RELIGION.

It is a strange thing that the way to save Mens Souls should be such a

cunning Trade, as to require a skilful Master.

The time spent in praying to God, might be better employed in deserving

well from him.

Men think praying the easier Task of the two, and therefore choose it.

The People would not believe in God at all, if they were not permitted to

believe wrong in him.

The several Sorts of Religion in the World are little more than so many

spiritual Monopolies.

If their Interests could be reconciled, their Opinions would be so too.

Men pretend to serve God Almighty who doth not need it, but make use of

him because they need him.

Factions are like Pirates that set out false Colours, when they come near

a Booty Religion is put under Deck.

Most Mens Anger about Religion is as if two Men should quarrel for a Lady,

they neither of them care for.

_Of_ PREROGATIVE, POWER _and_ LIBERTY.

A Prerogative that tendeth to the Dissolution of all Laws must be void in

itself, _felo de se_; for a Prerogative is a Law. The reason of any Law

is, that no Man's Will should be a Law.

The King is the Life of the Law, and cannot have a Prerogative that is

mortal to it.

The Law is to have a Soul in it, or it is a dead thing. The King is by his

Sovereign Power to add Warmth and Vigour to the meaning of the Law. We are

by no means to imagine there is such an Antipathy between them, that the

Prerogative, like a Basilisk, is to kill the Law, whenever it looks upon

it.

The Prince hath very rarely use of his Prerogative, but hath constantly a

great Advantage by the Laws.

They attribute to the Pope indeed, that all the Laws of the Church are in

his Breast; but then he hath the Holy Ghost for his learned Counsel, _&c._

The People's Obedience must be _plain_, and without _Evasions_. The

Prince's Prerogative should be so too.

King _Charles the First_ made this Answer to the Petition of Right, (to

the Observation whereof he held himself obliged in Conscience, as well as

of his Prerogative.) "That the People's Liberties strengthen the King's

Prerogative, and the King's Prerogative is to defend the People's

Liberties."

That Prince's Declarations allow the Original of Government to come from

the People. Prerogative never yet pretended to repealing.

The first ground of Prerogative was to enable the Prince to do _good_, not

to do _every thing_.

If the ground of a King's desire of Power be his assurance of himself that

he will do no hurt by it; is it not an Argument for Subjects to desire to

_keep_ that which they will never _abuse_?

It must not be such a Prerogative as giveth the Government the Rickets;

all the Nourishment to go to the upper part, and the lower starved.

As a Prince is in danger who calleth a stronger than himself to his

Assistance; so when Prerogative useth _Necessity_ for an Argument, it

calleth in a stronger thing than itself. The same Reason may overturn it.

Necessity too is so plain a thing, that every body sees it, so that the

Magistrate hath no great privilege in being the Judge of it. Necessity

therefore is a dangerous Argument for Princes, since (wherever it is real)

it constitutes every Man a Magistrate, and gives as great a Power of

dispensing to every private Man, as a Prince can claim.

It is not so proper to say that _Prerogative_ justifieth _Force_, as that

_Force_ supporteth _Prerogative_. They have not been such constant

Friends, but that they have had terrible _Fallings_ out.

All Powers are of God; and between _Permission_ and _Appointment_, well

considered, there is no real difference.

In a limited Monarchy, Prerogative and Liberty are as jealous of one

another as any two neighbouring States can be of their respective

Incroachments.

They ought not to part for small Bickerings, and must bear little

Jealousies without breaking for them.

Power is so apt to be insolent, and Liberty to be saucy, that they are

very seldom upon good Terms.

They are both so quarrelsome that they will not easily enter into a fair

Treaty. For indeed it is hard to bring them together; they ever quarrel at

a distance.

Power and Liberty are respectively managed in the World in a manner not

suitable to their Value and Dignity.

They are both so abused that it justifieth the Satires that are generally

made upon them. And

They are so in Possession of being misapplied, that instead of censuring

their being abused, it is more reasonable to wonder whenever they are

_not_ so.

They are perpetually wrestling, and have had their Turns when they have

been thrown, to have their Bones broken by it.

If they were not both apt to be out of Breath, there would be no living.

If Prerogative will urge Reason to support it, it must bear Reason when it

resisteth it.

It is a Diminution instead of a Glory, to be above treating upon equal

Terms with Reason.

If the People were designed to be the sole Property of the supream

Magistrate, sure God would have made them of a differing and subordinate

Species; as he hath the Beasts, that by the Inferiority of their Nature

they might the better submit to the Dominion of Mankind.

If none were to have Liberty but those who understand what it is, there

would not be many freed Men in the World.

When the People contend for their Liberty, they seldom get any thing by

their Victory but new Masters.

Liberty can neither be got, nor kept, but by so much Care, that Mankind

generally are unwilling to give the Price for it. And therefore, in the

Contest between Ease and Liberty, the first hath generally prevailed.

_Of_ LAWS.

Laws are generally not understood by three Sorts of Persons, _viz._ by

those that make them, by those that execute them, and by those that

suffer, if they break them.

Men seldom understand any Laws but those they _feel_.

Precepts, like Fomentations, must be rubbed into us; and with a rough Hand

too.

If the Laws could speak for themselves, they would complain of the Lawyers

in the first Place.

There is more Learning now required to explain a Law made, than went to

the making it.

The Law hath so many Contradictions, and Varyings from itself, that the

Law may not improperly be called a Law-breaker.

It is become too changeable a thing to be defined: it is made little less

a _Mystery_ than the _Gospel_.

The Clergy and the Lawyers, like the Free-Masons, may be supposed to take

an Oath not to tell the Secret.

The Men of Law have a Biass to their calling in the Interpretations they

make of the Law.

_Of_ PARLIAMENTS.

The Parliaments are so altered from their original Constitution, that

between the Court and the Country, the House, instead of being united, is

like Troops of a contrary Party facing one another, and watching their

Advantage.

Even the well-meaning Men who have good Sense too, have their Difficulties

in an Assembly; what they offer honestly for a good End, will be skilfully

improved for an ill one.

It is strange that a gross Mistake should live a Minute in an Assembly;

one would expect that it should be immediately stifled by their discerning

Faculties. But Practice convinceth that a Mistake is no where better

entertained.

In Parliaments, Men wrangle in behalf of Liberty, that do as little care

for it, as they deserve it.

Where the People in Parliament give a good deal of Money in exchange for

any thing from the Crown, a wise Prince can hardly have an ill bargain.

The present Gift begetteth more; it is a Politick kind of Generation; and

whenever a Parliament does not bring forth, it is the Unskilfulness of the

Government, that is the cause of the Miscarriage.

Parliaments would bind and limit one another, and enact that such and such

things shall not be made _Precedents_. There is not a word of Sense in

this Language, which yet is to be understood the Sense of the Nation, and

is printed as solemnly as if it was Sense.

_Of_ PARTIES.

The best Party is but a kind of a Conspiracy against the rest of the

Nation. They put every body else out of their Protection. Like the _Jews_

to the _Gentiles_, all others are the Offscowrings of the World.

Men value themselves upon their Principles, so as to neglect Practice,

Abilities, Industry, _&c._

Party cutteth off one half of the World from the other, so that the mutual

Improvement of Mens Understanding by conversing, _&c._ is lost, and Men

are half undone, when they lose the advantage of knowing what their

Enemies think of them.

It is like Faith without Works; They take it for a Dispensation from all

other Duties, which is the worst kind of _dispensing Power_.

It groweth to be the Master Thought; the Eagerness against one another at

home, being a nearer Object, extinguisheth that which we ought to have

against our foreign Enemies; and few Mens Understandings can get above

overvaluing the Danger that is nearest, in comparison of that more remote.

It turneth all Thought into talking instead of doing. Men get a habit of

being unuseful to the Publick by turning in a Circle of Wrangling and

Railing, which they cannot get out of: And it may be remarked, that a

_speculative_ Coxcomb is not only unuseful, but mischievous: A _practical_

Coxcomb under discipline may be made use of.

It maketh a Man thrust his Understanding into a Corner, and confine it

till by degrees he destroys it.

Party is generally an Effect of Wantonness, Peace, and Plenty, which beget

Humour, Pride, _&c._ and that is called Zeal and publick Spirit.

They forget insensibly that there is any body in the World but themselves,

by keeping no other Company; so they miscalculate cruelly. And thus

Parties mistake their Strength by the same reason that private Men

overvalue themselves; for we by finding fault with others, build up a

partial Esteem of ourselves upon the Foundation of their Mistakes: So Men

in Parties find faults with those in the Administration, not without

reason, but forget that they would be exposed to the same Objections, and

perhaps greater, if it was their Adversary's turn to have the

fault-finding part.

There are Men who shine in a Faction, and make a Figure by Opposition, who

would stand in a worse light, if they had the Preferments they struggle

for.

It looketh so like _Courage_ (but nothing that is like is the same) to go

to the _Extream_, that Men are carried away with it, and blown up out of

their Senses by the wind of popular Applause.

That which looketh _bold_ is a great Object that the People can discern;

But that which is _wise_ is not so easily seen: It is one part of it that

it is not seen, but at the _End_ of a Design. Those who are disposed to be

wise too late, are apt to be valiant too early.

Most Men enter into a Party rashly, and retreat from it as shamefully. As

they encourage one another at first, so they betray one another at last:

And because every Qualification is capable of being corrupted by the

Excess, they fall upon the extream, to fix mutual Reproaches upon one

another.

Party is little less than an Inquisition, where Men are under such a

Discipline in carrying on the common Cause, as leaves no Liberty of

private Opinion.

It is hard to produce an Instance where a Party did ever succeed against a

Government, except they had a good handle given them.

No original Party ever prevailed in a turn; it brought up _something

else_, but the first Projectors were thrown off.

If there are two Parties, a Man ought to adhere to that which he disliketh

least, though in the whole he doth not approve it: For whilst he doth not

list himself in one or the other Party, he is looked upon as such a

Straggler, that he is fallen upon by both. Therefore a Man under such a

Misfortune of Singularity, is neither to provoke the World, nor disquiet

himself, by taking any particular Station.

It becometh him to live in the Shade, and keep his Mistakes from giving

Offence; but if they are his Opinions, he cannot put them off as he doth

his Cloaths. Happy those who are convinced so as to be of the general

Opinions.

Ignorance maketh most Men go into a Party, and Shame keepeth them from

getting out of it.

More Men hurt others, they do not know why, than for any reason.

If there was any Party entirely composed of honest Men, it would certainly

prevail; but both the honest Men and the Knaves resolve to turn one

another off when the Business is done.

They by turns defame all _England_, so nobody can be employed that hath

not been branded: There are few Things so criminal as a Place.

_Of_ COURTS.

The Court may be said to be a Company of well-bred fashionable Beggars.

At Court, if a Man hath too much Pride to be a Creature, he had better

stay at home: A Man who will rise at Court must begin, by creeping upon

All-four: A Place at Court, like a Place in Heaven, is to be got by being

much upon _one's Knees_.

There are hardly two Creatures of a more differing Species than the same

Man, when he is pretending to a Place, and when he is in Possession of it.

Mens Industry is spent in receiving the Rents of a Place, there is little

left for discharging the Duty of it.

Some Places have such a corrupting Influence upon the Man, that it is a

supernatural thing to resist it.

Some Places lye so fair to entertain Corruption, that it looketh like

renouncing a due Perquisite, not to go into it.

If a getting Fool would keep out of Business, he would grow richer in a

Court than a Man of Sense.

One would wonder that in a Court where there is so little Kindness, there

should be so much _whispering_.

Men must brag of kind Letters from Court, at the same time that they do

not believe one Word of them.

Men at Court think so much of their own Cunning, that they forget other

Mens.

After a Revolution, You see the _same Men_ in the Drawing-room, and within

a Week the same _Flatterers_.

_Of_ PUNISHMENT.

Wherever a Government knows _when_ to _show_ the Rod, it will not often be

put to _use_ it. But between the want of Skill, and the want of Honesty,

Faults generally either escape Punishment, or are mended to no Purpose.

Men are not hang'd for stealing Horses, but that Horses may not be stolen.

Wherever a Knave is not punished, an honest Man is laugh'd at.

A Cheat to the Publick is thought infamous, and yet to accuse him is not

thought an honourable part. What a Parodox! 'Tis an ill Method, to make

the Aggravation of the Crime a Security against the Punishment; so that

the Danger is not to _rob_, but not to _rob enough_.

Treason must not be _inlayed Work_ of _several Pieces_, it must be an

entire Piece of itself. _Accumulative_ in that case is a murdering Word,

that carrieth Injustice, and no Sense in it.

An _Inference_, though never so rational, should go no farther than to

justify a _Suspicion_, not so far as to inflict a _Punishment_. Nothing is

so apt to break with Stretching, as an _Inference_; and nothing so

ridiculous, as to see how Fools will abuse one.

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