TILDEN DESTROYS HIS OPPONENTS
1873-4
The Legislature which convened January 6, 1873, re-elected Roscoe
Conkling to the United States Senate. There was no delay and no
opposition. Cornell was in the watch-tower as speaker of the Assembly
and other lieutenants kept guard in the lobbies.[1421] The Republican
caucus nominated on the 8th and the election occurred on the
21st.[1422] A few months later (November 8) the President, in
complimentary and generous terms, offered Conkling the place made
vacant by the death of Chief Justice Chase (May 7). His industry and
legal training admirably fitted him for the position, but for reasons
not specified he declined the distinguished preferment just as he had
refused in December, 1870, the offer of a law partnership with an
annual compensation of fifty thousand dollars. Probably the suggestion
that he become a presidential candidate influenced his decision,
especially as the President favoured his succession.[1423]
[Footnote 1421: Cornell resigned as surveyor of the port and was
elected to the Assembly.]
[Footnote 1422: The Democrats voted for Charles Wheaton of Dutchess,
distinguished locally as a county judge.]
[Footnote 1423: Alfred R. Conkling, _Life of Conkling_, p. 451.]
At this time Conkling, then forty-four years old, may be said to have
reached the height of his power, if not of his fame. His opponents
were under his feet. Greeley was dead, Fenton's long and successful
career had closed in the gloom of defeat and the permanent eclipse of
his influence in public affairs, and others were weakened if not
destroyed by their party desertion. Moreover, the re-election of a
President whom he had supported and defended with an opulent
vocabulary that made his studied addresses models of speech, continued
his political control. About half a dozen able lieutenants, holding
fat offices in the great patronage centres, revolved with the fidelity
of planets, while in every custom-house and federal office in the
State trained politicians performed the function of satellites. To
harness the party more securely hundreds of young men, selected from
the various counties because of their partisan zeal, filled the great
departments at Washington. "In obedience to this system," said George
William Curtis, "the whole machinery of the government is pulled to
pieces every four years. Political caucuses, primary meetings, and
conventions are controlled by the promise and expectation of
patronage. Political candidates for the lowest or highest positions
are directly or indirectly pledged. The pledge is the price of the
nomination, and when the election is determined, the pledges must be
redeemed. The business of the nation, the legislation of Congress, the
duties of the departments, are all subordinated to the distribution of
what is well called spoils."[1424]
[Footnote 1424: Report of Civil Service Commission, 1871, p. 18.]
President Grant is quoted as declaring that the Senator never sought
an appointment from him.[1425] This statement is probably true, but not
on the theory of the Latin maxim, _Qui facit per alium, facit per
se_.[1426] No occasion existed for him to make requests since his
agents, well known to the President, cabinet, and collectors, could
obtain the necessary appointments without the Senator's participation
or even knowledge. Nevertheless, he relied upon public patronage as an
instrument of party and factional success, and uniformly employed it
throughout his career. The principal objection of the independent
press to his appointment as chief justice implied his devotion to
practical politics and an absence of the quality of true
statesmanship.[1427] Indeed, in spite of his transcendent gifts, his
hold upon party and people was never stronger than the machine's,
since the influence of his control tended to transform political
action into such subserviency that men of spirit, though loving their
party, frequently held aloof from its service.
[Footnote 1425: Conkling, _Life of Conkling_, p. 656.]
[Footnote 1426: "He who does a thing by the agency of another, does it
himself."]
[Footnote 1427: The _Nation_, December 4, 1873.]
But Conkling used only the methods inherited with his leadership, and
to all appearances the grasp of the Republican party in New York in
January, 1873, was as firm as the most ardent partisan could desire.
This feeling controlled the State convention at Utica on September 24
to such a degree that its action resembled the partisan narrowness of
a ward caucus. Conkling did not attend, but his lieutenants, evidently
considering the party vote as a force which only needed exhortation or
intimidation to bring out, dropped Barlow, the attorney-general,
without the slightest regard to public sentiment, and visited the
penalty of party treason upon Thomas Raines, the State treasurer, for
his support of Greeley. From a party viewpoint perhaps Raines deserved
such treatment, but Francis C. Barlow's conduct of his office had been
characterised by the superb daring with which he met the dangers and
difficulties of many battlefields, making him the connecting link
between his party and the Reform movement. He had prosecuted the Erie
spoilers, and was then engaged in securing the punishment of the
Tammany ring. O'Conor spoke of his "austere integrity" in refusing to
accept millions as a compromise.[1428] Moreover it was conceded that
Barlow, with the possible exception of Tilden and O'Conor, knew more
of the canal frauds than any one in the State. The list of suits
brought by him showed the rottenness of the whole system of canal
management, while a recent letter, denouncing a leader of the Ring,
did not veil his hostility to its individual members.[1429] This
attack, boldly directed against a prominent Republican, aroused the
fierce opposition of the contract manipulators, whose influence
sufficed not only to defeat him, but to nominate the very man he had
accused.
[Footnote 1428: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 245.]
[Footnote 1429: This letter, dated September 14, 1874, is published in
nearly all the State papers of September 18. It is given in full in
the New York _Herald_ and _Times_.
Sanford E. Church, in a published interview, charged that the story of
his connection with the ring originated with Barlow.--New York
_Tribune_, April 2, 1875.]
To add to its shame the party in New York City made a bargain with
Apollo Hall, an organisation gotten up by James O'Brien, the
ex-sheriff, for the purpose of selling to the highest bidder. In 1871
by skilful manoeuvres the party freed itself from any suspicion of
an alliance with this faction, and had thus to a very great extent
obtained the direction of the Reform movement; but now, by dropping
Barlow, ignoring his disclosures, and accepting O'Brien's offer,
already rejected by Tammany with contempt, it sacrificed its hold upon
the solid part of the community which had been taught that a vote for
the Republican ticket was the only way to obtain the fruits of
reform.[1430]
[Footnote 1430: The ticket presented was as follows: Secretary of
State, Francis S. Thayer, Rensselaer; Comptroller, Nelson K. Hopkins,
Erie; Treasurer, Daniel G. Fort, Oswego; Attorney-General, Benj. D.
Silliman, Kings; Canal Commissioner, Sidney Mead, Cayuga; State
Engineer, William B. Taylor, Oneida; Prison Inspector, Moss K. Platt,
Essex.]
At the Democratic convention which met in Utica on October 1, Thomas
Raines, whose adhesion to Greeley had made him a martyr, was nominated
by acclamation. Here, however, the enthusiasm ended. The overwhelming
defeat of the previous year had sapped the party of confidence, and
candidates whom the convention desired refused to accept, while those
it nominated brought neither prominence nor strength.[1431] The
platform denounced the "salary grab," passed in the closing hours of
the last Congress, and condemned the Crédit Mobilier disclosures which
had recently startled the country and disgraced Congress.[1432] Through
its executive committee the Liberal party indorsed the Democratic
nominees except for comptroller and prison inspector. For these
offices it preferred the Republicans' choice of Hopkins and Platt.
[Footnote 1431: The following ticket was nominated: Secretary of State,
Diedrich Willers, Seneca; Comptroller, Asher P. Nichols, Erie;
Treasurer, Thomas Raines, Monroe; Attorney-General, Daniel Pratt,
Onondaga; Canal Commissioner, James Jackson, Niagara; State Engineer,
Sylvanus H. Sweet, Albany; Prison Inspector, George W. Mellspaugh,
Orange.]
[Footnote 1432: James Brooks was the only New York congressman
implicated. The committee, finding him guilty of corruption as a
member of the House and as a government director of the Union Pacific
Railroad, recommended his expulsion, but on February 27, 1873, the
House, by a vote of 174 to 32 (34 not voting) changed the sentence to
one of censure. Brooks died on April 30 following.]
Meanwhile the financial crash which began on September 18 by the
failure of Jay Cooke & Co., spread an intense gloom over the State as
well as the country, and although by the middle of October the panic,
properly defined, had ended, a commercial crisis continued. By
November 1 several railroads had defaulted in the payment of interest
on their bonds, cotton and iron mills had closed, and many labourers
were thrown out of employment. Criticism of the Administration's
financial policy naturally followed, and men whose purchasing power
had ceased turned against the Republicans, giving the State to the
Democrats by 10,000 majority. With the aid of the Liberals, Hopkins
and Platt received about 4,000 majority. On the question of electing
or appointing judges, the people by an overwhelming vote pronounced in
favour of election.
As in other "off years" the result of this contest indicated a general
drift of political opinion. Ever since the Republican party came into
power ebbs and flows had occurred at alternating biennial periods. A
Democratic revival in 1862 followed Lincoln's election in 1860; his
re-election in 1864 saw a similar revival in 1865; and Grant's
decisive vote in 1868 brought a conservative reaction in 1870. It was
perhaps natural to expect that after the President's re-election in
1872 something of the kind would happen in 1873. Nevertheless, Samuel
J. Tilden saw in the result something more than the usual reaction. He
believed the failure of the Republicans to associate themselves
intimately with reformers and to manifest a loathing for all corrupt
alliances, had added greatly to their burden, and early in the summer
of 1874 he determined to run for governor.
On his return from Europe in the early fall of 1873 Tilden had found
thoughtful men of both parties talking of him as a successor to Dix.
To them the trials of Tweed and his confederates made it plain that
substantial reform must begin at Albany, and they wanted a man whose
experience and success in dealing with one Ring rendered it certain
that he would assault and carry the works of the other. But Tilden was
cunning. He betrayed no evidence of his desire until others confessed
their unwillingness to take the nomination. To the average
office-seeker running against Dix and his plurality of 55,000 was not
an attractive race. Meanwhile John Kelly, realising the value of
appearing honest, indicated a preference for Tilden.
There was something magnetic about the suggestion. Tilden was able,
rich, and known to everybody as the foe of the Tweed ring. Besides he
was capable, notwithstanding his infirmity, of making a forceful
speech, full of fire, logic and facts, his quick, retentive memory
enabling him to enter easily into political controversy. As a powerful
reasoner it was admitted that he had few equals at the bar. Indeed,
the press, crediting him with courage, perseverance, and indomitable
industry, had pictured him as a successful leader and an ideal
reformer. Tilden himself believed in his destiny, and when, at last,
the time seemed ripe to avow his candidacy he carried on a canvass
which for skill, knowledge of human nature, and of the ins and outs of
politics, had rarely been approached by any preceding master. The
press of the State soon reflected the growing sentiment in his favour.
"In selecting him," said George William Curtis, "the party will
designate one of its most reputable members."[1433] The New York
_Times_ spoke of him as a "man of unsullied honour,"[1434] and the
_Tribune_ declared that "his career in office, should he be elected,
would be distinguished alike by integrity, decorum, administrative
ability, and shrewd political management."[1435]
[Footnote 1433: _Harper's Weekly_, September 10, 1874.]
[Footnote 1434: July 24.]
[Footnote 1435: September 18.]
As one county after another instructed its delegates for Tilden,
professional politicians exhibited much astonishment. To the Canal
ring the trend of public sentiment toward a man of his record and
independence was especially ominous. Suddenly, such violent opposition
appeared that the New York _Herald_, studying the Democratic papers in
the State, declared that outside of New York City only the Utica
_Observer_, which was influenced by Kernan, favoured his
nomination.[1436] It was openly charged that selfish ambition prompted
his prosecution of the Tweed frauds, and that he was a cunning
schemer, cold, reticent, and severe. Then men began to dissuade him.
Friends counselled him not to take the risk of a nominating
convention. Even Seymour, moved perhaps by ambitions of his own,
discouraged him. If nominated, he wrote, you must expect the martyr's
crown. "There has been a widespread plan to carry the convention
against you. It was started last winter, and it shaped laws and
appointments. The State officers are against you.... You will find the
same combination at Syracuse that controlled at Rochester in 1871....
Our people want men in office who will not steal, but who will not
interfere with those who do."[1437] Coupled with this opposition was
the suggestion that Sanford E. Church, being in no wise identified
with the Ring prosecutions, would make a more available candidate.
[Footnote 1436: New York _Herald_, September 7, 1874. See also Buffalo
_Courier_, September 14.]
[Footnote 1437: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, pp. 221-222.]
Earlier in the year Church, in an interview with Tilden, had declined
to become a candidate, but afterward, as in 1872, he grew anxious for
the honour, and finally gave Joseph Warren of the Buffalo _Courier_ a
written consent to accept if nominated with the concurrence of other
candidates.[1438] Armed with this statement and with letters of
withdrawal from others associated with the gubernatorial nomination,
Warren sought Tilden with confidence. By prearrangement their meeting
occurred on September 8 at the Delavan House in Albany. Several were
present--Jarvis Lord, a senator from Rochester and an extensive canal
contractor, DeWolf of Oswego, and other canal men. In the room
adjoining Reuben E. Fenton waited.
[Footnote 1438: For copy of this statement see New York _World_,
September 10, 1874.]
Tilden was not surprised at the latter's presence. He knew that in the
event of his withdrawal, Fenton intended that the Liberals should
nominate Church at their convention which assembled in Albany two days
later.[1439] But Tilden, long familiar with the Ring's methods, refused
to withdraw. On no theory could they make it appear to be his duty,
and the longer they talked the more determined he became. Then John
Kelly, in a published interview, gave Church's aspiration its death
blow. "DeWolf of Oswego, Warren of Erie, and Senator Lord of Monroe,"
he said, "belong to what is called the Canal ring.... It has been
their policy to control a majority of the canal board to enable them
to control the canal contracts.... They have always been very friendly
to Judge Church and of great assistance to him personally.... There
was friendship existing between the old Tammany ring and this Canal
ring."[1440] John Bigelow, the friend of Tilden, subsequently used
stronger phrases. "Tilden knew the Canal ring had no more servile
instrument in the State than the candidate they were urging. Church
was poor; he was ambitious; he was not content with his place on the
bench, and was only too ready at all times to combine with anybody on
any terms to secure wealth and power."[1441] To Kelly's charges the
Buffalo _Courier_ retorted that "Tammany Hall under honest John Kelly
is exactly the same as Tammany Hall under dishonest William M.
Tweed."[1442]
[Footnote 1439: Buffalo _Courier_, September 11; New York _Herald_,
September 9.]
[Footnote 1440: New York _World_, September 10, 1874.]
[Footnote 1441: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 226. See also the
_Nation_, September 10, 1874.]
[Footnote 1442: September 11. Reprinted from the Rochester _Union_ of
September 4.]
When the Democratic State convention met a week later war existed
between Kelly and the Canal ring.[1443] Warren intensified it by giving
the Syracuse _Standard_ a despatch declaring that Kelly's robberies
while sheriff were as criminal as those of Garvey's and Ingersoll's of
the Tweed ring.[1444] In the furious assault upon Tilden no reasons
appeared other than the fear of the Canal ring that his administration
would lead to its discomfiture. Indeed, the flankers of the reform
movement found it difficult to agree upon a candidate, and when Amasa
J. Parker finally consented to stand he did so to gratify Church's
friends in the middle and western portions of the State, who resented
the Kelly interview. That the bad blood between the Warren and Kelly
factions did not break out in the convention was probably due to
Seymour's conciliatory, tactful remarks. A single ballot, however,
banished the thought of setting Tilden aside for some man less
obnoxious to the Ring.[1445]
[Footnote 1443: September 16 and 17, at Syracuse.]
[Footnote 1444: New York _World_, September 17.]
[Footnote 1445: Tilden, 252; Parker, 126; Robinson, 6.]
The convention was not less fortunate in its selection of William
Dorsheimer of Buffalo for lieutenant-governor. Many delegates,
desiring a Democrat who would inspire enthusiasm among the younger
men, preferred Smith M. Weed of Clinton, resourceful and brilliant, if
unembarrassed by methods; but he succumbed to the earnest appeals of
DeWitt C. Littlejohn in behalf of Liberal recognition.[1446] Dorsheimer
possessed almost all the qualities that go to make up success in
politics. He had courage and tact, fascination and audacity, rare
skill on the platform, creditable associations, and marked literary
attainments. Moreover, he had given up a United States attorneyship to
follow Greeley.[1447] Not less helpful was the platform, drafted by
Seymour, which abounded in short, clear, compact statements, without
buncombe or the least equivocation. It demanded the payment of the
public debt in coin, the resumption of specie payment, taxation for
revenue only, local self-government, and State supervision of
corporations. It also denounced sumptuary laws and the third term.
[Footnote 1446: William Dorsheimer, 193; Weed, 155; Stephen T. Hoyt of
Allegany (Liberal), 34; Edward F. Jones of Broome (Liberal), 15.]
[Footnote 1447: He was appointed U.S. Attorney for the Northern
District of New York on March 28, 1867. His successor's commission was
dated March 23, 1871.--_State Department Records._
The ticket nominated was as follows: Governor, Samuel J. Tilden, New
York; Lieutenant-Governor, William Dorsheimer, Erie; Court of Appeals,
Theodore Miller, Columbia; Canal Commissioner, Adin Thayer,
Rensselaer; Prison Inspector, George Wagner, Yates.]
Although John Kelly aided in nominating Tilden, his desire for
anti-ring candidates did not extend to the metropolis. William F.
Havermeyer's sudden death in November made necessary the election of a
mayor, and Kelly, to keep up appearances, selected William H. Wickham,
his neighbour, an easy-going diamond merchant, whose membership on the
Committee of Seventy constituted his only claim to such
preferment.[1448] But here all semblance of reform disappeared. James
Hayes, charged with making half a million dollars during the Tweed
régime, became the candidate for register, and of fifteen persons
selected for aldermen nine belonged to the old Ring, two of whom were
under indictment for fraud.[1449] Evidently Warren did not betray
ignorance when he pronounced the new Tammany no better than the old.
The Republicans presented Salem H. Wales for mayor, while the
Germans, declining to act with Kelly, selected Oswald Ottendorfer, the
editor, a most able and upright citizen who had proven his fidelity to
the reform movement.
[Footnote 1448: "Wickham has no conception beyond making a pleasant
thing for himself and our friends out of the seat which he occupies."
Letter of Charles O'Conor.--Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p.
245.]
[Footnote 1449: Myers, _History of Tammany Hall_, p. 307.]
The Republicans renominated John A. Dix with other State officials
elected in 1872,[1450] and had the Custom-house sincerely desired the
Governor's re-election, the expediency of a coalition with
Ottendorfer's supporters must have appealed to it as highly important.
Dix had made an admirable executive. His decisions of questions
regardless of men and of the next election excited popular confidence,
and the power of public opinion had forced his renomination by
acclamation. But his independence could not be forgiven. Moreover, the
platform gave him little assistance. It neither denounced corruption,
demanded relief from predatory rings, nor disapproved a third term.
Except as to resumption and the payment of the public debt in coin, it
followed the beaten track of its predecessors, spending itself over
Southern outrages. Although several delegates had prepared resolutions
in opposition to a third term, no one dared present them after
Conkling had finished his eulogy of the President.
[Footnote 1450: The convention met at Utica on September 23. The ticket
was as follows: Governor, John A. Dix, New York; Lieutenant-Governor,
John C. Robinson, Broome; Court of Appeals, Alexander S. Johnson,
Oneida; Canal Commissioner, Reuben W. Stroud, Onondaga; Prison
Inspector, Ezra Graves, Herkimer.]
The Liberals who assembled at Albany on September 10 had about
finished their course as a separate party. Their creed, so far as it
represented practical, well-meditated reform, was a respectable,
healthy faith, but the magnet which attracted the coterie of
Republicans whose leadership gave it whatever influence it exerted in
the Empire State was Horace Greeley. When he died their activity
ceased. Besides, the renomination of Dix, who had little liking for
the organisation and no sympathy with a third term, now afforded them
good opportunity to return to the fold. The Albany convention,
therefore, represented only a small fraction of the original
dissenters, and these adjourned without action until the 29th. On
reconvening a long, acrimonious discussion indicated a strong
disposition to run to cover. Some favoured Tilden, others Dix, but
finally, under the lead of George W. Palmer, the convention, deciding
to endorse no one, resolved to support men of approved honesty, who
represented the principles of the Cincinnati convention and opposed a
third term.[1451]
[Footnote 1451: On June 23 the friends of total abstinence, resenting
Dix's veto of a local option measure passed by the Legislature of
1873, assembled at Auburn, approved the organisation of a Prohibition
party, and nominated a State ticket with Myron H. Clark for governor.
About 350 delegates from twenty-five counties were present.]
As the days shortened the campaign became more spirited. Tilden,
putting himself in close relation with every school district in the
State, introduced the clever device of mailing a fac-simile of one of
his communications, thus flattering the receiver with the belief that
he possessed an autograph letter. His genius for detail kept a corps
of assistants busy, and the effort to inspire his desponding partisans
with hope of success made each correspondent the centre of an earnest
band of endeavourers. Meanwhile the Democratic press kept up a galling
fire of criticism. Dix had escaped in 1872, but now the newspapers
charged him with nepotism and extravagance. "Governor Morgan had two
aides in time of war," wrote Seymour, "while Dix has six in time of
peace. Morgan had one messenger, Dix has two. Morgan had a secretary
at $2,000; Dix had the pay put up to $3,500--and then appointed his
son.... The people think the Governor gets $4,000; in fact, under
different pretexts it is made $14,000."[1452] An attempt was also made
to connect him with the Crédit Mobilier scandal because of his
presidency of the Union Pacific road at the time of the consideration
of the Oakes Ames contract.[1453] That the Governor had no interest in
or connection with the construction company availed him little. Other
men of approved honesty had become involved in the back-salary grab,
the Sanborn claims, and the Crédit Mobilier, and the people, quickly
distrusting any one accused, classed him with the wrong-doers.
[Footnote 1452: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 233.]
[Footnote 1453: Morgan A. Dix, _Life of Dix_, Vol. 2, pp. 128, 149.]
Moreover, Dix laboured under the disadvantage of having apathetic
party managers. "They deliberately refused to support him," said his
son, "preferring defeat to the re-election of one whom they desired to
be rid of."[1454] Conkling, in his speech at Brooklyn,[1455] rebuked the
spirit of calumny that assails the character of public men, but he
neglected to extol the record of a patriotic Governor, or to speak the
word against a third term which would have materially lightened the
party burden.
[Footnote 1454: Morgan A. Dix, _Life of Dix_, Vol. 2, pp. 195-196.]
[Footnote 1455: October 30, 1874.]
When the opposition press began its agitation of a third term,
charging that the country was "drifting upon the rock of
Cæsarism,"[1456] few men believed such an idea sincerely entertained.
Nevertheless, as the election approached it aroused popular
solicitude. Congressmen who hurried to Washington in the hope of being
authorised to contradict the accusation, returned without an utterance
to disarm their opponents, while the Democrats not only maintained
that Grant himself was not averse to using his official position to
secure the nomination, but that eighty thousand office-holders were
plotting for this end.[1457] As the idea had its inception largely in
the talk of a coterie of Grant's political and personal friends,
Conkling's eulogies of the President seemed to corroborate the claim.
So plainly did the _Times_ stagger under the load that rumours of the
_Tribune's_ becoming a Conkling organ reached the _Nation_.[1458] It
could not be denied that next to the commercial depression and the
insolence of the Canal ring, the deep-seated dissatisfaction with
Grant's administration influenced public sentiment. Excluding the
inflation veto the record of his second term had not improved upon the
first, while to many his refusal to disclaim the third-term accusation
became intolerable.
[Footnote 1456: New York _Herald_, July 7, 1873.]
[Footnote 1457: The _Nation_, October 29, 1874.]
[Footnote 1458: April 16, 1874.]
The municipal contest in New York City also developed embarrassments.
Barring a few appointments Havermeyer had made a fair record, having
improved the public school system, kept clean streets, and paid much
attention to sanitary conditions. Moreover, he distributed the revenue
with care, and by the practice of economy in the public works reduced
expenses nearly eight millions. The winter of 1873-4 proved a severe
one for the unemployed, however, and to catch their votes Kelly, with
great adroitness, favoured giving them public employment. This was a
powerful appeal. Fifteen thousand idle mechanics in the city wanted
work more than public economy, while thousands in the poorer
districts, seeking and receiving food from Tammany, cheered the
turbulent orator as he pictured the suffering due to Havermeyer's
policy and the hope inspired by Kelly's promises.
Havermeyer's accusations against Kelly also recoiled upon his party.
In the course of a bitter quarrel growing out of Kelly's appointment
of Richard Croker as marshal,[1459] the Mayor publicly charged "Honest
John" with obtaining while sheriff $84,482 by other than legal
methods.[1460] "I think," said Havermeyer, "you were worse than Tweed
who made no pretensions to purity, while you avow your honesty and
wrap yourself in the mantle of purity."[1461] Kelly's prompt denial,
followed by a suit for criminal libel, showed a willingness to try the
issue, but Havermeyer's sudden death from apoplexy on the morning of
the trial (November 30), leaving his proofs unpublished, strengthened
Kelly's claim that "Tammany is the only reform party in existence here
to-day."[1462]
[Footnote 1459: Until then Croker had been an attaché of Connolly's
office.]
[Footnote 1460: "No law authorised Kelly to include convictions in the
Police Courts, yet he did include them, thereby robbing the city of
over thirty thousand dollars. He charged, at one time, double the
rates for conveying prisoners to and from the Island; at another, 133
per cent. more. He charged for 11,000 vagrants committed to the
work-house, a clear fraud upon the treasury."--New York _Times_,
October 20, 1875.]
[Footnote 1461: New York papers of September 18, 1874.]
[Footnote 1462: New York _World_, September 10, 1874.]
The Republican press, apparently with effect, enlarged upon the
general excellence of Dix's administration, but early in the campaign
the people showed greater liking for reform at home than abhorrence of
outrages in the South, and the result proved a political revolution,
Tilden receiving a plurality of 50,317 and Dorsheimer 51,488.[1463]
Besides the State ticket the Democrats carried the Assembly and
eighteen of the thirty-three congressional districts. With the
exception of James Hayes, who was defeated for register by over 10,000
majority, Tammany likewise elected its entire ticket.[1464]
[Footnote 1463: In 1872 Dix had 55,451.]
[Footnote 1464: Tilden, 416,391; Dix, 366,074; Clark, 11,768;
Dorsheimer, 416,714; Robinson, 365,226; Bagg, 11,310.
New York City: Tilden, 87,623; Dix, 44,871; Clark, 160; Wickham,
70,071; Wales, 36,953; Ottendorfer, 24,226. Legislature: Assembly,
Democrats, 75; Republicans, 53. Senate, Democrats, 12; Republicans,
18; Independents, 2. The Senators were elected in 1873.]
Democratic success was not confined to New York. Small majorities were
obtained in Ohio and Indiana as well as in Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts, and for the first time since 1861 the House of
Representatives passed into the control of that party. The financial
depression plainly operated to the great advantage of the Democrats,
but in allowing Tilden to pre-empt the reform issue when men were
intent upon smashing rings, the Republicans opened the door for their
destruction. "They [the Republican leaders] have apparently believed
the people would submit to anything and everything," said the _Times_,
"and that the party was indestructible. If a newspaper warned them in
a friendly but firm spirit against the policy of blundering, it was
treated with a mixture of the insolence and arrogance which they
exhibited toward all opposition."[1465]
[Footnote 1465: New York _Times_, November 4, 1874.
Eleven amendments to the Constitution were ratified at this election.
Those relating to political matters required thirty days' residence in
an election district; abolished property qualification, thus removing
all distinction between white and coloured voters; fixed the pay of
legislators at $1500 per year, without limiting the length of a
session; changed the terms of governor and lieutenant-governor from
two to three years, with salaries of $10,000 and $5,000, respectively;
required two-thirds of all the members elected to each house to
override the governor's veto; authorised the veto of individual items
in an appropriation act; and prohibited extra compensation being paid
to a canal contractor.]