XIII

Nelson joined the _Victory_ at Portsmouth on the morning of the 14th

September, and met with a great public ovation. He tells Captain

Hardy, as he was being rowed to the _Victory_, that he had "their

huzzas when he landed" (after his prolonged period in commission),

"but now," he proudly remarked, "I have their hearts." His send-off

was magnificent. The contagious flow of tears, the shouting of

blessings, and the fervent petitions that the God of battles should

give him the victory over the enemies of human suffering and liberty

were symptoms of admiration and gratitude which went hot into his

blood as he sat in his barge, the object of reverence. And with a calm

air of conscious power he acknowledged the honour that was showered

upon him by baring his head and bowing gracefully his thanks. It was

manifestly his day of paradise, and with the plaudits still ringing in

his ears the _Victory's_ anchor was weighed on the following day, and

he sailed from St. Helen's Roads to the great conflict and victory for

which he panted, and to the doom that awaited him.

He experienced foul winds until he passed Cape Finisterre, and on the

28th September he joined the fleet of twenty-nine of the line. The

29th September was the anniversary of his forty-seventh year. He says:

"The reception I met with on joining the fleet caused the sweetest

sensation of my life. The officers who came on board to welcome my

return forgot my rank as commander-in-chief in the enthusiasm with

which they greeted me. As soon as these emotions were past, I laid

before them the plan I had previously arranged for attacking the

enemy; and it was not only my pleasure to find it generally approved,

but clearly perceived and understood." In a further communication he

explains to them the "Nelson touch," and all agree that it must

succeed, and that he is surrounded with friends. Then he adds: "Some

may be Judas's, but the majority are certainly pleased at the prospect

of my commanding them."

These are joyous days for him, which are marked by the absence of any

recorded misgivings. His mind is full of making preparations in every

detail to cope with the advent of Villeneuve from Cadiz and for the

plan of attack, of which a long memorandum was circulated to the

fleet. He had planned the form of attack at Trafalgar during his stay

at home, and some time before leaving Merton he confided it to Lord

Sidmouth. He told him "that Rodney broke the enemy's line in one

place, and that _he_ would break it in two." One of the Nelson

"touches" was to "close with a Frenchman, and to out-manoeuvre a

Russian," and this method of terrific onslaught was to be one of the

devices that he had in store for the French at Trafalgar, and which

ended fatally for himself. But it gave the enemy a staggering blow,

from which they never recovered so long as the action lasted. In the

General Orders he says: "Captains are to look to their particular line

as a rallying point, but in case signals cannot be seen or clearly

understood, _no captain can do wrong if he places his ship alongside

that of an enemy_."

The feeling against Sir Robert Calder for not having beaten or forced

another battle on the allied fleets in July did not abate. The public

were out for impeachment, and the Government did nothing to discourage

it; and when Nelson was on the point of leaving England the First Lord

instructed him to convey to Calder the Government's condemnation of

his evident negligence or incapacity. They gave him permission to ask

for the inquiry, but should he not do so, it would be ordered. Nelson

wrote to Barham that he had delivered the message to Sir Robert, and

that it would doubtless give his Lordship pleasure to learn that an

inquiry was just what the Vice-Admiral was anxious to have, and that

he had already sent a letter by the _Nautilus_ to say so, but that he

(Nelson) had detained it. Nelson, in his goodness of heart, urged Sir

Robert to remain until after the action, the result of which would

inevitably change the feeling of the Government and the public in his

favour, and he could then, without any fear, demand an inquiry. Sir

Robert was so crushed with the charge hanging over him, that he

insisted on being allowed to proceed to England at once, and Nelson,

to ease the humiliation and suffering he was passing through, sent him

off in his ninety-gun ship, instead of a frigate. The inquiry was held

in due course, and judgment given against him. The finding is, in our

opinion, based more on prejudice than on any fault he committed, and

as to "committing an error of judgment," it is always difficult to

know what is an error of judgment in circumstances such as he was

confronted with. In any case, it is evident that the Government were

terrified of the effect that public opinion would have on themselves

if they failed to take steps to appease it. We think the Government

would have been serving their country better by keeping this

unfortunate officer in active service when its fleet was on the verge

of a life-or-death struggle for naval supremacy than by dispensing

with his services, which they had thought fit to retain from July to

October. Nelson's attitude was the more patriotic and noble, and under

such circumstances the verdict, however mild, was bound to be given

against the man whose heart they had broken because they were afraid

of public opinion. Nelson was a better judge than they. Discreet

reprimand, combined with a few kindly words of encouragement, was the

proper course at such a time, when every man and ship was so

essential.

On a previous occasion, when a "seventy-four" had stranded, the

officer whose skill and efforts had refloated her was told by Nelson

that he had spoken favourably of him to the Admiralty. The officer

showed in suitable terms his gratitude, but added that he did not

regard what he had done as meriting any notice or praise. The Admiral

pointed out that a battle might easily be lost by the absence of a

line-of-battle ship. When Nelson conveyed the ill-considered and

stupid instructions of the Government to Sir Robert Calder to return

home to be court-martialled, and the latter replied that his letter

"to do so cut him to the soul and that his heart was broken," Nelson

was so overcome with sympathy for Calder that he sacrificed his own

opinions already expressed, and also took the risk of bringing upon

himself the displeasure of the Comptroller of the Navy by giving the

unfortunate man permission to proceed home in a vessel that would have

been so valuable an asset to his fleet. This worthy act, had he lived

and the battle of Trafalgar been drawn or lost, might have laid him

open to impeachment. Nelson's fine courage and sense of proportion

when he thought an injustice or undue severity was being imposed was

never allowed to be trifled with by any official, no matter how high

or subordinate his position might be, and his contempt for men whom he

knew were miserable cocksparrow amateurs was openly avowed.

Whatever the consequences, he would have sooner lost a victory than

have gained one by lending himself to an act that was to injure or

break his brother in arms. Calder left the fleet a few days before the

action, and when it began Nelson remarked to Hardy, "What would poor

Sir Robert Calder give to be with us now!" Even on the eve of a great

encounter the stress of preparation did not dim his sympathy for the

afflicted man, who, on more than one occasion, had allowed envy to

rule his conduct towards him. After the battle of St. Vincent, for

instance, Calder, in conversation with Jervis, criticized Nelson's

action in departing from the plan of attack laid down by the Admiral.

Jervis admitted it to be a breach, and added "if ever Calder did the

same thing under similar circumstances, he would forgive him."

Nelson knew Calder was envious of his growing fame, but this did not

prevent him from acting as though he had always been a loyal friend.

On the morning of the 19th October, 1805, the signal was passed from

ship to ship acting as lookouts to the main fleet that the combined

fleet were putting to sea, and it was soon discovered that their force

consisted of eighteen French line-of-battle ships, seven large

frigates, and two brigs. The Spanish numbered fifteen sail of the

line. The British had twenty-seven sail of the line and four frigates,

so that Nelson was outnumbered by five of the line, three frigates,

and two brigs. The whole of the allied fleet did not get clear of the

port until the 20th. The commander-in-chief was Villeneuve, and his

obvious intention was to get the Straits open and, by a cunning

evasion of the British fleet, make a dash through. His elusive tactics

had hitherto been skilfully performed, but the British Admiral, always

on the alert, anticipated that an effort would again be made to cheat

him of the yearning hope of his heart, and had mentally arranged how

every contingency should be coped with to prevent escape and to get to

grips with the enemy. "I will give them such a shaking as they never

before experienced," and at least he was prepared to lay down his life

in the attempt.

It is pretty certain that, after all his ships had got into the open

sea, Villeneuve's intention was to see how the land lay as to the

British strength, and his manoeuvring indicated that instructions had

been given to hoodwink the British and slip through the Straits of

Gibraltar; but seeing that the entrance was cut off for the moment, he

headed westward, possibly to mislead, but always with the intention of

getting into the Mediterranean. When this information was signalled by

Blackwood, instructions were sent back to him that the Admiral relied

on the enemy being kept in sight. Here is a letter to Lady Hamilton,

dated the 19th October, 1805:--

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