GREELEY NOMINATED FOR PRESIDENT
1872
Although the Tammany exposure had absorbed public attention, the
Republican party did not escape serious criticism. Reconstruction had
disappointed many of its friends. By controlling the negro vote
Republican administrations in several Southern States had wrought
incalculable harm to the cause of free-government and equal suffrage.
The State debt of Alabama had increased from six millions in 1860 to
forty millions, that of Florida from two hundred thousand to fifteen
millions, and that of Georgia from three millions to forty-four
millions. "I say to-day, in the face of heaven and before all
mankind," declared Tilden, "that the carpet-bag governments are
infinitely worse than Tweed's government of the city of New
York."[1342]
[Footnote 1342: New York _Tribune_, September 5, 1872.]
Following such gross misgovernment the reactionary outbreaks
influenced Congress to pass the so-called Ku-Klux Act of April 20,
1871, designed to suppress these outrages. This measure, although not
dissimilar to others which protected the negro in his right of
suffrage, met with stout Republican opposition, the spirited debate
suddenly heralding a serious party division. Trumbull held it
unconstitutional, while Schurz, reviewing the wretched State
governments of the South, the venal officials who misled the negro,
and the riotous corruption of men in possession of great authority,
attacked the policy of the law as unwise and unsound.
Not less disturbing was the failure of Congress to grant universal
amnesty. To this more than to all other causes did the critics of the
Republican party ascribe the continuance of the animosities of the
war, since it deprived the South of the assistance of its former
leading men, and turned it over to inexperienced, and, in some
instances, to corrupt men who used political disabilities as so much
capital upon which to trade. The shocking brazenness of these methods
had been disclosed in Georgia under the administration of Governor
Bullock, who secured from Congress amnesty for his legislative friends
while others were excluded. Schurz declared "When universal suffrage
was granted to secure the equal rights of all, universal amnesty ought
to have been granted to make all the resources of political
intelligence and experience available for the promotion of the welfare
of all."[1343]
[Footnote 1343: _Congressional Globe_, January 30, 1872, p. 699.]
The South had expected the President to develop a liberal policy. The
spirit displayed at Appomattox, his "Let us have peace" letter of
acceptance, and his intervention in Virginia and Mississippi soon
after his inauguration, encouraged the belief that he would conciliate
rather than harass it. His approval of the Ku-Klux law, therefore,
intensified a feeling already strained to bitterness, and although he
administered the law with prudence, a physical contest occurred in the
South and a political rupture in the North. The hostility of the
American people to the use of troops at elections had once before
proved a source of angry contention, and the criticism which now
rained upon the Republican party afforded new evidence of the public's
animosity.
These strictures would have awakened no unusual solicitude in the
minds of Republicans had their inspiration been confined to political
opponents, but suddenly there came to the aid of the Democrats a
formidable array of Republicans. Although the entering wedge was a
difference of policy growing out of conditions in the Southern States,
other reasons contributed to the rupture. The removal of Motley as
minister to England, coming so soon after Sumner's successful
resistance to the San Domingo scheme, was treated as an attempt to
punish a senator for the just exercise of his right and the honest
performance of his duty. Nine months later Sumner was discontinued as
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. If doubt existed as to
the ground of Motley's removal, not a shadow clouded the reason for
Sumner's deposition. The cause assigned was that he no longer
maintained personal and social relations with the President and
Secretary of State, but when Schurz stigmatised it as "a flimsy
pretext" he voiced the opinion of a part of the press which accepted
it as a display of pure vindictiveness. "The indignation over your
removal," telegraphed John W. Forney, "extends to men of all parties.
I have not heard one Republican approve it."[1344] Among Sumner's
correspondents Ira Harris noted the popular disapproval and
indignation in New York. "Another term of such arrogant assumption of
power and wanton acquiescence," said Schurz, "may furnish the flunkies
with a store of precedents until people cease to look for ordinary
means of relief."[1345]
[Footnote 1344: Pierce, _Life of Sumner_, Vol. 4, p. 477.]
[Footnote 1345: New York _Tribune_, April 13, 1872.]
More disturbing because more irritating in its effects was the
Administration's disposition to permit the control of its patronage by
a coterie of senators, who preferred to strengthen faction regardless
of its influence. Under this policy something had occurred in nearly
every Northern State to make leading men and newspapers bitter, and as
the years of the Administration multiplied censure became more
drastic. Perhaps the influence of Conkling presented a normal phase of
this practice. The Senator stood for much that had brought criticism
upon the party. He approved the Southern policy and the acquisition of
San Domingo. He indulged in a personal attack on Sumner, advised his
deposition from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, commended the
removal of Motley, and voted against the confirmation of E. Rockwood
Hoar for associate justice of the Supreme Court.[1346] He also opposed
civil service reform.
[Footnote 1346: George F. Hoar, _Autobiography_, Vol. 1, p. 306; Vol.
2, p. 77.]
A statesman so pronounced in his views and in control of abundant
patronage was not likely to change a contest for personal advantage
into a choice of public policies. Such an one appointed men because of
their influence in controlling political caucuses and conventions.
"The last two State conventions were mockeries," declared Greeley,
"some of the delegates having been bought out of our hands and others
driven out of the convention.... I saw numbers, under threats of
losing federal office, dragooned into doing the bidding of one
man."[1347] The removal of officials whose names stood high in the roll
of those who had greatly honoured their State deeply wounded many
ardent Republicans, but not until the appointment and retention of
Thomas Murphy did criticism scorn the veil of hint and innuendo. This
act created a corps of journalistic critics whose unflagging satire
and unswerving severity entertained the President's opponents and
amazed his friends. They spoke for the popular side at the moment of a
great crisis. Almost daily during the eighteen months of Murphy's
administration the press of the whole country, under the lead of the
_Tribune_, pictured the collector as a crafty army contractor and the
partner of Tweed. "I think the warmest friends of Grant," wrote
Curtis, "feel that he has failed terribly as President, not from want
of honesty but from want of tact and great ignorance. It is a
political position and he knew nothing of politics."[1348] The
sacrifice of the best men among his cabinet advisers added greatly to
this unrest. In one of his letters, Lowell, unintentionally
overlooking Hamilton Fish, declared that E. Rockwood Hoar and Jacob D.
Cox were "the only really strong men in the Cabinet."[1349] After the
latter's forced resignation and the former's sudden exit to make room
for a Southern Republican in order to placate carpet-bag senators for
the removal of Sumner, the great critics of the Administration again
cut loose. "How long," asked Bowles, "does the President suppose the
people will patiently endure this dealing with high office as if it
were a presidential perquisite, to be given away upon his mere whim,
without regard to the claims of the office? It was bad enough when he
only dealt so with consulates and small post-offices; but now that he
has come to foreign ministers and cabinet officers it is
intolerable."[1350]
[Footnote 1347: New York _Tribune_, April 13, 1872.]
[Footnote 1348: Cary, _Life of Curtis_, p. 213.]
[Footnote 1349: _Letters of_, Vol. 2, p. 57.
"There was undoubtedly great corruption and maladministration in the
country in the time of President Grant. Selfish men and ambitious men
got the ear of that simple man and confiding President. They studied
Grant, some of them, as the shoemaker measures the foot of his
customer."--Hoar, _Autobiography_, Vol. 1, p. 197.]
[Footnote 1350: Springfield (Mass.) _Republican_, November 12, 1870.]
Under these conditions Republicans had been losing strength. In the
election of 1870 their numbers, for the first time since 1864, had
fallen below a two-thirds majority in the national House, while the
Democrats gained four United States senators. In the same year Carl
Schurz, with the assistance of the Democrats, had carried Missouri on
the issue of universal amnesty. As the disaffection with the
Administration became more pronounced, this faction, assuming the name
of Liberal Republicans, met in convention at Jefferson City on January
24, 1872, and invited all Republicans who favoured reform to meet in
national mass convention at Cincinnati on May 1. This call acted like
a lighted match in a pile of shavings, prominent Republicans in every
State, including many leading newspapers, giving it instant and hearty
response. Among other journals in New York the _Nation_ and the
_Evening Post_ guardedly approved the movement, and the _World_,
although a Democratic organ, offered conditional support. The
_Tribune_ also encouraged the hope that it would eventually swing into
line.
Horace Greeley's principles were in substantial accord with those of
his party. He had little liking for civil service reform; the
integrity of the national debt invoked his unflagging support; and the
suppression of the Ku-Klux, although favouring a liberal Southern
policy, had received his encouragement.[1351] Nor had he said anything
in speech or writing disrespectful of the President. He did not favour
his renomination, but he had faith in the essential honesty and
soundness of Republican voters. Moreover, the demand for "a genuine
reform of the tariff" made it impossible to reconcile his policy with
that of the Liberal Republicans of Missouri.
[Footnote 1351: New York _Tribune_, May 31, 1870; February 27, 1871;
May 1, 1872.]
Nevertheless, Greeley's position in the Republican party had become
intolerable. Conkling controlled the city and State machines, Fenton
belonged in a hopeless minority, and Grant resented the _Tribune's_
opposition to his succession. Besides, the editor's friends had been
deeply humiliated. The appointment of Murphy was accepted as "a plain
declaration of war."[1352] The treatment of the Greeley committee,
overthrown by the power of patronage, also festered in his heart. "For
more than a year," he said, "to be an avowed friend of Governor Fenton
was to be marked for proscription at the White House."[1353] Thus, with
the past unforgiven and the future without hope, the great journalist
declared that "We propose to endure this for one term only."[1354]
[Footnote 1352: _Ibid._, April 25, 1872.]
[Footnote 1353: _Ibid._]
[Footnote 1354: _Ibid._]
From the first it was apparent that the Republican schism, to be
successful, needed the support of the _Tribune_. Although its
influence had materially suffered during and since the war, it still
controlled a great constituency throughout the North, and the longer
its chief hesitated to join the new party the more earnest and
eloquent did the appeals of the Liberals become. At last, relying upon
a compromise of their economic differences, Greeley accepted the
invitation to meet the Missouri reformers in convention.[1355] His
action was the occasion for much rejoicing, and on April 13 the
Liberals of New York City began their campaign amidst the cheers of an
enthusiastic multitude assembled at Cooper Institute.[1356] The Fenton
leaders, conspicuously posted on the platform, indicated neither a
real love of reform nor an absence of office-seekers, but the presence
among the vice-presidents of E.L. Godkin of the _Nation_ and Parke
Godwin of the _Post_ removed all doubt as to the sincere desire of
some of those present to replace Grant with a President who would
discourage the use of patronage by enforcing civil service reform, and
encourage good government in the South by enacting universal amnesty.
To Schurz's charge that the national Republican convention would be
made up of office-holders, Oliver P. Morton declared, three days later
in the same hall, that there would be more office-seekers at
Cincinnati than office-holders at Philadelphia.[1357]
[Footnote 1355: _Ibid._, March 30, 1872.]
[Footnote 1356: New York _Tribune_, April 14, 1872.]
[Footnote 1357: Dudley Foulke, _Life of Morton_, Vol. 2, p. 255.]
The managers of the Liberal Republican movement preferred Charles
Francis Adams for President. Adams' public life encouraged the belief
that he would practise his professed principles, and although isolated
from all political associations it was thought his brilliant
championship of the North during the temporising of the English
government would make his nomination welcome. David Davis and Lyman
Trumbull of Illinois were likewise acceptable, and Salmon P. Chase had
his admirers. Greeley's availability was also talked of. His signature
to the bail-bond of Jefferson Davis, releasing the ex-president of the
Confederacy from prison, attracted attention to his presidential
ambition, while his loud declaration for universal amnesty opened the
way for a tour of the South. At a brilliant reception in Union Square,
given after his return, he described the carpet-bagger as "a worthless
adventurer whom the Southern States hate and ought to hate," likening
him to the New York legislator "who goes to Albany nominally to
legislate, but really to plunder and steal."[1358] His excessive zeal
for Democratic support led to the intimation that he had economised
his epithets in criticising the Tweed ring.[1359] As early as February,
Nast, with his usual foresight, pictured "H.G., the editor" offering
the nomination to "H.G., the farmer," who, rejoicing in the name of
Cincinnatus, had turned from the plough toward the dome of the Capitol
in the distance.[1360] To the charge that he was a candidate for
President, Greeley frankly admitted that while he was not an aspirant
for office, he should never decline any duty which his political
friends saw fit to devolve upon him.[1361]
[Footnote 1358: New York _Tribune_, June 13, 1871.]
[Footnote 1359: Paine, _Life of Nast_, p. 162.]
[Footnote 1360: _Ibid._, p. 223.]
[Footnote 1361: New York _Tribune_, May 30, 1871.]
Nevertheless, the men whose earnest efforts had prepared the way for
the Liberal movement did not encourage Greeley's ambition. Especially
were his great newspaper associates dumb. A week before the convention
Bowles of the Springfield _Republican_ mentioned him with Sumner and
Trumbull as a proper person for the nomination, but Godkin of the
_Nation_, Halstead of the Cincinnati _Commercial_, and Horace White of
the Chicago _Tribune_ remained silent. The _Evening Post_ spoke of him
as "the simple-minded philanthropist, with his various scraps of
so-called principles."[1362] Jacob D. Cox, Stanley Matthews, and George
Hoadley, the conspicuous Liberal triumvirate of Ohio, repudiated his
candidacy, and Schurz, in his opening speech as president of the
convention, without mentioning names, plainly designated Adams as the
most suitable candidate and Greeley as the weakest.[1363]
[Footnote 1362: New York _Post_, May 2, 1872.]
[Footnote 1363: New York _Times_, May 3.]
The first New Yorker to appear at Cincinnati was Reuben E. Fenton,
followed by John Cochrane, Waldo M. Hutchins, Sinclair Tousey, and
other seceders from the Syracuse convention of 1871. These political
veterans, with the cunning practised at ward caucuses, quickly
organised the New York delegation in the interest of Greeley. On
motion of Cochrane, Hutchins became chairman of a committee to name
sixty-eight delegates, the people present being allowed to report two
delegates from their respective congressional districts. These tactics
became more offensive when the committee, instead of accepting the
delegates reported, arbitrarily assumed the right to substitute
several well-known friends of Greeley. Not content with this
advantage, the majority, on motion of Cochrane, adopted the unit rule,
thus silencing one-third of the delegation.[1364] Henry R. Selden,
whose reputation for fair dealing had preceded him, characterised this
performance as "a most infamous outrage," and upon hearing a protest
of the minority, presented by Theodore Bacon of Rochester, Schurz
denounced the proceeding "as extraordinary" and "as indicating that
the reform movement, so far as it concerned New York, was virtually in
the hands of a set of political tricksters, who came here not for
reform, but for plunder."[1365]
[Footnote 1364: New York _Evening Post_, May 2, 1872.]
[Footnote 1365: _Ibid._]
Next to the "tricksters" the platform-makers embarrassed the
convention. It was easy to recognise the equality of all men before
the law, to pledge fidelity to the Union, to oppose the re-election of
the President, to denounce repudiation, to demand local
self-government for the Southern States, to ask "the immediate and
absolute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the
rebellion," and to favour "a thorough reform of the civil service;"
but for a tariff reform assemblage to frame a resolution which the
apostle of protection could accept required great patience and
persistence. The vexatious delay became so intolerable that delegates
insisted upon making a ticket before adopting a platform. Cochrane
bitterly opposed such a resolution since Greeley's candidacy, if not
his support of the movement, depended upon the convention's attitude
on the tariff. Indeed, not until the committee on resolutions had
accepted what the editor himself dictated was the knotty point finally
settled. "Recognising," said the platform, "that there are in our
midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to
the respective systems of protection and free-trade, we remit the
discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional
districts and to the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from
executive interference or dictation."
Although the resolution was out of keeping with the spirit of the
movement, it seemed proper to pay this extortionate price for
Greeley's support, since his conspicuous championship of protection
made it impossible for him to acquiesce in any impairment of that
doctrine; but the advantage that such a concession gave his candidacy
appears not to have occurred to the leaders who embodied whatever of
principle and conviction the convention possessed. Indeed, no scheme
of the managers contemplated his nomination. To many persons Greeley's
aspiration took the form of "a joke."[1366] Nor was his name seriously
discussed until the delegates assembled at Cincinnati. Even then the
belief obtained that after a complimentary vote to him and other
favourite sons, Adams would become their beneficiary. But the work of
Fenton quickly betrayed itself. In obedience to a bargain, Gratz Brown
of Missouri, at the end of the first ballot, withdrew in favour of
Greeley, and although Adams held the lead on the next four ballots,
the strength of Davis and Trumbull shrivelled while Greeley's kept
increasing. Yet the managers did not suspect a stampede. Eighty per
cent. of the New Yorker's votes came from the Middle and Southern
States.[1367] Moreover, the Trumbull men held the balance of power.
After several notable changes Adams still led by half a hundred. On
the sixth ballot, however, to the surprise and chagrin of the Adams
managers, Trumbull's delegates began breaking to Greeley, and in the
confusion which quickly developed into a storm of blended cheers and
hisses, Illinois and the Middle West carried the _Tribune's_ chief
beyond the required number of votes.[1368] Gratz Brown was then
nominated for Vice-President.
[Footnote 1366: New York _Evening Post_, May 4, 1872.]
[Footnote 1367: Southern States, 104; Middle, 96; New England, 15;
Western, 19; Pacific, 24.]
[Footnote 1368:
Whole number of votes 714
Necessary to a choice 358
First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth
Adams 203 243 264 279 309 187
Greeley 147 245 258 251 258 482
Trumbull 110 148 156 141 91 10
Davis 92-1/2 75 44 51 30 6
Brown 95 2 2 2
Curtin 62
Chase 2-1/2 1 2 29]
Greeley's nomination astounded the general public as much as it
disappointed the Liberal leaders. Bowles called the result "a fate
above logic and superior to reason,"[1369] but the _Evening Post_
thought it due to "commonplace chicanery, intrigue, bargaining, and
compromise."[1370] Stanley Matthews, who was temporary chairman of the
convention, declared himself greatly chagrined at the whole matter. "I
have concluded," he said, "that as a politician and a President maker,
I am not a success."[1371] Hoadly published a card calling the result
"the alliance of Tammany and Blair," and William Cullen Bryant, Oswald
Ottendorfer of the _Staats-Zeitung_, and other anti-protectionists of
New York, made a fruitless effort to put another candidate before the
country.[1372] In the end the _Nation_ and the _Evening Post_ supported
President Grant.
[Footnote 1369: Merriam, _Life of Bowles_, Vol. 2, p. 210.]
[Footnote 1370: New York _Evening Post_, May 4, 1872.]
[Footnote 1371: Warden, _Life of Chase_, p. 732.]
[Footnote 1372: Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1872, p. 779.]
The nomination deeply mortified the Democrats. They had encouraged the
revolt, expecting the selection of Adams, or Trumbull, or David Davis,
whom they could readily adopt, but Greeley, a lifelong antagonist,
plunged them into trouble. No other Republican had so continuously
vilified them. From his introduction to political life in 1840 he had
waged a constant and personal warfare, often using his strong,
idiomatic English with the ferocity of a Wilkes. A caricature by
Greeley was as much feared as a cartoon by Nast. He spared no one. He
had assailed Seymour with a violence that might well seem to have made
any form of political reconciliation impossible. With equal skill he
had aimed his epithets at every Democratic statesman and politician
from Van Buren to Fernando Wood, the sting of his relentless and
merciless criticism goading each one into frenzy. For them now to
assume to overlook such treatment and accept its author as a political
associate and exemplar seemed a mockery. Several Democratic journals,
following the lead of the _World_, refused to do so, while others,
shrouding their disinclination in a non-committal tone, awaited the
assembling of the State convention which met at Rochester on May 15.
Seymour did not attend this meeting, and although Tilden carefully
avoided an expression of opinion, the delegates, after approving the
Cincinnati platform, insisted upon referring the choice of candidates
to the national convention, sending John T. Hoffman as a
delegate-at-large to represent them.
One month later the Democratic national convention met at
Baltimore.[1373] Although the delegates, especially those from the
South, indicated a growing sentiment in favour of Greeley, the absence
of veteran leaders from the North created much comment. Hendricks of
Indiana sent his regrets; Seymour also remained at home; and Tilden,
Kernan, and Sanford E. Church found it convenient to be otherwise
engaged. But August Belmont appeared, and for the last time, after
twelve years of service and defeat as chairman of the national
committee, called the convention to order. John T. Hoffman also
appeared. He was the best known if not the wisest delegate in the
convention, and as he actively joined the Southern leaders in
encouraging the new order of things, it was easy to understand how his
star might still have been in the ascendant had his political
associates been content with power without plunder. Samuel S. Cox,
recently characterised by Greeley as "our carpet-bag representative
in Congress" who had "cast in his lot with thieves,"[1374] also
smoothed the way for his critic's nomination. He could forgive if he
did not forget.
[Footnote 1373: July 9, 1872.]
[Footnote 1374: New York _Tribune_, November 1, 1871. Cox's election to
Congress from New York occurred in 1870, three years after he became a
resident of the State.]
Next to Cox sat John Kelly, the new boss of Tammany. The combativeness
indicated by the form of the head was accentuated by the conspicuous
jaw, the firm, thin-lipped mouth, and the closely cropped hair and
beard, already fading into white; but there was nothing rough or
rowdyish in his manner or appearance. He dressed neatly, listened
respectfully, and spoke in low, gentle tones, an Irish sense of humour
frequently illuminating a square, kindly face. It was noticeable, too,
that although he began life as a mason and had handled his fists like
a professional, his hands were small and shapely. Kelly had served two
years as alderman, four years in Congress, and six years as sheriff.
He had also represented his county in the national conventions of 1864
and 1868. His character for honesty had not been above suspicion. Men
charged that he was "counted in" as congressman, and that while
sheriff he had obtained a large sum of money by illegal methods.[1375]
In 1868 he suddenly sailed for Europe because of alleged ill-health,
where he remained until late in 1871. He was a rich man then.[1376]
Now, at the age of fifty-one, he was destined to make himself not less
powerful or widely known than the great criminal whom he
succeeded.[1377] With the aid of Tilden, O'Conor, and other men
conspicuous in the reform movement, he had reorganised Tammany in the
preceding April, increasing a new general committee to five hundred
members, and with great shrewdness causing the appointment of
committees to coöperate with the Bar Association, with the Committee
of Seventy, and with the Municipal Taxpayers' Association. These
represented regenerated Tammany. Kelly affected extreme modesty, but
as he moved about the hall of the national convention, urging the
nomination of Greeley, the delegates recognised a master in the art of
controlling men.
[Footnote 1375: Myers, _History of Tammany_, pp. 301, 305.]
[Footnote 1376: _Ibid._, pp. 261 and note, 300 and 301.]
[Footnote 1377: "About the same time, and in adjoining city districts,
two bosses entered upon public life. While Tweed was learning to make
chairs, Kelly was being taught grate-setting. While Tweed was amusing
himself as a runner with a fire engine, Kelly was captain of the
Carroll Target Guard. Tweed led fire laddies and Kelly dragged about
target-shooters upon the eve of elections. Both entered the Board of
Aldermen about the same time. About the same time, too, they went to
Congress. Within a few years of each other's candidacy they ran for
sheriff. Tweed was defeated. Kelly was elected. While Kelly was making
bills as sheriff, Tweed was auditing them in the Board of Supervisors.
Tweed became the Tammany boss, and Kelly succeeded him. Tweed fell a
victim to his greed, Kelly escaped by the Statute of Limitations."--New
York _Times_, October 30, 1875.]
If any doubt had existed as to Greeley's treatment at Baltimore, it
quickly disappeared on the assembling of the convention, for the
question of nomination or indorsement alone disturbed it. If it
adopted him as its own candidate fear was entertained that Republicans
would forsake him. On the other hand, it was claimed that many
Democrats who could only be held by party claims would not respect a
mere indorsement. Southern delegates argued that if Democrats hoped to
defeat their opponents they must encourage the revolt by giving it
prestige and power rather than smother it by compelling Liberals to
choose between Grant and a Democrat. The wisdom of this view could not
be avoided, and after adopting the Cincinnati platform without change,
the convention, by a vote of 686 to 46, stamped the Cincinnati ticket
with the highest Democratic authority.[1378] Little heartiness,
however, characterised the proceedings. Hoffman, in casting New York's
vote, aroused much enthusiasm, but the response to the announcement
of Greeley's nomination was disappointing. The _Tribune_ attributed it
to the intense heat and the exhaustion of the delegates,[1379] but the
_Nation_ probably came nearer the truth in ascribing it to "boiled
crow."[1380] This gave rise to the expression "to eat crow," meaning
"to do what one vehemently dislikes and has before defiantly declared
he would not do."[1381]
[Footnote 1378: Of the 46 opposition votes, James A. Bayard received 6
from Delaware and 9 from New Jersey; Jeremiah S. Black 21 from
Pennsylvania; William S. Groesbeck 2 from Ohio. There were 8 blanks.]
[Footnote 1379: New York _Tribune_, July 11, 1872.]
[Footnote 1380: July 11.]
[Footnote 1381: Century Dictionary.]