raids; old feuds may be revived by taunts; but the chief
incentive appears to be the desire for renown, to be known as "a man
who goes to fight in the enemies' towns" (pp. 90, 59).
Warriors sometimes go in parties, sometimes alone, but generally in
couples (p. 67). At times they lie in ambush and kill young girls
who go for water, or old men and women who pass their hiding place
(p. 97). Again they go out boldly, armed with shield, spear, and
headaxe; they strike their shields as they go and announce their
presence to the enemy (p. 103). In five of the tales the heroes
challenge their opponents and then refuse to be the first to use their
weapons. It is only when their foes have tried in vain to injure them
that they enter the conflict. In such cases whole towns are wiped out
of existence and a great number of heads and a quantity of jars and
other booty is sent back to the towns of the victors (p. 104). Peace
is restored in one instance by the payment of a number of valuable jars
(p. 91).
Upon the return of a successful war party, the relatives meet them
at the gate of the town and compel them to climb the _sangap;_
[10] then invitations are sent out to friends and relatives in
neighboring towns to come and aid in the celebration of the victory
(p. 140). When they arrive at the entrance of the village they are
met by the townspeople, who offer them liquor and then conduct them
to the houses where they feast and dance to the music of _gansas_
(p. 126). [11] Finally the captured heads are stuck on the _sagang_
[12] and are placed by the gate, the spring, and, if sufficient in
number, surround the town (p. 140). Taking the heads of one's neighbors
does not appear to be common, yet cases are mentioned where visitors
are treacherously killed at a dance (pp. 78, 83).
The use of poison [13] is twice mentioned. In one case the victims
are killed by drinking liquor furnished by the father of the girl
about whose head they are dancing (pp. 148, 156).
Bamboo spears appear to be used, but we are explicitly told that
they fought with steel weapons, and there are frequent references to
headaxes, spears, and knives (pp. 65, 76, 120).
Marriage appears generally to be negotiated by the mother of the youth
at his suggestion (p. 128). At times both his parents go to the girl's
home, and after many preliminaries broach the subject of their mission
(p. 128). The girl's people discuss the proposition, and if they are
favorable they set a day for the _pakálon_--a celebration at which the
price to be paid for the bride is decided upon (p. 49). The parents
of the groom then return home after having left some small present,
such as a jar or an agate bead, as a sign of engagement (p. 128)
[14]. The _pakálon_ is held a few days later at the girl's home,
and for this event her people prepare a quantity of food (p. 72). On
the agreed day the close friends and relatives of both families will
assemble. Those who accompany the groom carry jars and pigs, either
in part payment for the bride, or to serve as food for the company
(pp. 72, 128). The first hours are spent in bargaining over the price
the girl should bring, but when this is settled a feast is prepared,
and then all indulge in dancing the _tadek_ (p. 59) [15]. When the
payment is made a portion is distributed among the girl's relatives
(pp. 72, 74), but her parents retain the greater part for themselves
[16]. The groom cannot yet claim his bride, although in one case he
is allowed to take her immediately after the _pakálon_ by making a
special payment for the privilege (p. 74). A few nights later the
groom goes to the girl's home carrying with him an empty jar with
which he makes the final payment (p. 73). The customary rice ceremony
[17] follows and he is then entitled to his bride (p. 73). Should the
house or anything in it break at this time, it foretells misfortune
for the couple, hence precautions are taken lest such a sign should,
by accident, be given (p. 60).
In all but two cases mentioned the girl and her husband go to live
with his people. In the first instance their failure to do so raises a
protest; in the second, the girl's parents are of much more importance
than those of the groom, and this may explain their ability to retain
their daughter (pp. 138, 159).
When the bride reaches her future home, she sits on the bamboo floor
with her legs stretched out in front of her. The slats which she
covers are counted and a string of agate beads, equal in length to
the combined width of the slats, is given to her. She now becomes
a full member of the family and seems to be under the orders of her
mother-in-law (p. 60).
The tales give constant sanction for the marriage of near
relatives. Dumanau, we are told, marries his cousin [18], while we
frequently meet with such statements as, "We are relatives and it is
good for us to be married", or "They saw that they were related and
that both possessed magical power, so they were married (p. 35)". It
appears that a man may live with his sweetheart and have children
by her, yet leave her, and, without reproach, marry another better
fitted to be his wife (p. 54). He may also accept payment for a wife
who has deserted him, apparently without loss of prestige (p. 64). No
objection seems to be raised to a man having two wives so long as
one of these is an inhabitant of the upper world (p. 111), but we
find Kanag telling his former sweetheart that he cannot marry her
since he is now married to another (p. 138). Again, when two women
lay claim to Aponitolau, as their husband, they undergo a test and
the loser returns to her former home (p. 94). However, this rule does
not prevent a man from having several concubines (p. 120). Gawigawen,
we are told, is accompanied to a _pakálon_ by eighteen young girls
who are his concubines (p. 59).
Divorce is twice mentioned, but it seems to call out protest only
from the cast off wife (pp. 63, 149).
Closely associated with the celebration of a marriage seems to be a
ceremony known as _Sayang_, during the progress of which a number of
small structures--the largest known as _balaua_--are built. Judging
by their names and descriptions, we are justified in considering them
"spirit houses" as they are to-day.
The details of the extended _Sayang_ ceremony are nowhere given,
but so much is made plain:--At its beginning many people pound rice,
for use in the offerings and for food, and _da-eng_ [19] is danced
(p. 40). After the _Libon_ [20] invitations are sent out, by means of
betel-nuts covered with gold, to those whose presence is especially
desired (p. 62). When the guests arrive at the village spring or
gate they are offered food or drink, and then while they dance they
are sprinkled with water or rice, after which all go up to the town
(p. 41 note 2). A medium who knows the customs and desires of the
spirits constructs a bamboo mat, which is known as _talapitap_, and
on it offers food. To call their attention she frequently strikes
the ground with the _dakidak_--split sticks of bamboo and _lono_
[21] (p. 40). The guests are not neglected, so far as regards food,
for feasting and dancing occupy a considerable portion of their
time. The ceremonial dance _da-eng_ is mentioned, but the _tadek_
[22] seems to be the one in special favor (pp. 41, 59).
One tale tells us that the _Sayang_ was held immediately following
a head hunt; and another, that Aponitolau went out to get the head
of an old man before he started this ceremony (pp. 69, 76); however,
the evidence is by no means conclusive that it is related to warfare.
On page 105 we are told that Kanag's half sister is a medium, and
the description of her method of summoning the spirits tallies with
that of to-day. At the _Sayang_ ceremony she is called to perform
the _Dawak_ [23], with the assistance of the old woman Alokotán
(p. 106). The _Dawak_ is also held in order to stop the flow of blood
from Aponitolau's finger (p. 113). The only other ceremony mentioned
is that made in order to find a lost switch (p. 91).
Certain well-known customs are strongly brought out in our
material. The first, and apparently most important, is the necessity
of offering liquor and food, both to strangers and to guests
(p. 58). Refusal is so keenly resented that in one instance a couple
decline to allow their daughter to marry a man whose emissaries reject
this gift (p. 73). Old quarrels are closed by the tender of food or
drink, and friendships are cemented by the drinking of _basi_ [24]
(p. 134). People meeting for the first time, and even friends who
have been separated for a while, chew betel-nut together and tell
their names and places of residence. We are repeatedly told that
it is necessary to chew the nut and make known their names, for
"we cannot tell our names unless we chew," and "it is bad for us if
we do not know each other's names when we talk." A certain etiquette
is followed at this time: old men precede the younger; people of the
home town, the visitors; and men always are before the women (pp. 45,
133). The conduct of Awig when he serves liquor to the _alzados_
[25] is that of to-day, i.e., the person who serves always drinks
before passing it to others (p. 156).
Certain other rules of etiquette or restrictions on conduct come out
in the tales. We learn that it is not considered proper for a man
to eat with the wife of another during his absence, nor should they
start the meal before he comes in (p. 52). The master of a dance is
deeply chagrined and chides his wife severely, because she insists
on dancing before he has invited all the others to take their turns
(p. 70). Greediness is reproved in children and Aponitolau causes the
death of his concubines whose false tales had led him to maltreat his
wife (p. 116). Unfaithfulness seems to be sufficient justification
for a man to abandon his wife and kill her admirer (p. 78); but Kanag
appears as a hero when he refuses to attack his father who has sought
his life (p. 121).
Of the ceremonies connected with death we learn very little except that
the women discard their arm beads, the mourners don old clothing, and
all wail for the dead (pp. 44, 90). Three times we are told that the
deceased is placed on a _tabalang_, or raft, on which a live rooster is
fastened before it is set adrift on the river. In the tales the raft
and fowl are of gold, but this is surprising even to the old woman
Alokotán, past whose home in Nagbotobotán all these rafts must go
(p. 131).
Up to this time in our reconstruction of the life of "the first
times" we have mentioned nothing impossible or improbable to the
present day Tinguian, although, as we shall see later, there are some
striking differences in customs and ideas. We have purposely left the
description of the people and their practice of magic to the last,
although their magical practices invade every activity of their lives,
for it is here that the greatest variations from present conditions
apparently occur.
These people had intimate relations with some of the lesser spirits,
especially with the _liblibayan_ [26], who appear to be little more
than their servants, with the evil spirits known as _banbanáyo_,
and with the _alan_ (p. 123). The _alan_, just mentioned, are to-day
considered as deformed spirits who live in the forests: "They are
as large as people but have wings and can fly; their toes are at
the back of their feet and their fingers point backwards from their
wrists." The several references to them in the tales such as "you
_alan_ girls whose toes on your feet turn out" indicate they were so
considered in the first times (p. 161). Some of them are addressed as
"you _alan_ of the springs," and in one instance a man dives down
into the water where the _alan_ live (p. 148), but in general their
homes seem to be similar to but much finer than those of the people
of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan. These spirits appear time after time as
the foster mothers of the leading characters: Generally they secure
a drop of menstrual blood, a miscarriage, or the afterbirth, and all
unknown to the real parents, change them into children and raise them
(p. 83). These foster children are pictured as living in houses of
gold situated near springs, the pebbles of which are of gold or beads;
[27] the places where the women set the pots while dipping water are
big plates or dishes, while similar dishes form the stepping stones
leading up to the house. Articles of gold are found in the dwellings
and valuable jars are numerous. When the true relationships of these
children are established they always go to their blood parents,
carrying with them these riches, which are a source of wonder and
comment (pp. 43, 64).
The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan have many dealings with
the celestial bodies. The big star Bagbagak appears as the husband
of Sinag--the moon--and father of the star maiden Gaygayóma, who,
Aponitolau assures his wife, is a spirit. When this girl comes down
to steal sugar-cane she takes off her star dress and appears as a
beautiful maiden; [28] she becomes enamored with Aponitolau and takes
him to the sky, where he lives with her. They have a child, who later
marries in Kadalayapan and thereafter stays below. Upon the occasion
when Aponitolau visits his first wife and fails to return to the sky
at the appointed time, a great company of stars are sent to fetch him,
with orders to devour him if he refuses to obey (p. 109, ff.).
In the first tale Aponitolau himself appears as "the sun," "the
man who makes the sun," as "a round stone which rolls," but when
it is established that he is the son of a couple in Kadalayapan he
apparently relinquishes his duties in the sky and goes to live in
the village of his people. With him goes his wife Aponibolinayen, who
had been carried above by a vine. While at his post in the heavens,
Aponitolau is closely associated with the big star, whose duty it is
to follow him in the sky. Again we are told that Aponitolau is taken
up by the spirit Kabkabaga-an, whom he marries and by whom he has a son
(p. 114). In some instances this hero and his son Kanag converse with
thunder and lightning, which appear at times not unlike human beings
(p. 100); but in the eighth relation the two kinds of lightning are
pictured as dogs who guard the town of Dona.
These people enjoy unusual relations with inanimate things, and we find
them conversing with spears and with jars. [29] In one case the latter
appear to be pastured like animals, and surround Aponitolau when he
goes to feed them with _lawed_ [30] leaves and salt (p. 51). Weapons
weep blood and oil when taken down for the purpose of injuring certain
persons (p. 43). A nose flute, when played by a youth, tells him of
his mother's plight (p. 152), while a bamboo Jew's harp summons the
brothers of its owner (p. 162). Animals and birds are frequently in
communication with them: The hawk flies away and spreads the news of
the fight at Adasin [31] (p. 90); at the bidding of Dalonágan a spider
spins a web about the town (p. 124); and Aponitolau is enabled to
fulfill the labors assigned him by the ten-headed giant only through
the aid of spiders, ants, and flies (p. 101). [32] During certain
dances the water from the river flows over the town and fish come
up and bite the feet of the dancers (p. 59). Crocodiles are left to
guard the sister of Aponibalagen, and when they fail to explain their
negligence they are whipped and sent away by their master (p. 87). A
great bird is pleased with Aponitolau and carries him away [33] to its
home, where it forces him to marry a woman it had previously captured
(p. 92). In one instance an animal gives birth to a human child; a frog
laps up the spittle of Aponitolau, and as a result becomes pregnant
[34] and gives birth to a maiden who is taken away by the spirits
(p. 105). Another account states that the three sons of Aponitolau
and Aponibolinayen are born as pigs, but later assume human form
(p. 116). Kanag becomes a snake when he tries to secure the perfume
of Baliwán, but is restored to human form when he bathes in a magic
well (p. 137). These and other mysterious happenings, many of which
are not explained as being due to their own volition, befall them;
thus Ingiwan, while walking, is confronted by an impassable hill and
is compelled to cross the ocean, where he finds his future wife, but
upon his return the hill has vanished (p. 86). In other instances the
finger rings of people meeting for the first time exchange themselves
(p. 92). The headband of Ligi flies away without his knowledge and
alights on the skirt of a girl who is bathing in the river. As a
result she becomes pregnant, and when the facts become known Ligi is
recognized as the child's father (p. 144). It seems probable that
the superior powers are responsible for these occurrences, for in
at least one instance the great spirit Kaboniyan steals a maiden and
turns her into a flock of birds, who talk with and assist the owner
of a rice field (p. 151).
While they thus appear to be to a certain extent under the control
of the spirits and to be surrounded by animals and inanimate things
with human intelligence and speech, the people of these "first times"
possess great power over nature: Time and space are annihilated, for
at their will daylight comes at once (p. 150), or they are transported
to a place in an instant (p. 92). At their command people appear:
Kanag creates betel-nut trees, then cuts the fruit into bits, which he
sows on the ground. From these come many people who are his neighbors,
and one of whom he marries (p. 121). The course of nature is changed:
A field is planted in an instant; the crops mature in a few days, and
the grain and fruits take themselves to the store-house (p. 150). A
strike-a-light turns into a hill which impedes pursuers [35] (p. 75),
while a belt or headaxe serves as a ferry across a body of water
(p. 84). A storm is called upon to carry a person or a building to
a distance (p. 121), and a spring is created by killing an old man
(p. 60). [36] Prepared food appears at a word; a stick when cooked
becomes a fish, and though it is repeatedly broken and served it
always appears ready for service at meal time (p. 33); a small jar
containing a single grain of rice supplies an abundance of food;
another jar no larger than a fist furnishes drink for a company and
still remains a third full; while a single earring fills a pot with
gold [37] (pp. 47, 119, 123).
Quite as easy as the creation of beings is the causing of sleep or
death. All the people of a village are put to sleep at the will of a
single person (p. 145) and Albaga--while still at a distance--causes
the death of Aponibolinayen (p. 44). At a word of command the
spears and headaxes of the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan go out
and kill great numbers of the enemy, and the heads and booty take
themselves in orderly fashion to towns of their new owners (pp. 66,
75). Many methods of restoring the dead to life are employed; spittle
is applied to the wounds, or the victim is placed in a magic well,
but the common method is for the hero "to whip his perfume," [38]
whereupon the dead follow his commands (pp. 152, 157).
The birth of a child, to a woman of these times, is generally preceded
by an intense itching between the third and last fingers, and when this
spot is pricked the child pops out "like popped rice." [39] Its growth
is always magical, for at each bath its stature increases by a span
(p. 102). Within a few days the baby is a large child and then begins
deeds of valor worthy of the most renowned warriors (pp. 95, 96).
The power of assuming animal forms appears to be a common possession,
and we find the different characters changing themselves into
fire-flies, ants, centipedes, omen birds, and in one case into oil [40]
(pp. 85, 99).
One of the most peculiar yet constantly used powers of these people
is their ability to send betel-nuts on various missions. Whenever
an invitation to a ceremony or celebration is to be extended, nuts
covered with gold are oiled and sent out. They go to the intended
guest, state their errand, and, if refused, forthwith proceed to grow
on his knee, forehead, or pet pig, until pain or pity compels him to
accept (p. 146). In some cases it appears that the nuts themselves
possess the magic properties, for we find Aponitolau demanding that
his conquered foes give him their betel-nuts with magic power (p. 91).
Relationships can be readily ascertained by the chewing of these nuts,
for when the quids are laid down they are transformed into agate and
golden beads and lie in such a manner that the associations are fully
established (pp. 35, 36, 41).
Enough has been mentioned to show how important a part magic and
magical practices play in the life of this people, but one further
reference should be made, since it is found in nearly every tale. When
the marriage price is settled upon, the mother of the groom exercises
her power and at once fills the spirit house with valuable jars and the
like; this is repeated until enough are gathered to meet the demands
of the girl's people (p. 133). Even when the agreed sum has been
delivered we often find the girl's mother herself practicing magic,
to secure additional payment, and by raising her elbows or eyebrows
causing a part of the jars to vanish (pp. 133, 143).
Despite their great gifts we find that these people are not
all-powerful and that they deem it wise to consult the omens before
starting on a task or a journey. The gall sack and liver of a pig are
eagerly examined, [41] while the calls of birds, actions of animals,
or signs received from the thunder and lightning regulate their
conduct. In cases where these warnings are disregarded misfortune or
death always overtakes the individual (pp. 48, 49, 100 ff).
Death comes to them, but apparently is only a temporary state. The
deceased are often revived by some magical process (p. 152), but if
not the corpse is placed on a raft and is set adrift on the river. [42]
The streams and rivers, we are told, all flow past Nagbotobotán before
they empty into the hole where all streams go. In this place lives the
old woman Alokotán, who is related to the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan. Her duty it is to watch for dead relatives, to secure them,
and make them alive again (p. 132). She is the owner of a magic pool,
the waters of which revive the dead and renew youth.
_Comparison of the Reconstructed Culture with Present Day
Conditions_.--Before passing to a consideration of the tales in the
last two divisions of our material, it may be well to compare the life
and beliefs of these "people of the first times" with those of the
living Tinguian. Kadalayapan and Kaodanan appear, in a vague way,
to have been located in Abra, for we learn that the Ilocano, Don
Carlos, went up the river from Baygan (Vigan) [43] to Kadalayapan;
that the _alzados_ [44] lived near by; while the tattooed Igorot
occupied the land to the south (pp. 77, 155). The villages were
surrounded by defensive walls such as were to be found about all
Tinguian villages until recent times, and which are still to be seen
about Abang and other settlements. Within the walls were many houses,
the descriptions of most of which would fit the dwellings of to
day. The one thing which seems foreign to present conditions is the
so-called "ninth room" which receives rather frequent mention. There
is nothing in the tales referring to buildings or house construction
which lends support to the contention of those who seek to class the
Tinguian as a modified sub-group of Igorot. [45] The Bontoc type of
dwelling with its ground floor sleeping box and its elevated one room
kitchen and storage room is nowhere mentioned, neither is there any
indication that in past or present times the Tinguian had separate
sleeping houses for the unmarried men and boys, and for the girls,
as do their neighbors to the south.
The other structures, such as the spirit houses, rice drying
frames, and granaries were similar to those seen to-day in all the
villages. Likewise the house furnishings, the musical instruments,
and even the games of the children were such as are to be found at
present, while our picture of the village life given on page 9 still
fits nearly any Tinguian settlement in Abra. The animals mentioned
are all familiar to the present people, but it is worthy of note
that in the first twenty-six tales, which make up the cycle proper,
the horse is not mentioned, nor does the carabao appear to be used
as a work animal. Still more important is the fact that the terraced
fields and the rice culture accompanying them, which to-day occupy
a predominant place in the economic life of the people, are nowhere
mentioned. On the other hand, the _langpádan_, or mountain rice,
assumes a place of great importance. References to the cultivation
of the land all seem to indicate that the "hoe culture," which is
still practiced to a limited extent, took the place of agriculture.
The clothing, hair dressing, and ornaments, worn by these people,
agree closely with those of to-day. Beads seems to have been of
prime importance, but could scarcely have been more prized or more
used than at present. Unless she be in mourning, the hair and neck
of each woman are now ornamented with strings of beads, many of them
of evident antiquity, while strands above strands cover the arms from
the wrist to the elbow or even reach to the shoulder. [46]
The wealth of a person seems to have been, to a large extent,
determined by the number of old jars in his possession. As at the
present time, they formed the basis of settlement for feuds, as payment
for a bride, and even figured in the marriage ceremony itself. The
jars, as judged from their names, were evidently of ancient Chinese
manufacture, and possessed power of speech and motion similar to that
of human beings; but in a lesser measure the same type of jars have
similar powers to-day. [47]
The use of gold and jewels seems to have been common in the old times;
the latter are seldom seen in the district to-day, but the use of bits
of gold in the various ceremonies is still common, while earrings of
gold or copper are among the most prized possessions of the women. [48]
Placer mining is well known to the Igorot of the south, who melt and
cast the metal into various ornaments. So far as I am aware, this is
not practiced by the present Tinguian, but may point back to a time
when the industry was known in this region, or when trade relations
with the south were much freer than in recent years.
The weapons of the warriors, which we are specifically told were of
metal, are identical with those seen at the present time, while the
methods of warfare agree with the accounts still told by the old men
of their youthful exploits.
A survey of the tales brings out boldly the fact that a headhunt was
one of the most important events in Tinguian life. To-day stress of
circumstances has caused the custom to suffer a rapid decline, but
even now heads are occasionally taken, while most of the old men have
vivid recollections of the days when they fought "in the towns of their
enemies." A spirited account of a head celebration seen in the village
of Lagangilang--from which ten of these tales were collected--will
be found in the writings of La Gironiere, already referred to. [49]
It is important to note that this account, as well as those secured
from many warriors of the present generation, offers some striking
differences to the procedure in the olden days, particularly as regards
the disposal of the skulls. The tales tell of the heads being placed
on the _sagang_ [50] at the spring, at the gate, or about the town,
after the celebration. Certain of the present villages make use of
the _sagang_, but the more common type of head holder is the _saloko_,
[51] which still figures in many ceremonies. However, the heads only
remain in these receptacles until the day set for the festival. They
are then carried to the centre of the village and there, amid
great rejoicing, are cut open; the brains are removed and to them
are added the lobes of the ears and joints of the little fingers,
and the whole is then placed in the liquor, which is served to the
dancers. Before the guests depart the skulls are broken into small
pieces and a fragment is presented to each male guest, who carries
it home and is thus often reminded of the valor of the takers. [52]
A study of Tinguian beliefs furnishes an additional religious motive
for the taking of heads, but with the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan revenge and the desire for renown were the prime incentives.
Every tale emphasizes the importance of the _Sayang_ ceremony and
the spirit structure known as _balaua_. [53] The ceremony is nowhere
described in full, but the many details which are supplied show that
it was almost identical with that of to-day. The same is true of the
_Dawak_, [54] which we find mentioned on three different occasions, and
of the ceremony made to aid in locating lost or stolen articles. The
most noticeable fact, to the person familiar with Tinguian life,
is that these are the only ceremonies mentioned among the many known
and practiced at present. More than a score of different rites are
now well known to this people, and occupy a very considerable portion
of their time and attention during the first four months of the year.
The failure to make mention of these very important events is
explained, it seems to me, not by their absence, but by the fact that
these rites vary in importance and that the privilege of celebrating
them is hereditary in a family. Should one not entitled to hold
such a ceremony desire to do so, he must first give, in order, all
the lesser events, a costly procedure extending over a period of
several years. The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan always appear
as being closely related to the spirit Kaboniyan, [55] and exceedingly
powerful. It seems probable that the story teller takes it for granted
that all of them are entitled to hold the most important ceremony
known to the Tinguian.
A prominent figure in these rites is the medium, through whom the
ancient people generally conversed with the spirits, but in exceptional
cases we found the heroes talking direct with the superior beings;
however, this gift is not confined to the men of old, for in such
tales as 55 and 59 people who are believed to have lived recently
have conversed with the spirits and have even been joined to them
in marriage.
The procedure in choosing a bride, the engagement, the _pakálon_,
[56] and the marriage proper are all those of the present day, but the
rules governing the marriage of relatives differ radically. As already
noted, one of the chief qualifications for marriage, among the people
of the tales, was relationship, and even cousins became husband and
wife. Such a thing is unthinkable among the Tinguian of to-day; first
cousins are absolutely barred from marrying, while even the union of
second cousins would cause a scandal, and it is very doubtful if such a
wife would be allowed to share in her deceased husband's property. [57]
It appears that only one real [58] wife is recognized as legitimate,
but that from "the first times" to the present a man might have as
many concubines as he could secure.
So far as mythology and present day conditions can inform us the bride
has always gone to the home of her husband and, for a time at least,
has been subject to the dictations of her mother-in-law, although the
couple are generally soon established in a home of their own, in the
town of the groom. There is nothing in Tinguian life or tradition to
indicate that they have ever had a clan system or a matriarchal form
of government.
The few references to the procedure immediately after a death indicate
that, in part, the people of to-day follow the old custom; but here
again an important departure occurs. We are thrice told that the
corpse was placed on a little raft called _tabalang_ and set adrift
on the river; and in one case the afterbirth was treated in the same
manner. Nothing of the sort is done to-day, nor does it seem at all
likely that such has been the case in recent generations. The body
is now buried beneath the house, and certain set rules govern the
movements of all persons related to the deceased, as well as the
disposal of the corpse. This procedure is so complex and so uniform
throughout the whole Tinguian belt that it seems improbable that it
has grown up, except through a long period of time. At this point
it is interesting to note that at many ceremonies it is necessary
to construct a small raft called _tal-talababong,_ or _talabong_,
to place offerings in it, and set it adrift on the stream, in order
that any spirits who have been prevented from attending the ceremony
may still secure their share. [59]
The festivals, the dances, the observances of the proprieties required
by good breeding or custom of to-day, follow closely those given in
the tales. The greatest divergence is in the offering of betel-nuts
and the telling of names, which occupies such an important place in
the narratives. The use of betel-nut for chewing is less common among
the Tinguian people than with most other Philippine tribes, a fact
which may be accounted for by their constant use of tobacco. However,
betel-nuts still occupy a most important place in the various
ceremonies, and many offerings intended for the spirits must be
accompanied with the prepared nut. In nearly every instance when
invitations were sent out, for a ceremony, the people of the tales
intrusted an oiled betel-nut covered with gold with this duty. This
has its counterpart to-day in the small gifts of gold which are
often carried to some friend, in another town, whose presence is
particularly desired. It seems not improbable that the golden colored
husks of the ripe betel-nuts may have suggested the substitution.
Magic was practiced extensively in "the first time," but it is by
no means unknown to the people of the present day. They cannot now
bring a dead person to life, or create human beings out of bits of
betel-nut; but they can and do cause sickness and death to their foes
by performing certain rites or directing actions against garments or
other objects recently in their possession. Even the name of an enemy
can be applied to an animal or inanimate object and action against
it be transferred to the owner.
Like the Tinguian, the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan are warned
or encouraged by omens received through the medium of birds, thunder,
lightning, or the condition of the gall and liver of a slaughtered pig;
[60] and like them they suffer for failure to heed these warnings,
or for the infraction of a taboo.
The myths of the first division make it plain that, to the people of
those times, the sun, moon, and stars were animate--either spirits or
human beings. In some cases a similar conception was held for thunder
and lightning, while in others they appear as animals. It will appear
that such ideas are not foreign to the second division of the tales,
which represent present day beliefs. Thus, in the mountain village
of Baay the sky is considered as a male spirit--the husband of the
earth, and father of sun and moon. Again, in Lagangilang and Abang,
the thunderbolt is identified as Kadaklan--the most powerful of all
spirits--who "often eats the ground and releases his wife Agemem."
This brings us to a most interesting question, namely: Are the chief
actors in our tales to be considered as celestial beings and spirits,
or as human heroes? We have already made note of the fact that in the
first tale Aponitolau is identified with Ini-init whom, we are told,
was "the sun," "the man who makes the sun," "a round stone which
rolls." In this tale he marries Aponibolinayen, a maiden whose name
may possibly be construed to mean "the woman in the moon." [61]
However, we find Aponitolau abandoning his place in the sky and
going to reside in Kadalayapan. This tale comes from the town of
Langangilang where, as we have already seen, the celestial beings
are regarded as spirits. Tale fifteen, coming from the same town,
shows us this same Aponitolau going up to the sky, where he marries
the spirit Kabkabaga-an, but as before he returns to his home below. A
further indication of his celestial character is perhaps afforded us
in tale fourteen, which was recorded in Patok, a valley town in which
the sun, moon, and stars are now regarded as "lights" belonging to
the spirit Kadaklan. Here we find that Aponitolau marries the star
maid Gaygayóma, who is the daughter of the big star Bagbagak, and
Sinag--the moon. In this same tale Aponibolinayen appears as the
first wife of Aponitolau, and it is clear that in the mind of the
story teller she is not identified with Sinag. Aponitolau appears in
the other tales without any hint of celestial qualities. Aside from
her name and the fact that she is once pictured as visiting the sky,
there is nothing to indicate that his wife Aponibolinayen is to be
considered as the moon. A careful study of the other characters who
reside in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan fails to yield any evidence that
they are considered as celestial beings.
During the _Sayang_ ceremony held in San Juan, a certain man and
woman, who are then called Iwaginán and Gimbagon [62], represent the
good spirits and are defended by the people when evil spirits try to
dispossess them of their property. This is the only instance I have
observed in which the names of any of these characters of the tales
appear in the ceremonies, while a list of more than one hundred and
fifty spirits known to the Tinguian fails to reveal more.
While in the practice of magic, and in their communication with nature,
celestial bodies, and spirits, these "people of the first times"
far excelled the present Tinguian, they had a material culture and
ceremonial life much like that still found in Abra.
It seems then that these people, about whom the stories cluster, are
not to be identified as celestial beings or spirits [63]. They appear
rather as generalized heroes whose life and deeds represent that of
an earlier period, magnified and extolled by succeeding generations.