The beautiful estate, which I have thus described to you, was

ornamented by no suitable dwelling-house at the time when it was

purchased by Mr. Wilson: there was indeed a rustic cottage, most

picturesquely situated, which, with the addition of a drawing-room

thrown out at one end, was made for the present (and, as it turned

out, for many a year to come) capable of meeting the hospitable system

of life adopted by its owner. But, with a view to more ample and

luxurious accommodations, even at that early period of his possession

(1808), Mr. Wilson began to build a mansion of larger and more elegant

proportions. The shell, and perhaps the greater part of the internal

work, was soon finished; but for some reason, which I never remember

to have inquired into, was not rendered thoroughly habitable (and

consequently not inhabited) till the year 1825. I think it worth while

to mention this house particularly, because it has always appeared to

me a silent commentary on its master's state of mind, and an

exemplification of his character both as it was and as it appeared. At

first sight there was an air of adventurousness, or even of

extravagance about the plan and situation of the building; and yet

upon a considerate examination (and latterly upon a practical trial)

of it, I cannot see that within the same dimensions it would have been

possible to have contrived a more judicious or commodious house. Thus,

for instance, the house is planted upon the boldest and most exposed

point of ground that can be found on the whole estate, consequently

upon that which might have presumed (and I believe was really reputed)

to be the very stormiest: yet, whether from counteracting screens of

wood that have since been reared in fortunate situations, or from what

other cause I know not, but undoubtedly at this day no practical

inconvenience is suffered; though it is true, I believe, that in the

earlier years of its history, the house bore witness occasionally, by

dismal wrecks of roof and windows, to the strength and fury of the

wind on one particular quarter. Again, in the internal arrangements

one room was constructed of such ample proportions, with a view to

dancing, that the length (as I remember) was about seventy feet; the

other dimensions I have forgotten. Now, in this instance most people

saw an evidence of nothing but youthful extravagance, and a most

disproportionate attention directed to one single purpose, which upon

that scale could not probably be of very frequent occurrence in _any_

family. This by the way was at any rate a sensible extravagance in my

judgment; for our English mode of building tends violently to the

opposite and most unwholesome extravagance of giving to the very

principal room of a house the beggarly proportions of closets.

However, the sequel showed that in providing for one end, Mr. Wilson

had not lost sight of others: for the seventy-feet room was so divided

by strong folding-doors, or temporary partitions, as in its customary

state to exhibit three rooms of ordinary proportions, and unfolded its

full extent only by special and extraordinary mechanism. Other

instances I might give in which the plan seemed to be extravagant or

inconsiderate, and yet really turned out to have been calculated with

the coolest judgment and the nicest foresight of domestic needs. It is

sufficient to say that I do not know a house apparently more

commodiously arranged than this, which was planned and built with

utmost precipitation, and in the very heyday of a most tempestuous

youth. In one thing only, upon a retrospect at this day of the whole

case, there may appear to have been some imprudence, viz. that timber

being then at a most unprecedented high price, it is probable that the

building cost seven or eight hundred pounds more than it would have

done a few years later. Allowing for this one oversight, the principal

house on the Elleray estate, which at the time was looked upon as an

evidence of Mr. Wilson's flightiness of mind, remains at this day a

lasting monument of his good sense and judgment.

Whilst I justify him, however, on this head, I am obliged to admit

that on another field, at that very time, Mr. Wilson was displaying

the most reckless profusion. A sailing club had been established on

Windermere, by whom I never heard; very probably by Mr. Wilson

himself; at all events, he was the leader and the soul of the

confederation; and he applied annually nothing less than a little

fortune to the maintenance of the many expenses which arose out of it.

Amongst the members of the club there were more than one who had far

larger fortunes than Mr. Wilson could ever have possessed; but he

would permit no one to outshine him on this arena. The number of his

boats was so great as to compose a little fleet; and some of them, of

unusually large dimensions for this lake, had been built at an

enormous expense by regular builders brought over expressly from the

port of Whitehaven (distant from Elleray about forty-five miles), and

kept during the whole progress of their labour at a most expensive

Lakers' hotel. One of these boats in particular, a ten-oared barge,

which you will find specially introduced by name in Professor Wilson's

tale of _The Foresters_ (_vide_ p. 215), was generally believed at

the time to have cost him at the least five hundred pounds. And as the

number of sailors which it required to man these boats was necessarily

very great at particular seasons, and as the majority of these sailors

lived, during the period of their services, with little or no

restraint upon their expenses at the most costly inn in the

neighbourhood,--it may be supposed very readily that about this time

Mr. Wilson's lavish expenditure, added to the demands of architects

and builders, and the recent purchase of Elleray, must have seriously

injured his patrimonial property,--though generally believed to have

been originally considerably more than thirty thousand (many asserted

forty thousand) pounds. In fact, he had never less than three

establishments going on concurrently for some years; one at the town

or village of Bowness (the little port of the lake of Windermere), for

his boatmen; one at the Ambleside Hotel, about five miles distant, for

himself; and a third at Elleray, for his servants, and the occasional

resort of himself and his friends. It is the opinion of some people

that about this time, and during the succeeding two years, Mr. Wilson

dissipated the main bulk of his patrimony in profuse expenditure. But

more considerate people see no ground for that opinion: his expenses,

though great, were never adequate to the dilapidation of so large an

estate as he was reputed to have inherited: and the prevailing opinion

is that some great loss of £20,000 at a blow, by the failure of some

trustee or other, was the true cause of that diminution in his

property which, within a year or two from this time, he is generally

supposed to have suffered. However, as Mr. Wilson himself has always

maintained an obstinate silence on the subject, and as the mere fact

of the loss (however probable) is not more accurately known to me than

its extent, or its particular mode, or its cause,--I shall not allow

myself to make any conjectural speculations on the subject. It can be

interesting to you and me only from one of its consequences, viz. its

leading him afterwards to seek a professorship: for most certain it

is, that, if the splendour of Mr. Wilson's youthful condition as to

pecuniary matters had not been in some remarkable degree overcast, and

suffered some signal eclipse, he would never have surrendered any part

of that perfect liberty which was so dear to him, for all the honours

and rewards that could have been offered by the foremost universities

of Europe.

You will have heard, no doubt, from some of those with whom you

conversed about Professor Wilson when you were in Europe, or you may

have read it in Peter's Letters, that in very early life (probably

about the age of eighteen) he had formed a scheme for penetrating into

central Africa, visiting the city of Tombuctoo, and solving (if it

were possible) the great outstanding problem of the course of the

Niger. To this scheme he was attracted probably not so much by any

particular interest in the improvement of geographical knowledge, as

by the youthful spirit of romantic adventure, and a very uncommon

craving for whatever was grand--indefinite--and gigantic in

conception, supposing that it required at the same time great physical

powers in the execution. There cannot be a doubt for us at this day,

who look back upon the melancholy list of victims in this perilous

field of discovery which has been furnished by the two or three and

twenty years elapsed since Mr. Wilson's plan was in agitation, that in

that enterprise--had he ever irretrievably embarked himself upon

it--he would infallibly have perished; for, though reasonably strong,

he was not strong upon that heroic scale which an expedition so

Titanic demands; and what was perhaps still more important, if strong

enough--he was not _hardy_ enough, as a gentleman rarely is, more

especially where he has literary habits; because the exposure to open

air, which is the indispensable condition of hardiness, is at any rate

interrupted--even if it were not counteracted--by the luxurious habits

and the relaxing atmosphere of the library and the drawing-room.

Moreover, Mr. Wilson's constitution was irritable and disposed to

fever; his temperament was too much that of a man of genius not to

have furnished a mine of inflammable materials for any tropical

climate; his prudence, as regarded his health, was not remarkable; and

if to all these internal and personal grounds of danger you add the

incalculable hazards of the road itself, every friend of Mr. Wilson's

must have rejoiced on hearing that in 1808, when I first met him, this

Tim-(or Tom-) buctoo scheme was already laid aside.

Yet, as the stimulus of danger, in one shape or other, was at that

time of life perhaps essential to his comfort, he soon substituted

another scheme, which at this day might be accomplished with ease and

safety enough, but in the year 1809 (under the rancorous system of

Bonaparte) was full of hazard. In this scheme he was so good as to

associate myself as one of his travelling companions, together with an

earlier friend of his own--an Englishman, of a philosophical turn of

mind, with whom he had been a fellow-student at Glasgow; and we were

certainly all three of an age and character to have enjoyed the

expedition in the very highest degree, had the events of the war

allowed us to realise our plan. The plan was as follows: from

Falmouth, by one of the regular packets, we were to have sailed to the

Tagus; and, landing wherever accident should allow us, to purchase

mules--hire Spanish servants--and travel extensively in Spain and

Portugal for eight or nine months; thence, by such of the islands in

the Mediterranean as particularly interested us, we were gradually to

have passed into Greece, and thence to Constantinople. Finally, we

were to have visited the Troad, Syria, Egypt, and perhaps Nubia. I

feel it almost ludicrous to sketch the outline of so extensive a tour,

no part of which was ever executed; such a Barmacide feast is

laughable in the very rehearsal. Yet it is bare justice to ourselves

to say that on our parts there was no slackness or _make-believe_:

what put an extinguisher upon our project was the entrance of Napoleon

into Spain, his immediate advance upon Madrid, and the wretched

catastrophe of the expedition so miserably misconducted under Sir John

Moore. The _prestige_ of French generalship was at that time a

nightmare upon the courage and spirit of hopeful exertion throughout

Europe; and the earliest dawn was only then beginning to arise of that

glorious experience which was for ever to dissolve it. Sir J. Moore,

and through him his gallant but unfortunate army, was the last

conspicuous victim to the mere sound and _humbug_ (if you will excuse

a coarse expression) of the words _Napoleon Bonaparte_. What he fled

from was precisely those two words. And the timid policy, adopted by

Sir John on that memorable occasion, would--among other greater and

national consequences--have had this little collateral interest to us

unfortunate travellers, had our movements been as speedy as we had

anticipated, that it would have cost us our heads. A certain bulletin,

issued by Bonaparte at that time, sufficiently apprised us of that

little truth. In this bulletin Bonaparte proclaimed with a careless

air, but making at the same time somewhat of a boast of it, that

having happened to meet a party of sixteen British travellers--persons

of whom he had ascertained nothing at all but that they did not bear a

military character--he had issued a summary order that they should all

be strung up without loss of time by the neck. In this little

facetious anecdote, as Bonaparte seemed to think it, we read the fate

that we had escaped. Had nothing occurred to retard our departure from

this country, we calculated that the route we had laid down for our

daily motions would have brought us to Guadarama (or what was the name

of the pass?) just in time to be hanged. Having a British general at

our backs with an army of more than thirty thousand effective men, we

should certainly have roamed in advance with perfect reliance upon the

old British policy of fighting, for which we could never have allowed

ourselves to dream of such a substitute as a flight through all the

passes of Gallicia on the principle of '_the D---- take the

hindmost_.' Infallibly also we should have been surprised by the

extraordinary rapidity at that time of the French movements; our

miserable shambling mules, with their accursed tempers, would have

made but a shabby attempt at flight before a squadron of light

cavalry; and in short, as I said before, we should have come just in

time to be hanged. And hanged we should all have been: though _why_,

and upon what principle, it would be difficult to say; and probably

that question would have been left to after consideration in some more

philosophical age. You will suppose naturally that we rejoiced at our

escape; and so undoubtedly we did. Yet for my part I had, among

nineteen-twentieths of joy, just one-twentieth of a lingering regret

that we had missed the picturesque fate that awaited us. The reason

was this: it has been through life an infirmity of Mr. Wilson's (at

least in my judgment an infirmity) to think too indulgently of

Bonaparte, not merely in an intellectual point of view, but even with

reference to his pretensions--hollower, one would think, than the

wind--to moral elevation and magnanimity. Such a mistake, about a man

who could never in any one instance bring himself to speak generously,

or even forbearingly of an enemy, rouses my indignation as often as I

recur to it; and in Professor Wilson, I have long satisfied myself

that it takes its rise from a more comprehensive weakness, the

greatest in fact which besets his mind, viz. a general tendency to

bend to the prevailing opinion of the world, and a constitutional

predisposition, to sympathise with power and whatsoever is triumphant.

Hence, I could not but regret most poignantly the capital opportunity

I had forfeited of throwing in a deep and stinging sarcasm at his

idol, just at the moment when we should have been waiting to be

turned off. I know Professor Wilson well: though a brave man, at

twenty-two he enjoyed life with a rapture that few men have ever

known, and he would have clung to it with awful tenacity. Horribly he

would have abominated the sight of the rope, and ruefully he would

have sighed if I had suggested to him on the gallows any thoughts of

that beautiful and quiet Elleray which he had left behind in England.

Just at that moment I acknowledge that it would have been fiendish,

but yet what a heaven of a luxury it would have been in the way of

revenge--to have stung him with some neat epigram, that I might have

composed in our walk to the gallows, or while the ropes were getting

into tune, on the generosity and magnanimity of Bonaparte! Perhaps, in

a sober estimate, hanging might be too heavy a price for the

refutation of a single error; yet still, at times, when my moral sense

is roused and provoked by the obstinate blindness of Professor Wilson

to the meanness and _parvanimity_[45] of Bonaparte (a blindness which

in him, as in all other worshippers of false idols, is connected at

the moment with intense hatred for those who refuse to partake in it),

a wandering regret comes over me that we should have missed so fine an

opportunity for gathering in our own persons some of those redundant

bounties which the Corsican's 'magnanimity' at that time scattered

from his cornucopia of malice to the English name upon all his

unfortunate prisoners of that nation.

[Footnote 45: I coin this word _parvanimity_ as an adequate antithesis

to _magnanimity_; for the word _pusillanimity_ has received from usage

such a confined determination to one single idea, viz. the defect of

spirit and courage, that it is wholly unfitted to tie the antipode to

the complex idea of magnanimity.]

But enough of this; an event soon occurred in Mr. Wilson's life which

made it a duty to dismiss for ever all travelling schemes that were

connected with so much hazard as this. The fierce _acharnement_ of

Bonaparte so pointedly directed to everything English, and the

prostration of the Continent, which had enabled him absolutely to seal

every port of Europe against an Englishman, who could now no longer

venture to stray a mile beyond the range of the ship's guns, which had

brought him to the shore, without the certainty of being arrested as a

spy,--this unheard-of condition of things had at length compelled all

English gentlemen to reconcile themselves for the present to the

bounds of their own island; and, accordingly, in the spring of 1809,

we three unhanged friends had entirely weaned our minds from the

travelling scheme which had so completely occupied our thoughts in

1808. Mr. Wilson in particular gave himself up to the pleasures and

occupations furnished by the neighbourhood of Windermere, which at

that time were many and various; living myself at a distance of nine

miles from Elleray, I did not see much of him through this year 1809;

in 1810 he married a young English lady, greatly admired for her

beauty and the elegance of her manners, who was generally supposed to

have brought him a fortune of about ten thousand pounds. In saying

_that_, I violate no confidence at any time reposed in me, for I rely

only on the public voice--which, in this instance, I have been told by

well-informed persons, was tolerably correct. Be that as it may,

however, in other respects I have the best reasons for believing that

this marriage connection has proved the happiest event of Mr.

Wilson's life; and that the delightful temper and disposition of his

wife have continued to shed a sunshine of peace and quiet happiness

over his domestic establishment, which were well worth all the

fortunes in the world. This lady has brought him a family of two sons

and three daughters, all interesting by their personal appearance and

their manners, and at this time rapidly growing up into young men and

women.

Here I should close all further notice of Mr. Wilson's life, and

confine myself, through what remains of the space which I have allowed

myself, to a short critical notice (such as it may be proper for a

friend to write) of his literary character and merits; but one single

event remains of a magnitude too conspicuous in any man's life to be

dismissed wholly without mention. I should add, therefore, that, about

eight or nine years after his marriage (for I forget the precise

year[46]), Mr. Wilson offered himself a candidate for the chair of

Moral Philosophy in the University in Edinburgh, which had recently

become vacant by the death of Dr. Thomas Brown, the immediate

successor of Mr. Dugald Stewart. The Scotch, who know just as much

about what they call 'Moral[47] Philosophy' and Metaphysics as the

English do, viz. exactly nothing at all, pride themselves

prodigiously upon these two names of Dugald Stewart and Dr. Brown, and

imagine that they filled the chair with some peculiar brilliance. Upon

that subject a word or two farther on. Meantime this notion made the

contest peculiarly painful and invidious, amongst ungenerous enemies,

for any untried man--no matter though his real merits had been a

thousand times greater than those of his predecessors. This Mr. Wilson

found; he had made himself enemies; whether by any unjustifiable

violences, and wanton provocations on his own part, I have no means of

knowing. In whatever way created, however, these enemies now used the

advantages of the occasion with rancorous malignity, and persecuted

him at every step with unrelenting fury. Very different was the

treatment he met with from his competitor in the contest; in that one

circumstance of the case, the person of his competitor, he had reason

to think himself equally fortunate and unfortunate; fortunate, that he

should be met by the opposition of a man whose opposition was

honour--a man of birth, talents, and high breeding, a good scholar,

and for extensive reading and universal knowledge of books (and

especially of philosophic literature) the Magliabecchi of Scotland;

unfortunate on the other hand that this accomplished opponent, adorned

by so many brilliant gifts that recommended him to the contested

office, should happen to be his early and highly valued friend. The

particular progress of the contest, and its circumstances, I am not

able to state; in general I have heard in Edinburgh that, from

political influences which chiefly governed the course of the

election, the conduct of the partisans (perhaps on both sides) was

intemperate, personal, and unjust; whilst that of the principals and

their immediate friends was full of forbearance and generosity. The

issue was, that Mr. Wilson carried the Professorship,--by what

majority of votes, I am unable to say; and you will be pleased to hear

that any little coolness, which must naturally have succeeded to so

warm a contest, has long since passed away; and the two rival

candidates have been for many years restored to their early feelings

of mutual esteem and regard.

[Footnote 46: [In July, 1820.]]

[Footnote 47: Everywhere in the world, except in Scotland, by _moral_

philosophy is meant the philosophy of the will, as opposed to the

philosophy of the intellect; in Scotland only the word _moral_ is

used, by the strongest abuse, as a comprehensive designation of

whatsoever is not _physical_; so that in the cycle of knowledge,

undertaken by the Edinburgh Professor of Moral Philosophy, are

included logic, metaphysics, ethics, psychology, anthropology,--and,

in one word, almost all human knowledge, with the exception of physics

and mathematics.]

Here I pause for everything that concerns in the remotest way the

incidents of Professor Wilson's life; one letter I mean to add, as I

have already promised, on the particular position which he occupies in

relation to modern literature; and then I have done. Meantime, let me

hope that you have not so far miscalculated my purpose as to have been

looking out for anecdotes (_i. e._ scandal) about Professor Wilson

throughout the course of this letter; since, if in any case I could

descend to cater for tastes of that description (which I am persuaded,

are naturally no tastes of _your_ family),--you must feel, on

reflection, how peculiarly impossible it is to take that course in

sketching the character of a friend, because the very means, by which

in almost every case one becomes possessed of such private anecdotes,

are the opportunities thrown in one's way by the confiding negligence

of affectionate friendship; opportunities therefore which must be for

ever sacred to every man of honour.

Yours most faithfully,

PARMENIDES.

THE LAKE DIALECT.

_To the Editor of 'Titan.'_

My Dear Sir,--I send you a few hasty notes upon Mr. Robert Ferguson's

little work (relating to the dialect current at the English

Lakes).[48] Mr. Ferguson's book is learned and seasonable, adapted to

the stage at which such studies have now arrived among us, and adapted

also to a popular use. I am sure that Mr. Ferguson knows a great deal

more about his very interesting theme than _I_ do. Nevertheless, I

presume to sit in judgment upon him; or so it will be inferred from my

assuming the office of his reviewer. But in reality I pretend to no

such ambitious and invidious functions. What I propose to do, in this

hasty and _extempore_ fashion, is--simply to take a seat in Mr.

Ferguson's court as an _amicus curiæ_, and occasionally to suggest a

doubt, by possibility an amendment; but more often to lead astray

judge, jury, and docile audience into matter growing out of the

subject, but very seldom leading back into it, too often, perhaps,

having little to do with it; pleasant by possibility, according to

Foote's judgment in a parallel case, 'pleasant, but wrong.' No great

matter if it should be so. It will be read within the privileged term

of Christmas;[49] during which licensed saturnalia it can be no blame

to any paper, that it is 'pleasant, but wrong.'

[Footnote 48: _The Northmen in Cumberland and Westmoreland._ By Robert

Ferguson. Carlisle: Steel & Brother. London: Longmans & Co.]

[Footnote 49: Writing at the moment in Scotland, where Christmas is as

little heard of, or popularly understood or regarded, as the Mahometan

festival of Beyram or the fast of Ramadan, I ought to explain that, as

Christmas Day, by adjournment from Lady Day--namely, March 25--falls

uniformly on December 25, it happens necessarily that _Twelfth_ Day

(the adoration of the Magi at Bethlehem), which is the ceremonial

close of Christmas, falls upon the 5th day of January; seven days in

the old, five in the new, year.]

The Uncollected Writings of Thomas de Quincey—Vol. 1 With a Preface and Annotations by James Hogg · 第 17 / 24 段