CHAPTER XVI--THE POLITICAL ANIMAL

|IF only Ada had had the courage of what ought to have been her

convictions, things would have been very different. But she hadn’t the

pluck or the zest in life to be anything at all except an almost perfect

negative, and a man will fight for a wife for many reasons, but not for

the reason that she is a full-stop.

Ada, as Peter knew when he consented to the marriage, could be led: with

even surer hope of good result she could be driven, and if Sam had cared

to drive, to play Petruchio with Ada, he could have turned her negative

into a comparative, if not into a positive.

Unhappily, his driving powers were otherwise engaged, and his objectives

were on the battlefield, his office, rather than in the dormitory which

he might have turned into a home. And since Ada had all that she was

conscious of wanting, she had a dull contentment. Two servants and

credit at the shops were good enough for Ada, and good enough, too, for

Sam, because they advertised success. If Ada had been actively vicious,

if she had drunk, if men or a man had obsessed her, if indeed she had

been anything that was bad perceptibly, Sam would have abandoned his

indifference and taken a strong and effective line with her. It might,

at first, have been only because a positively vicious Ada would have

been bad for the Branstone + Classics, but it would have ended by being

good for Ada and for Sam: it would have been the beginning of Ada _and_

Sam, of their dual life which had not yet come to birth. But, as it was,

he saw nothing to fight. There was a superficial rightness; therefore

all was right, he could forget Ada and turn to the things which were

vital to him, business for its own sake, and business considered as a

stepping-stone to politics.

He was content for some time to leave his political ambitions alone,

because it seemed to him that money, quite a lot of money, was needed

for politics. In truth, he was rather awed by his ambition: the House of

Commons seemed a tremendous distance from his office in Manchester,

and he thought a great deal of money would be needed for the fare.

Fundamentally, he was modest and rarely overrated his abilities, but he

believed that he had luck, and thought money a good first aid to more

luck. Well as he was doing in business, he could not afford to divert

his energies from moneymaking to politics, wherein he did not mean to

begin at the bottom.

He was not ready yet to make political opportunities for himself, but if

political opportunities came to him, that was another matter. And they

did come. When he interviewed Sir William Gatenby, he threw a pebble

into a pool whose wave was to wash him to high places.

It washed him into the knowledge of Mr. Charles Wattercouch, who was

agent for the Division. Wattercouch read Gatenby’s letter about Sam with

some surprise, as one of his recruiting grounds for voluntary workers

was the Concentrics, and he thought he recalled hearing Sam speak for

the other faction, but he catalogued the name for future reference on

his list of earnest young men.

Wattercouch, like Sam, was in no hurry. He preferred men to come to him,

not to go in search of them, but Sam did not come, and a letter from

Gatenby was not to be neglected. Though Gatenby had probably dismissed

the subject from his mind, he paid half of Wattercouch’s salary, and

he might inquire about Sam some day. So the agent called on Sam at the

office.

He was a square-built, square-faced man of forty, with a pink, eupeptic

complexion, and light hair which bristled hardily. Your organizer of

victory, like your editor, is apt to be cynical about the politics he is

paid to profess, but Wattercouch kept his perfect faith in Liberalism,

in spite of the fact that he served the Liberal Party, a feat in the

accommodation of blameless principle with unscrupulous opportunism,

which he accomplished with entire sincerity. One can be sincere and

Jesuitical, in fact one can hardly be Jesuitical without being sincere,

and to Mr. Wattercouch the most egregiously illiberal acts of the

Liberal Party were justified because they were the acts of that party,

and must, however improbable it seemed, be means to the end which was

Liberalism.

This is not to suggest that Mr. Wattercouch was complex, for he was

indeed quite simple, as witness the man’s relish in his grotesque name.

He knew the value of being ridiculed when one can turn ridicule into

respect, and much of his popularity resulted from the genial way in

which he took jokes about his name. He made an asset of what might, to a

less good-natured man, have been a handicap. “Indeed,” says Ben Jonson,

“there is a woundy luck in names, sir,” and Wattercouch turned doubtful

luck to good account.

Sam had the gift of the gab, which means that he knew both how and

when to speak, and how and when to be silent. He was silent while Mr.

Wattercouch spoke of the valuable work to be done by an earnest labourer

in connection with the annual revision of the register. The point of the

work was to see that all possible known Liberals were on the register,

and all possible objection taken to any known Conservatives, and,

complicated as the work was by the removal habit amongst electors,

it was no light undertaking. Certainly no agent could have carried it

through without the aid of industrious volunteers.

But Sam did not see himself in the character of an industrious

volunteer, and he was silent for two reasons. The first was that his

silence was causing Mr. Wattercouch visible embarrassment, and Sam liked

the other man to be embarrassed; the second was that he was considering

how to make Mr. Wattercouch see that his suggestion was an absurdity, if

not an insult.

He smiled with quite polite superiority. “But I think, Mr. Wattercouch,

that you are making a mistake,” he said, as one who apologizes for

having to be blunt.

“Well,” admitted Wattercouch, “I had my doubts, because I fancied I’d

heard you support Stephen Verity at the Concentrics.”

“That,” said Sam, “is not the mistake to which I allude. I am aware that

I have supported Verity at the Concentrics. And I am aware that the

way to learn how to cut a man’s hair is to practise on a sheep’s head.

Verity was my sheep’s head.”

“I’m afraid I hardly follow,” said Wattercouch, who was indeed rather

scandalized by such an allusion to Mr. Verity, who, if a Conservative,

was an alderman and a noted figure in local politics.

“I will make it easier for you by admitting that even I had to learn,”

said Sam.

“Ah! I see. You have now seen the error of your ways. You realize the

grandeur of Liberalism, the----”

“I always did,” Sam asserted. “When I supported Verity, I was teaching

myself to speak. I was practising on Toryism that I might become perfect

in Liberalism. Those days when I made a convenience of Toryism were the

days of my apprenticeship to the art of speaking. Would you have had me

speak badly for such a cause as Liberalism? No. But if I spoke badly for

Toryism, I damaged nothing. Toryism _is_ nothing unless, as I said, it

is a sheep’s head for Liberals to practise on when they are novices, and

the mistake you made is to suppose that I am still a novice, when, as a

matter of fact----” He paused elaborately and hoped that Mr. Wattercouch

would fill in the blank intelligently. “But it is premature to speak

of that,” he said. “As to the registration, I can send you one of my

clerks.” He made a gesture dismissing as an affair of pygmies that chief

event of an agent’s year.

“I see... I see,” said Wattercouch, trying hard to believe that he had

so far been looking at Sam through the wrong end of a telescope. “And

you yourself, Mr. Branstone?”

It tempted Sam, that tone of quite startled respect which Wattercouch

adopted now. The misfortune of Sam’s imaginative flights was that he

never knew when to stop. All that he cared about, at the moment, was to

give Wattercouch the impression that Sam Branstone was too important

to be asked to drudge at registration work. He was in no hurry about

politics, but when he began it would not be as a volunteer clerk.

“I?” he replied. “Two things. One a fact and the other a prophecy.

The fact is that I am an orator, and the prophecy is that Sir William

Gatenby will not live long and that I shall take his place as member

for the Division. Have you a cold?” he added, as Wattercouch choked with

irresistible stupefaction.

He had not a cold, neither had he powers of speech just then, and the

silence grew emphatic without in the least disconcerting Sam. Once

launched on the sea of bluff, Sam was a hardy navigator, and he had the

moral support of knowing that his whole purpose just now was to avoid

being a clerk. To avoid being a clerk it is justifiable to do more

than to romance: it is justifiable to commit most of the crimes in the

Newgate Calendar. Sam was hardly asked to do that, but Wattercouch’s

cough was a challenge, and a bluff half bluffed is worse than no bluff

at all. It became a matter of pride to convince this unbeliever.

“I intend,” said Sam with aplomb, “to do a good deal of platform for the

Party. If an election comes soon, so much the better. I shall take

the opportunity to make myself more popular with the electors than Sir

William Gatenby is. That is easy. He quotes Latin in election speeches,

and I’m a man of the people. After that, I expect to contest a

by-election for a seat which the Party regards as a forlorn hope. If

it is possible to win that seat for our Great Cause, I shall win it.

If not, I shall trust to two things, the senile decay of Sir William

Gatenby and the discretion of the Whip’s office.”

Wattercouch was adapting himself painfully to the new perspective. He

granted that Sam had plausibility, and an assurance which nearly lent

conviction to his astonishing statement.

“You are in touch with the Whips!” he gasped.

Sam remembered and varied an old formula. “Do you suppose,” he asked

indignantly, “that I should be speaking to you like this if I were not?”

Wattercouch did not suppose it. For one thing he was acquainted with the

devious ways of Whips, and nothing that those secretive autocrats did

could surprise him: for another, he wished to believe what Sam wished

him to believe. He saw in Sam the way out of a dilemma.

His dilemma was a common one. A death had caused a vacancy in the

Town Council, and the local Liberal caucus was almost pathetically

embarrassed as to its choice of a candidate. There were at least

three veteran workers for the Cause who expected, with justice, to be

approached and none of the three could be selected without offence being

given to interests which it was impolitic to offend.

It was all very well for the caucus: they left it to Wattercouch, the

general handy man, to make suggestions, and as he listened to Sam he

thought he had found a candidate who, simply because he was politically

unknown, could offend nobody. If the obvious men were wrong, he must

rely on the rightness of the unexpected, and, after all, Sam might be

speaking the truth. One never knew where one was with Whips, and here

was his chance to propitiate Sam and at the same time to solve the

problem which troubled the caucus. Sam was a dark horse and he wished he

knew more about him; it was startling to come in search of a voluntary

clerk and to find a candidate; but, finally, he saw it as a legitimate

case for taking a risk.

“I don’t know, sir,” he said, with a very pretty respect in his voice,

“whether municipal politics will appeal to a man of your calibre, but

there is a vacancy in St. Mary’s Ward, and I hardly think there will be

any difficulty about your adoption as candidate if you cared to stand.”

Sam pretended to reflect. The truth was that the prospect of an

immediate seat in the Council made his heart beat fiercely. He had meant

for a while longer to put business before politics, but this sort of

politics was business. The Council took up one’s time, but conferred a

prestige on Branstone and the Branstone Publications which would more

than compensate for the waste of time.

And it was deliciously unexpected. He had not studied to impress

Wattercouch, but had talked exaltedly simply to excuse himself from

the unseen, thankless drudgery of organization: yet it seemed he had

impressed. Virtually, he was offered a seat, He was, this soon, to sit

where Travers had sat, to be a City Father before he was thirty-five. He

had romanced glibly about a bird in the bush, and found himself grasping

a bird in hand, and no contemptible fowl either.

“We must despise nothing,” he said, “which makes for Liberalism.”

Wattercouch nodded with enthusiasm. “Of course,” Sam went on, “strictly

between ourselves, the Council is small beer. But it is for the Cause,

and if I were asked to stand, you may take it that I should not allow

the larger view I have of my ultimate activities to interfere with my

acceptance. I take pleasure in duty and I see it as my duty, even if it

involves the postponement of my Parliamentary ambitions, to throw myself

wholeheartedly into this conflict.” He was wonderfully pious.

Wattercouch was less emotional. He had heard too many speeches from

prospective candidates to be carried away by Sam’s. “Quite probably

there will be no contest,” he said dryly. “It’s a safe Liberal seat.”

“I should have preferred a fight,” Sam lied wistfully. “But I put duty

first.”

As a fact, there was no contest, and if each of the three veteran

workers thought himself aggrieved, he had the consolation of knowing

that the other two shared his grievance. Wattercouch was discreetly

mysterious about Sam in the inner councils of the local Party, used

Gatenby’s name freely and managed to convey that Branstone was something

much bigger than he appeared to be. He had, at least, got them out of

their quandary.

Nor did Sam discredit his sponsor either at the private meeting he

addressed or at the public one which followed. He had said he was an

orator, Wattercouch had repeated it indefatigably, and Sam’s audience

believed it implicitly. He was not quite an orator, but was coming along

nicely under the tuition of an old actor who had failed on the stage and

now called himself a professor of elocution.

He became Mr. Councillor Branstone, and happy little references to the

event began to appear in the papers. The _Sunday Judge_, for instance,

had “no doubt that Mr. Branstone will live to look back upon his

unopposed return to the Council as a minor episode of his political

career, and we speak by the book. Branstone will go far, but, meantime,

it is something even for him to know that he is the most popular man in

St. Mary’s Ward. We had almost written in the whole city, but that would

be to anticipate. How is it done? How is such popularity achieved? How,

in other words, did merit become recognized? Mr. Branstone himself only

smiled when we asked him, but his smile is half of his secret and his

rousing, earnest oratory the other half. They are indeed an open smile

and an open secret. But there are other secrets less open. All we shall

say now is, ‘Watch Branstone. He will not disappoint you.’”

There was a low evening paper, run in the Conservative interest, which

fastened on the phrase “other secrets less open” and published the

scurrilous statement that one of the less open secrets was the fact that

Mr. Councillor Branstone’s mother was a charwoman, but the paragraph

appeared only in the early edition and unaccountably disappeared from

later issues. It did no harm, as first editions are not published for

politicians, but for sportsmen, and, in any case, there was a brief, but

dignified, eulogy of Mr. Branstone in the _Manchester Warden_ next day.

That paper happened, fortunately, to be Liberal in politics, and indeed

to be, on just occasion, a valiant log-roller. It rolled a log for Sam;

the popularity of Branstone was established, hall-marked by the Press;

and it was about this time that Stewart’s second potboiler was accepted

for inclusion in Branstone’s Novels. The terms were even more favourable

to the author than before.

The Marbeck Inn: A Novel · 第 16 / 25 章