CHAPTER II

THE FRENCH ACADEMY--PHILOSOPHY (DESCARTES)--RELIGION (PASCAL)

The French Academy, an organised aristocracy of letters, expressed

the growing sense that anarchy in literature must end, and that

discipline and law must be recognised in things of the mind. It is

one of the glories of RICHELIEU that he perceived that literature

has a public function, and may indeed be regarded as an affair of

the State. His own writings, or those composed under his

direction--memoirs; letters; the _Succincte Narration_, which sets

forth his policy; the _Testament_, which embodies his counsel in

statecraft--belong less to literature than to French history. But

he honoured the literary art; he enjoyed the drama; he devised plots

for plays, and found docile poets--his Society of five--to carry out

his designs.

In 1629 Valentin Conrart, secretary to the King, and one of the

frequenters of the Hotel de Rambouillet, was accustomed to receive

weekly a group of distinguished men of letters and literary amateurs,

who read their manuscripts aloud, discussed the merits of new works,

and considered questions of criticism, grammar, and language.

Tidings of these reunions having reached Richelieu, he proposed that

the society should receive an official status. By the influence of

Chapelain the objections of certain members were overcome. The

_Academie Francaise_ held its first sitting on March 13, 1634; three

years later the letters patent were registered; the number of members

was fixed at forty; when vacancies occurred, new members were co-opted

for life. Its history to the year 1652 was published in the following

year by Pellisson, and obtained him admission to a chair. The

functions of the learned company were to ascertain, as far as possible,

the French language, to regulate grammar, and to act as a literary

tribunal if members consented to submit their works to its examination.

There were hopes that authoritative treatises on rhetoric and poetics

might be issued with its sanction; but these hopes were not fulfilled.

A dictionary, of which Chapelain presented the plan in 1638, was,

however, undertaken; progressing by slow degrees, the first edition

appeared in 1694. Its aim was not to record every word of which an

example could be found, but to select those approved by the usage

of cultivated society and of the best contemporary or recent authors.

Thus it tended to establish for literary use an aristocracy of words;

and while literary expression gained in dignity and intellectual

precision, gained as an instrument of reason and analysis, such

regulation created a danger that it might lose in elements that have

affinities with the popular mind--vivacity, colour, picturesqueness,

variety. At its commencement no one was more deeply interested in

the dictionary than Vaugelas (1585-1650), a gentleman of Savoie,

whose concern for the purity of the language, as determined by the

best usage, led him to resist innovations and the invasion of foreign

phraseology. His _Remarques sur la Langue Francaise_ served as a guide

to his fellow-members of the Academy. Unhappily he was wholly ignorant

of the history of the language. With the erudite Chapelain he mediated

between the scholarship and the polite society of the time. But while

Vaugelas was almost wholly occupied with the vocabulary and grammar,

Chapelain did much to enforce the principles of the classical school

upon literary art. The Academy took up the work which the _salons_

had begun; its spirit was more robust and masculine than theirs; it

was freer from passing fashions, affectations, prettinesses; it

leaned on the side of intellect rather than of sentiment.

In what may be called the regulation of French prose the influence

of JEAN-LOUIS GUEZ DE BALZAC (1594-1654) was considerable. He had

learnt from Malherbe that a literary craftsman should leave nothing

to chance, that every effect should be exactly calculated. It was

his task to apply to prose the principles which had guided his master

in verse. His _Lettres_, of which a first series appeared in 1624,

and a second twelve years later, are not the spontaneous intercourse

of friend with friend, but rather studious compositions which deal

with matters of learning, literature, morals, religion, politics,

events, and persons of the time. Their contents are of little

importance; Balzac was not an original thinker, but he had the art

of arranging his ideas, and of expressing them in chosen words

marshalled in ample and sonorous sentences. A certain fire he had,

a limited power of imagination, a cultivated judgment, a taste, which

suffered from bad workmanship; a true affection for rural life. These

hardly furnished him with matter adequate to support his elevated

style. His letters were regarded as models of eloquence; but it is

eloquence manufactured artificially and applied to subjects, not

proceeding from them. His _Prince_, a treatise on the virtues of kings,

with a special reference to Louis XIII., was received coldly. His

_Aristippe_, which dealt with the manners and morals of a court, and

his _Socrate Chretien_, a study in ethics and theology, were efforts

beyond his powers. His gift to literature was a gift of method and

of style; others who worked in marble learned something from his

studious modellings in clay.

To regulate thought required an intellect of a different order from

that of Balzac, "emperor of orators." It was the task of RENE DESCARTES

(1596-1650). A child of delicate health, born at La Haye, near Tours,

he became, under Jesuit teachers, a precocious student both in

languages and science. But truth, not erudition, was the demand and

the necessity of his mind. Solitary investigations in mathematics

were for a time succeeded by the life of a soldier in the Netherlands

and Holland. The stream of thought was flowing, however, underground.

Suddenly it emerged to light. In 1619, when the young volunteer was

in winter quarters at Neuburg, on the Danube, on a memorable day the

first principles of a new philosophical method presented themselves

to his intellect, and, as it were, claimed him for their interpreter.

After wanderings through various parts of Europe, and a period of

studious leisure in Paris, he chose Holland for his place of abode

(1629), and though often shifting his residence, little disturbed

save by the controversies of philosophy and the orthodox zeal of Dutch

theologians, he gave his best hours during twenty years to thought.

An invitation from Queen Christina to the Swedish court was accepted

in 1649. The change in his habits and the severity of a northern winter

proved fatal to the health which Descartes had carefully cherished;

in February of 1650 he was dead.

The mathematical cycle in the development of Descartes' system of

thought preceded the metaphysical. His great achievements in

analytical geometry, in optics, in physical research, his

explanation of the laws of nature, and their application in his theory

of the material universe, belong to the history of science. Algebra

and geometry led him towards his method in metaphysical speculation.

How do all primary truths verify themselves to the human mind? By

the fact that an object is clearly and distinctly conceived. The

objects of knowledge fall into certain groups or series; in each

series there is some simple and dominant element which may be

immediately apprehended, and in relation to which the subordinate

elements become intelligible. Let us accept nothing on hearsay or

authority; let us start with doubt in order to arrive at certitude;

let us test the criterion of certitude to the uttermost. There is

one fact which I cannot doubt, even in doubting all--I think, and

if I think, I exist--"Je pense, donc je suis." No other evidence of

this is needed than that our conception is clear and distinct; in

this clearness and distinctness we find the principle of certitude.

Mind, then, exists, and is known to us as a thinking substance. But

the idea of an infinite, perfect Being is also present to our

intellect; we, finite, imperfect beings, could not have made it;

unmake it we cannot; and in the conception of perfection that of

existence is involved. Therefore God exists, and therefore the laws

of our consciousness, which are His laws, cannot deceive us. We have

seen what mind or spirit signifies--a thinking substance. Reduce our

idea of matter to clearness and distinctness, and what do we find?

The idea of an extended substance. Our complex humanity, made up of

soul and body, comprises both kinds of substance. But thought and

extension have nothing in common; their union can only be conceived

as the collocation at a single point of a machine with that which

raises it above a mere machine. As for the lower animals, they are

no more than automata.

Descartes' _Principia_ and his _Meditationes_ were written in Latin.

The _Discours de la Methode_ (1637) and the later _Traite des

Passions_ showed how the French language could be adapted to the

purposes of the reason. Such eloquence as is found in Descartes is

that of thought illuminating style. The theory of the passions

anticipates some of the tendencies of modern psychology in its

physical investigations. No one, however, affirmed more absolutely

than Descartes the freedom of the will--unless, indeed, we regard

it as determined by God: it cannot directly control the passions,

but it can indirectly modify them with the aid of imagination; it

is the supreme mistress of action, however the passions may oppose

its fiat. Spiritualist as he was, Descartes was not disposed to be

the martyr of thought. Warned by the example of Galileo, he did not

desire to expose himself to the dangers attending heretical opinions.

He separated the province of faith from that of reason: "I revere

our theology," he said; but he held that theology demanded other

lights than those of the unaided powers of man. In its own province,

he made the reason his absolute guide, and with results which

theologians might regard as dangerous.

The spirit of Descartes' work was in harmony with that of his time,

and reacted upon literature. He sought for general truths by the light

of reason; he made clearness a criterion of truth; he proclaimed man

a spirit; he asserted the freedom of the will. The art of the classical

period sought also for general truths, and subordinated imagination

to reason. It turned away from ingenuities, obscurities, mysteries;

it was essentially spiritualist; it represented the crises and heroic

victories of the will.

Descartes' opponent, Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655), epicurean in his

physics, an empiricist, though an inconsistent one, in philosophy,

chose the Latin language as the vehicle for his ideas. A group of

writers whose tendencies were towards sensualism or scepticism,

viewed him as their master. Chapelle in verse, La Mothe le Vayer in

prose, may serve as representatives of art surrendering itself to

vulgar pleasures, and thought doubting even its doubts, and finding

repose in indifference.

The true successor of Descartes in French philosophy, eminent in the

second half of the century, was NICOLAS DE MALEBRANCHE (1638-1715).

Soul and body, Descartes had shown, are in their very nature alien

each from the other. How then does the soul attain a knowledge of

the external world? In God, the absolute substance, are the ideas

of all things; in God we behold those ideas which matter could never

convey to us, and which we could never ourselves originate; in God

we see and know all things. The _Recherche de la Verite_ (1674-75)

was admirably written and was widely read. The theologians found it

dangerous; and when six years later Malebranche published his _Traite

de la Nature et de la Grace_, characterised briefly and decidedly

by Bossuet as "pulchra, nova, falsa," at Bossuet's request both

Arnauld and Fenelon attempted to refute "the extravagant Oratorian."

His place in the evolution of philosophy lies between Descartes and

Spinoza, who developed and completed the doctrine of Descartes. In

the transition from dualism to monism Malebranche served as a

mediator.

Religious thought in the seventeenth century, wedded to an austere

morality, is expressed by the writers of Port-Royal, and those who

were in sympathy with them. They could not follow the flowery path

of piety--not the less the narrow path because it was cheerful--pointed

out by St. Francois de Sales. Between nature and grace they saw a deep

and wide abyss. In closest connection with them was one man of the

highest genius--author of the _Provinciales_ and the _Pensees_--whose

spiritual history was more dramatic than any miracle-play or morality

of the Middle Ages.

BLAISE PASCAL was born at Clermont-Ferrand in 1623. His father, a

president of the Court of Aids at Clermont, a man of intellect and

character, guided his education in languages, natural science, and

mathematics. The boy's precocity was extraordinary; at sixteen he

had written a treatise on Conic Sections, which excited the

astonishment of Descartes. But the intensity of study, preying upon

a nervous constitution, consumed his health and strength; at an early

age he suffered from temporary paralysis. When about twenty-three

he fell under the religious influences of certain disciples of St.

Cyran, read eagerly in the writings of Jansen and Arnauld, and

resolved to live for God alone. But to restore his health he was urged

to seek recreation, and by degrees the interests and pleasures of

the world took hold upon him; the master of his mind was the sceptical

Montaigne; he moved in the mundane society of the capital; and it

has been conjectured from hints in his _Discours sur les Passions

de l'Amour_ that he loved the sister of his friend, the Duc de Roannez,

and had the vain hope of making her his wife.

The spirit of religion, however, lived within his heart, and needed

only to be reawakened. The reawakening came in 1654 through the

persuasions of his sister, Jacqueline, who had abandoned the world

two years previously, and entered the community of Port-Royal. The

abbey of Port-Royal, situated some seven or eight miles from

Versailles, was presided over by Jacqueline Arnauld, the Mere

Angelique, and a brotherhood of solitaries, among whom were several

of the Arnauld family, had settled in the valley in the year 1637.

With this unvowed brotherhood Pascal, though never actually a

solitary, associated himself at the close of 1654. An escape from

sudden danger in a carriage accident, and a vision or ecstasy which

came to him, co-operated in his conversion. After his death, copies

of a fragmentary and passionate writing referring to this period--the

so-called "amulet" of Pascal--were found upon his person; its words,

"renonciation totale et douce," and "joie, joie, joie, pleurs de

joie," express something of his resolution and his rapture.

The affair of the _Provinciales_, and the design of an apology for

Christianity with which his _Pensees_ are connected, together with

certain scientific studies and the deepening passion of religion,

make up what remained of Pascal's life. His spirit grew austere, but

in his austerity there was an inexpressible joy. Exhausted by his

ascetic practices and the inward flame of his soul, Pascal died on

August 19, 1662. "May God never leave me" were his last words.

With Pascal's work as a mathematician and a physicist we are not here

concerned. In it "we see," writes a scientific authority, "the

strongest marks of a great original genius creating new ideas, and

seizing upon, mastering, and pursuing further everything that was

fresh and unfamiliar in his time. After the lapse of more than two

hundred years, we can still point to much in exact science that is

absolutely his; and we can indicate infinitely more which is due to

his inspiration."

Jansenism and Jesuitism, opposed as they were, have this in common,

that both were movements in that revival of Roman Catholicism which

was stimulated by the rivalry of the Protestant Reformation. But the

Jesuits sought to win the world to religion by an art of piety, in

which a system of accommodation was recognised as a means of drawing

worldlings to the Church; the Jansenists held up a severe moral ideal,

and humbled human nature in presence of the absolute need and

resistless omnipotence of divine grace. Like the Jesuits, but in a

different spirit, the Port-Royalists devoted themselves much to the

task of education. They honoured classical studies; they honoured

science, dialectics, philosophy. Their grammar, logic, geometry were

substantial additions to the literature of pedagogy. Isaac le Maistre

de Sacy and others translated and annotated the Bible. Their

theologian, moralist, and controversialist, Pierre Nicole (1625-95),

author of _Essais de Morale_ (1671), if not profound or brilliant,

was the possessor of learning, good sense, good feeling, and religious

faith. Under the influence of St. Cyran, the Port-Royalists were in

close sympathy with the teaching of Jansen, Bishop of Ypres; the

writings of their great theologian Antoine Arnauld were vigorously

anti-Jesuitical. In 1653 five propositions, professedly extracted

from Jansen's _Augustinus_, were condemned by a Papal bull. The

insulting triumph of the Jesuits drew Arnauld again into controversy;

and on a question concerning divine grace he was condemned in January

1656 by the Sorbonne. "You who are clever and inquiring" (_curieux_),

said Arnauld to Pascal, "you ought to do something." Next day was

written the first of Pascal's _Lettres a un Provincial_, and on 23rd

January it was issued to the public; a second followed within a week;

the success was immense. The writer concealed his identity under the

pseudonym "Louis de Montalte."

The _Lettres Provinciales_ are eighteen in number. The first three

and the last three deal with the affair of Arnauld and the Sorbonne,

and the questions under discussion as to the nature and the need of

divine grace. In the opening letters the clearest intellectual

insight and the deepest seriousness of spirit are united with the

finest play of irony, and even with the temper of comedy. The supposed

Louis de Montalte, seeking theological lights from a doctor of the

Sorbonne, finds only how hopelessly divided in opinion are the

opponents of Arnauld, and how grotesquely they darken counsel with

speech. In the twelve letters intervening between the third and the

sixteenth, Pascal takes the offensive, and deploys an incomparably

skilful attack on the moral theology of the Jesuits. For the rigid

they may have a stricter morality, but for the lax their casuistry

supplies a pliable code of morals, which, by the aid of ingenious

distinctions, can find excuses for the worst of crimes. With force

of logic, with fineness of irony, with energy of moral indignation,

with a literary style combining strength and lightness, Pascal

presses his irresistible assault. The effect of the "Provincial

Letters" was to carry the discussion of morals and theology before

a new court of appeal--not the Sorbonne, but the public intelligence

and the unsophisticated conscience of men. To French prose they added

a masterpiece and a model.

The subject of the _Provinciales_ is in part a thing of the past;

the _Pensees_ deal with problems which can never lose their interest.

Among Pascal's papers were found, after his early death, many

fragments which his sister, Madame Perier, and his friends recognised

as of rare value; but the editors of the little volume which appeared

in 1670, imagining that they could safeguard its orthodoxy, and even

amend its style, freely omitted and altered what Pascal had written.

It was not until 1844 that a complete and genuine text was established

in the edition of M. Faugere. We can hardly hope to arrange the

fragments so as to exhibit the design of that apology for Christianity,

with which many of them were doubtless connected, but the main

outlines of Pascal's body of thought can be clearly discerned.

The intellect of Pascal, so powerful in its grasp of scientific truth,

could find by its own researches no certitude in the sphere of

philosophy and religion. He had been deeply influenced by the

sceptical mind of Montaigne. He found within him a passionate craving

for certitude; man is so constituted that he can never be at rest

until he rests in knowledge of the truth; but man, as he now exists,

is incapable of ascertaining truth; he is weak and miserable, and

yet the very consciousness of his misery is evidence of his greatness;

"Nature confounds the Pyrrhonist, and reason the dogmatist;" "Man

is but a reed, the feeblest of created things, but a reed which

thinks." How is this riddle of human nature to be explained? Only

in one way--by a recognition of the truth taught by religion, that

human nature is fallen from its true estate, that man is a dethroned

king. And how is the dissonance in man's nature to be overcome? Only

in one way--through union with God made man; with Jesus Christ, the

centre in which alone we find our weakness and the divine strength.

Through Christ man is abased and lifted up--abased without despair,

and lifted up without pride; in Him all contradictions are reconciled.

Such, in brief, is the vital thought from which Pascal's apologetic

proceeds. It does not ignore any of the external evidences of

Christianity; but the irresistible evidence is that derived from the

problem of human nature and the essential needs of the spirit--a

problem which religion alone can solve, and needs which Christ alone

can satisfy. Pascal's "Thoughts" are those of an eminent intelligence.

But they are more than thoughts; they are passionate lyrical cries

of a heart which had suffered, and which had found more than

consolation; they are the interpretation of the words of his

amulet--"Joie, joie, joie, pleurs de joie." The union of the ardour

of a poet or a saint with the scientific rigour of a great geometer,

of wit and brilliance with a sublime pathos, is among the rarest

phenomena in literature; all this and more is found in Pascal.

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