MY DEAR ANTONY,

I have in a former letter quoted a short but noble passage from Lord

Macaulay on the great Lord Chatham.

But I feel that the writer who was perhaps the greatest essayist that

England has ever produced must not in these letters be fobbed off with

so slight a notice and quotation.

What has always seemed to me the supremest passage that flowed

from his wonderful pen is to be found in his paper on Warren Hastings

which appeared originally in the _Edinburgh Review_.

His description in that essay of the opening of the great impeachment,

has given all succeeding generations a vision of one of the most

majestic scenes in the whole history of man.

"There have been spectacles more dazzling to the eye, more

gorgeous with jewellery and cloth of gold, more attractive to

grown-up children, than that which was then exhibited at

Westminster; but, perhaps, there never was a spectacle so well

calculated to strike a highly cultivated, a reflecting, an

imaginative mind. All the various kinds of interest which belong

to the near and to the distant, to the present and to the past,

were collected on one spot and in one hour. All the talents and

all the accomplishments which are developed by liberty and

civilisation were now displayed, with every advantage that could

be derived both from co-operation and from contrast. Every step in

the proceedings carried the mind either backward, through many

troubled centuries, to the days when the foundations of our

constitution were laid; or far away, over boundless seas and

deserts, to dusky nations living under strange stars, worshipping

strange gods, and writing strange characters from right to left.

The High Court of Parliament was to sit, according to forms handed

down from the days of the Plantagenets, on an Englishman accused

of exercising tyranny over the lord of the holy city of Benares,

and over the ladies of the princely house of Oude.

"The place was worthy of such a trial. It was the great hall of

William Rufus, the hall which had resounded with acclamations at

the inauguration of thirty kings, the hall which had witnessed the

just sentence of Bacon and the just absolution of Somers, the hall

where the eloquence of Strafford had for a moment awed and melted

a victorious party inflamed with just resentment, the hall where

Charles had confronted the High Court of Justice with the placid

courage which has half redeemed his fame. Neither military nor

civil pomp was wanting. The avenues were lined with grenadiers.

The streets were kept clear by cavalry. The peers, robed in gold

and ermine, were marshalled by the heralds under Garter

King-at-Arms. The judges in their vestments of state attended to

give advice on points of law. Near a hundred and seventy lords,

three-fourths of the Upper House as the Upper House then was,

walked in solemn order from their usual place of assembling to the

tribunal. The junior Baron present led the way, George Eliot, Lord

Heathfield, recently ennobled for his memorable defence of

Gibraltar against the fleets and armies of France and Spain. The

long procession was closed by the Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal of

the realm, by the great dignitaries, and by the brothers and sons

of the King. Last of all came the Prince of Wales, conspicuous by

his fine person and noble bearing. The grey old walls were hung

with scarlet. The long galleries were crowded by an audience such

as has rarely excited the fears or the emulation of an orator.

There were gathered together, from all parts of a great, free,

enlightened, and prosperous empire, grace and female loveliness,

wit and learning, the representatives of every science and of

every art. There were seated round the Queen the fair-haired young

daughters of the House of Brunswick. There the Ambassadors of

great Kings and Commonwealths gazed with admiration on a spectacle

which no other country in the world could present. There Siddons,

in the prime of her majestic beauty, looked with emotion on a

scene surpassing all the imitations of the stage. There the

historian of the Roman Empire thought of the days when Cicero

pleaded the cause of Sicily against Verres, and when, before a

senate which still retained some show of freedom, Tacitus

thundered against the oppressor of Africa. There were seen, side

by side, the greatest painter and the greatest scholar of the age.

The spectacle had allured Reynolds from that easel which has

preserved to us the thoughtful foreheads of so many writers and

statesmen, and the sweet smiles of so many noble matrons. It had

induced Parr to suspend his labours in that dark and profound mine

from which he had extracted a vast treasure of erudition, a

treasure too often buried in the earth, too often paraded with

injudicious and inelegant ostentation, but still precious,

massive, and splendid. There appeared the voluptuous charms of her

to whom the heir of the throne had in secret plighted his faith.

There too was she, the beautiful mother of a beautiful race, the

Saint Cecilia, whose delicate features, lighted up by love and

music, art has rescued from the common decay. There were the

members of that brilliant society which quoted, criticised, and

exchanged repartees, under the rich peacock hangings of Mrs.

Montague. And there the ladies whose lips, more persuasive than

those of Fox himself, had carried the Westminster election against

palace and treasury, shone round Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire.

"The Serjeants made proclamation. Hastings advanced to the bar,

and bent his knee. The culprit was indeed not unworthy of that

great presence. He had ruled an extensive and populous country,

had made laws and treaties, had sent forth armies, had set up and

pulled down princes. And in his high place he had so borne

himself, that all had feared him, that most had loved him, and

that hatred itself could deny him no title to glory, except

virtue. He looked like a great man, and not like a bad man. A

person small and emaciated, yet deriving dignity from a carriage

which, while it indicated deference to the court, indicated also

habitual self-possession and self-respect, a high and intellectual

forehead, a brow pensive, but not gloomy, a mouth of inflexible

decision, a face pale and worn, but serene, on which was written,

as legibly as under the picture in the council-chamber at

Calcutta, _Mens æqua in arduis_; such was the aspect with which

the great Proconsul presented himself to his judges."

Such a scene can only find its appropriate enactment at the centre of a

great empire and amid a people with an august history behind them,

conscious of present magnificence and confident of future glory.

We are now far into the second century since that memorable spectacle

filled to the walls the great Hall of Westminster.

What was an oligarchy permeated by a fine spirit of liberty and adorned

by the sacred principle of personal freedom, has been superseded by a

socialistic democracy under which personal freedom suffers frequent

curtailments, and liberty is severely abridged by the mandates of trade

unions, the prohibitions of urban potentates, and the usurpations of

medicine men.

Under these cramping and crippling deprivations we have lost the

collective sense of greatness as a race that infused every participator in

the splendid pageant of such an event as the Impeachment of Warren

Hastings. One has but to imagine an impeachment to-day with the

dominant personages in it chosen from the strike leaders and labour

delegates of the proletariat, assisted by promoted railway porters and

ennobled grocers, to perceive what a distance, and down what a

declivity we have travelled since those days when it was impossible for

any great public function to take place without its becoming naturally

and without conscious effort the occasion for a manifestation of the

pomp, circumstance, and splendour inseparable from the solemn acts

of a great people performed by their greatest men.

But I am one, Antony, who look forward with steadfast hope and belief

to a reaction from our present vulgarity, and to a reascension of

England to a greater dignity, honour, and nobleness both in its public

and private life than is observable to-day.

Your loving old

G.P.

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