CAXTON'S
GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE.
1474.
A VERBATIM REPRINT OF THE FIRST EDITION.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
WILLIAM E.A. AXON, M.R.S.L.
"And ther was founde by clerkes full prudent Of the chesse the play most
glorious."
JOHN LYDGATE.
LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK,
62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.
1883.
[Transcribers Note: This is a reprint of Caxton's 1474 original.
"Englifh" long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed
to s's for readability; yogh (looks like a mutated 3) has been rendered
as a 3; thorn, þ, has been left as such and macrons over letters are
given as e.g. [=o]. Otherwise the text has been left as is.
The original punctutation has been preseved. Virgula suspensiva, shown
here as / was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth
century. Often used for short pauses (such as the cæsura in the middle
of a line of poetry), but sometimes was used as equivalent to the
punctus. "'9" represents a superscripted 9 and is an ancestor to the
modern apostrophe. It usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us.
A small amount of text in this edition is in Blackletter, which was used
in the Caxton original, and these sections have been marked up as such.
The book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the Caxton
original and an HTML version exists to give a better representation
of this.]
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION.
Jonathon Oldbuck on the Game of Chess, 1474
The First Edition: copies in libraries and at sales
Where was it printed?
Caxton's account of the translation
The Second Edition: copies in libraries and at sales
Ferron and De Vignay's "Jeu d'Echecs"
Jacques de Cessoles: "Liber de Moribus hominum"
Sermons on Chess
Ægidius Romanus, his life and his book: "De Regimine Principum"
Occleve's imitation
William Caxton as a translator
Bibliography of the Chess Book:
Colonna
Cessoles
Ferron and De Vignay
Conrad van Ammenhaufen
Mennel
Heinrich von Beringen
Stephan
Caxton
Sloane
The scope and language of the Chess-book
Authors quoted and named
Biblical names and allusions
Xerxes the inventor of Chess!
Sidrac
John the monk
Truphes of the Philosophers
Helinand
Classical allusions
Mediæval allusions and stories
John of Ganazath
St. Bernard
The dishonest trader
The drunken hermit
A violent remedy
Murder of Nero
Theodorus Cyrenaicus
Democritus of Abdera
Socrates disguised
Didymus and raised letters for the blind
Shaksperean etymology
Caxton at Ghent
The history of Chess
The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book
THE GAME OF THE CHESSE.
Dedication to the Duke of Clarence
Prologue to second edition
BOOK I.
This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/ The first traytee is of the
Invencion of this playe of the chesse/ and conteyneth. iii.
chapitres.
The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden.
The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe.
The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of. iii. causes why hit was made and
founden.
BOOK II.
The seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and
conteyneth .v. chapitres.
The first chapitre treteth of the forme of a kynge and of suche
thinges as apperteyn to a kynge.
The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners.
The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and
maners.
The .iiii. chapitre is of the knygth and of his offices.
The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices.
BOOK III.
The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath
.viii. chapitres.
The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe.
The .ii. of smythis and other werkes in yron & metall.
The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries.
The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers.
The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries.
The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers.
The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & customers.
The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours.
BOOK IV.
The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii.
chapitres.
The first is of the eschequer.
The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge.
The thirde of the yssue of the quene.
The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns.
The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes.
The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks.
The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple.
And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion and of the
recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.
GLOSSARY
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
The readers of the "Antiquary" will remember the anecdote told with so
much effusion by Jonathan Oldbuck. '"Davy Wilson," he said, "commonly
called Snuffy Davy, from his inveterate addiction to black rappee, was
the very prince of scouts for searching blind alleys, cellars, and
stalls, for rare volumes. He had the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the
snap of a bull-dog. He would detect you an old black-letter ballad among
the leaves of a law-paper, and find an _editio princeps_ under the mask
of a school Corderius. Snuffy Davy bought the 'Game of Chess, 1474,' the
first book ever printed in England, from a stall in Holland for about
two groschen, or two-pence of our money. He sold it to Osborne for
twenty pounds, and as many books as came to twenty pounds more. Osborne
re-sold this inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for sixty guineas. At Dr.
Askew's sale," continued the old gentleman, kindling as he spoke, "this
inestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased by
Royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds! Could a copy now
occur, Lord only knows," he ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up
hands, "Lord only knows what would be its ransom; and yet it was
originally secured, by skill and research, for the easy equivalent of
two-pence sterling."'
Sir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:--"This bibliomaniacal anecdote is
literally true; and David Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren
of the Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage." Mr. Blades,
whose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story,
says that although it "looks like a true bibliographical anecdote," its
appearance is deceptive, and that "not a single statement is founded
on fact."[1]
Jonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom a
copy of the "Game of Chesse," and the world of the bibliomania has moved
even since his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and were
recounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have been surpassed in these
latter days, and the chances of any successor of "Snuffy Davy" buying a
Caxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced.
According to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best authority on the
subject, there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the
"Chesse" book.[2] There is a perfect copy in the King's Library in the
British Museum. This is what ought to be Snuffy Davy's copy. A previous
owner--R. Boys--has noted that it cost him 3_s_. The copy in the
Grenville Library has the table and last leaf supplied in facsimile. The
copy in the Public Library at Cambridge is defective to the extent of
five leaves. The Bodleian copy wants the last leaf. The Duke of
Devonshire's copy formerly belonged to Roger Wilbraham, and the first
and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile. The exemplar belonging to
the Earl of Pembroke is perfect, "but on weak and stained paper." Earl
Spencer's copy is perfect, clean, and unusually large. Mr. H. Cunliffe's
copy came from the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, and wants the first
two printed leaves, two near the end, and the last two. Mr. J. Holford's
copy is perfect and in its original binding. It was once in the library
of Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate shows. On a
fly-leaf is written, "Ex dono Thomæ Delves, Baronett 1682." The copy
belonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and wants the
dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed.
The book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves
folded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded
together, making in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and last
are blank. The only type used throughout is that styled No. 1 by Mr.
Blades. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches; a
full page has thirty-one lines. Without title-page, signatures,
numerals, or catch-words. The volume, as already mentioned, begins with
a blank leaf, and on the second recto is Caxton's prologue, space being
left for a two-line initial, without director. The text begins with a
dedication:--"(T)o the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince
George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of Salisburye/ grete
chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland oldest broder of kynge
Edward by the grace of god kynge of England and of France/ your most
humble servant william Caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes unto
yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe
puyssant and." The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:--"And
sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Joyous and vertuous
desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god.
a. thousand foure honderd and LXXIIII. *. *. *. *." The seventy-fourth
leaf is blank.
It is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market.
The recorded sales are very few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy
for 13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West's copy was bought by George III. for.£32
0s. 6d. Alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for £54 12s., and
at the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord Audley for £31 10s.,
and was again transferred, in 1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe
for £60 l0s. 0d.[3] Mr. J. Holford's copy was bought at the Mainwaring
sale for £101.
The last copy offered for sale was described in one of Mr. Bernard
Quaritch's catalogues issued in 1872, and the account given by that
veteran bibliopole is well worth reproduction.
CAXTON'S GAME AND PLAY OF CHESS MORALIZED, (translated 1474) FIRST
EDITION, folio, 65 LEAVES (of the 72), bound in old ruffia gilt, £400.
[Blackletter: Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God,
a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii....]
An extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy of
THE FIRST BOOK PRINTED IN ENGLAND, from Caxton's press.
Mr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect), the present is the
10th known copy, and is TALLER than even the Grenville--hitherto the
tallest known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height by 8 in
width, whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect) is only 11
inches high.
COLLATION of _my copy_:
[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees] 1 _leaf_.
[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first tractate] 1 _leaf_.
[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly,]
etc. to the end 62 _leaves_.
_The last leaf with the date:_
[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,]
_ending:_ [Blackletter: fynyshed], _etc._ 1474 1 _leaf_.
-------------
65 leaves.
My copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones being out of
question. The imperfections include the first leaf, and two leaves in
the second chapitre of the fourth tractate, the end is all right. I
should be glad to hear of any IMPERFECT COPY of this work, which would
supply me with what I want. In the mean time this precious relic of the
Infancy of Printing in England can be feen by BUYERS of Rare books.
_See_ Dibdin's Bibl. Spenc. IV. p. 189.
No copy of this edition has been sold for years; in 1813, Alchorne's
copy, wanting first two leaves, the last two leaves and two leaves in
the second chapter of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans', £54.
12_s_. The value of this class of books has much risen since then, and
may now be considered, as ten times greater.
In comparing the first edition of "Caxton's Game of Chess" with the
second, one perceives many variations in the spelling. I confider the
_first edition_ to be the more interesting, for a variety of reasons:
1. It is the first book printed in England.
2. It is the _Editio princeps_ of the English version.
3. It shows the Art of Printing in its crudest form.
4. It has a Post-script not in the second edition.
Both editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the
second edition:
[Blackletter:
And a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues lyveth not
as a man but as a beste.]
The first edition ends thus:
[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted Lord I pray almighty god
to save the Kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a Kynge
tabounde in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in
such wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/ habounde in
vertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte/ the royame defended
good men rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to
laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously.
In conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas and charitie
may endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours
in suche wise that every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous
occupacions / Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple
book made under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that
is your most humble servant in gree and thanke. And I shall praye
almighty god for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve And sende
now thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous and vertuous
desirs Amen:|:
Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a. thousand
four hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.]
The second edition ends thus:
[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion he be that redyth
or herith this litel book redde. take therby ensaumple to amend hym.
Explicit per Caxton.]
This copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.[4]
It will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the _editio princeps_ of
Caxton's "Game and Play of the Chesse" the first book printed in
England. This was the general opinion of bibliographers before the
investigations of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although he seems to have had some
doubt, pronounced in favour of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous.
The only materials for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and
the prologue to the second edition, with the silent but eloquent
testimony of typography. Caxton ends the first edition with the
words:--"Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of our lord god a
thousand four hondred and LXXIIII." The word "fynysshid," as Mr. Blades
observes, "has doubtless the same signification here as in the epilogue
to the second book of Caxton's translation of the Histories of Troy,
'Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt and finysshed in Coleyn,' which
evidently refers to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, has been
affixed, because in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on
Easter-day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of
the conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same year being
the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book." Then
there is Caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the
book first appeared:--
"And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke of ryght special
recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto
them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne
emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of
fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which
entended the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at
suche tyme as I was resident in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam
into my handes/ whiche whan I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful
necessarye for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes And
to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/ ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh
ne latyn J delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal
tonge/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ J dyde doo sette
in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche anone were depesshed and
solde wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and
requysyte vnto euery astate and degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte it/
shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe."
It is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to
the period of Caxton's residence in Bruges. From the use of the
instrumental form "dyde doo sette en enprynte" it might be thought that
Caxton employed the services of some printer, but although commonly so
employed, there are instances which will not bear this interpretation of
its intention.[5] He either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip
with one, and there are various indications that confirm Mr. Blades'
theory that the book came from the press of Colard Mansion.
The second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first English printer.
"Explicit per Caxton" is the unambiguous statement of the colophon. It
is a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition.
It has signatures, of which _a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i,_ are
quaternions, _k_ and _l_ are terternions, making in all eighty-four
leaves, of which the first is blank. There is no title-page, and the
type used is that which Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines are
spaced out to an even length. There are twenty-nine lines to a full
page, and the full line measures 4-7/8 inches. The prologue begins on _a
ij_., and the table of chapters begins on the next page. The text begins
on the recto of _a iii_. The text ends on the recto of _l_ 6, the last
page being blank. There are sixteen woodcuts in the volume, which are
used twenty-four times. There has been some diversity of opinion as to
the year in which this "Game of the Chesse" came from the press of
Caxton. The book is not dated. Dibdin thought it one of the printer's
earliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as the earliest issue of the
Westminster press, and further believed that it was printed from cut
metal types. This is not the view of Mr. Blades, who says: "An
examination of the work, however, with a typographical eye does not
afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton's early
books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. Not
one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout.
These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of
impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of
signatures; but when we find that every known copy of this edition of
the 'Chess-Book' presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any
one copy of any other book, there is good reason for supposing that this
may have followed the 'Tulli' of 1481, and have been the last book for
which Type No. 2* was used."[6]
Mr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even fewer exemplars
remain of the second edition than of its predecessor. The copy in the
King's Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting several
leaves, and is mended in many places. The copy in the Pepysian
Collection at Cambridge wants one-half of the last leaf. Trinity
College, Cambridge, has a perfect copy, "but a bad impression." The
Bodleian copy is defective in not having the last leaf. St. John's
College, Oxford, has a copy, from which one-half of _d iii_. has been
torn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has an imperfect copy. The
Duke of Devonshire's copy is perfect, but it is "a poor impression, and
slightly stained." The Earl of Pembroke's copy is very imperfect. Earl
Spencer's is only slightly imperfect. The prices fetched by the second
edition have a sufficiently wide range. In 1698, at Dr. Bernard's sale,
a copy fold for 1s. 6d. Farmer's copy in 1798 fetched £4 4s. Ratcliffe's
copy was bought at his sale for £16 by Willett; and when his books came
to the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the Duke of Devonshire for
£173 5s.[7] It is interesting to know that the copy of the second
edition in the Bibliotheca Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence
Sterne, who bought it for a few shillings at York![8]
In the present reprint, the text followed is that of the first edition,
transcribed from the copy in the British Museum; but the variations,
alterations, and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in
footnotes. The reader has, therefore, before him the work in all its
fulness. The same reasons that have led to the adoption of this course
have also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious
woodcuts which appeared in the second edition. These, although
necessarily reductions in size, reproduce the quaint vigour of the
originals.
Caxton, we have seen, translated the "Game of the Chesse" from the
French. There were in effect two, if not three, from which he may have
taken his version. One of these is by Jean Faron, Perron, or Feron (as
the name is variously spelled), a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of
whom the notices are exceedingly scanty.[9] La Croix du Maine styles him
"de l'Ordre des Frères Prescheurs ou Jacobins du Paris." La Monnaye says
that the translation was made from the Latin of Cessoles, and was begun
in the year 1347. It has not been printed.[10] The translation is
considered a literal version of the Latin of Cessoles.
The prologue of Perron's version is as follows:--"Chy ensuit le geu des
Eschas moralisé, ouquel a plusiers exemples bien à noter. A noblehomme,
Bertrand de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l'ordre des Freres
precheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain soy tout. Le Sainte
Escripture dit que Dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier à
tous nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi que nos prochains ne
sont pas tout un, ains sont de diverses condicions, estas et manieres,
sy comme il appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non: les
aultres sont de cler engin; les aultres, non: les aultres sont enclins a
devocion; les aultres, non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de
Dieu soit mis à execution bien convenablement, il convient avoir
plusiers voyes et baillier à chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable; et
ainsi pourroit il le commandement de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je,
vostre petit chappelain, à vostre requeste, que je tieng pour
commendement, vous ai volu translata de latin en français le Gieu des
Eschas moralisé, que fist l'un de nos freres, appelé frere Jaques de
Cossoles, maistre en divinité, si que vous l'entendés plus legierrement;
et à exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont notteés, veuillés
maintenir, quant à vous, honnestement, et quant aux autres justement....
Or prenés done ce petit present, comencié le 4'e jour de May, l'an
1347."[11]
That Caxton made use of Perron's version is clear. Thus Mr. Blades
mentions the description of Evilmerodach as "un homme joly sans justice"
as peculiar to Ferron, whose version he regards as the basis of the
first and third chapters of Caxton's work.
Dr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some the date is given
as 1357, and in one as 1317. This version remains unprinted, but there
are MSS. of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai, at
Brussels, in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern, and at Stockholm.[12]
Dr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment of the fifteenth
century, forming part of the national library at Paris, which contains
the Game of Chess in verse.
"Mès si d'esbat te prent tallant,
Pren ton esbat déuement;
Mès si à jouer vieulx attendre,
Un noble jou te faulte attendre,
C'est des echecs qui est licite
Et à touz bien les gens incite."
The author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far
defied penetration.
"Nommez mon nom et mon surnom,
Je ey escript tout environ,
A vingt et dous lettres sans plus,
Sera trouvé cy au dessus
En enscript, et sans plus ne moins."
On this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a French
critic:--"Ou ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite même de la phrase,
ou seulement en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de
ces nom mystérieux. Nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales
des trente vers qui précèdent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le
merite de l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas à faire des longues recherches
pour découvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir à nous cacher."[13]
The bulk of Caxton's work is undoubtedly from the French translation of
Jehan de Vignay, whose dedication to Prince John of France has simply
been transformed into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence. He
styles De Vignay "an excellent doctor of the order of the Hospital of
St. John's of Jerusalem." This is the only authority we have for
supposing De Vignay to be connected with that order. He styles himself
"hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas," which was situated in the Faubourg
St. Jacques of Paris. It is curious that two members of the same
order--for Ferron was also a Jacobin--should independently have occupied
themselves with the same work. The version by De Vignay was probably the
later of the two, and it was also the most popular, for whilst Ferron's
is still unprinted, that of De Vignay has been frequently re-issued from
the press. The work is dedicated to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie,
who became king in 1350. It will be seen from this that these two French
versions were practically contemporaneous.
The prologue to the book is as follows:--"A Tres noble & excellent
prince Jehan de france duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par le
grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit
Religieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie/ paix sante Joie &
victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier & redoubte seign'r/ pour ce que Jay
entendu et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables &
honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay Je mis vn petit
liuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/
ou quel plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de
poetes & des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la
moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des
eschez le quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou
nom & soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r Je vous
suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a
receuvoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy/
car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit
estre reputee pour le fait/ Et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste
ouure/ Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au
commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit
liure pole."[14]
It will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton's dedication of
the Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick. The "Golden Legend," printed by
Caxton in 1484, was in effect a translation from "La Legende Dorée,"
made before the year 1380 by Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue
mentions that he had previously translated into French "Le miroir des
hystoires du monde," at the request of "Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne,
royne de France."[15] This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some
changes of name and other alterations, amongst which is a reference to
"the book of the chesse" as one of his works. The "Legenda Aurea" of
Jacobus de Voragine is, of course, the original source of De Vignay's
"Legende Dorée," and Caxton's "Golden Legend."
Ferron and de Vignay were avowedly translators. Their original was
Jacques de Cessoles. The name of this author has been tortured into so
many fantastic forms that one may almost despair of recovering the
original. Cæsolis, Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis, Cesolis, Cessole,
Cessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, de Cezolis, de Cossoles, de Courcelles,
Sesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis, de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de
Thessolonica are different manners of spelling his surname, and the two
last are certainly masterpieces of transformation. Prosper Marchand has
amused himself by collecting some vain speculations of previous writers
as to the age, country, and personality of Jacques de Cessoles. Some
counted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst others again boldly
asserted that he was a Greek!
He lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the
fourteenth century, and having joined the Dominican order, was a "Maître
en Théologie" of that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed
to him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists.
It is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely
known but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game
of chess. It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit of
the age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the
commonwealth. The men who were merely killing time were perhaps
flattered at the thought that they were at the same time learning the
modes of statecraft. Then, as now, the teachers of morality felt that a
song might reach him who a sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use
in the pulpit whatever aids came handy. The popular stories, wise saws,
and modern instances, were common enough on the lips of the preachers,
and such collections as the "Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of
ingenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached. An appropriate
instance is furnished by it in the following quaint fashion of
moralizing the chess play:--
"Antonius was a wys emp_er_our regnyng in the cite of Rome, the which
vsid moche to pley with houndis; and aftir þat pley, all þe day
aftir he wolde vse þe chesse. So yn a day, as he pleide at þe
chesse, & byheld the kyng fette yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme
lowe, among aufyns and pownys, he thought þ_er_with þ_a_t hit
wold be so with hi_m_, for he shuld dey, and be hid vndir erth. And
þ_er_fore he devided his Reame in thre p_ar_ties; and he yaf oo
part to þe kyng of Ier_usa_l_e_m; þe secunde p_ar_t vnto
þe lordis of his Reame or his empire; and the thrid p_ar_tie vnto
the pore people; & yede him self vnto the holy londe, and ther he
endid his lyf in peas.
MORALITE.
Seth now, good sirs; this emp_er_our, þat lovith so wele play, may
be called eche worldly man þat occupieth him in vanytes of the
world; but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did the
emp_er_oure. the chekir or þe chesse hath viij. poyntes in eche
p_ar_tie. In eu_er_y pley beth viij. kyndes of men, s_cil_.
man, woman, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men, clerk_es_, riche men, and
pou_er_e men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, þat
goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he goth aside, he
takith anoþ_er_; so by a pou_er_e man; he hath not, but when he
comyth to þe deth with pacience, þen shall he be a kyng in
heuen, w_i_t_h_ þe kyng of pore men. But if he grucche ayenst his
neighbour of his stat, and be a thef, and ravissh þat wher he may,
þen he is ytake, and put in to the p_re_son of helle. The secund,
f_cil_. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward and douneward; [he]
betokenyth wise men, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence & takyng of
money deceyueth, & so he is made oonly. The iij. _scil._ þe kny3t,
hath iij. poyntes, & goth þ_er_with; [he] betokenyth gentilmen
þat rennyth aboute, & ravisshith, and ioyeth for her kynrede, &
for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth, s_cil._ þe rook, he
holdith length & brede, and takith vp what so is in his way; he
betokenyth okerers and false m_er_chaunt3, þat rennyth aboute ouer
all, for wynnyng & lucre, & rechith not how thei geten, so that thei
haue hit. The fifthe is þe quene, that goth fro blak to blak, or
fro white to white, and is yset befide þe kyng, and is ytake fro
the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, þat goth fro
chastite to synne, and beth ytake by the devill, for glovis or such
man_e_r yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey and mynystre; and
he goth forth, and bakward ayen, & in either side, & takith ouer all;
so sone discendith in to þe world, and ascendith to god by
praiers; But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne,
þan is hit to þe man chekmate. And þ_er_fore let vs not
charge of oure estatis, no more þan is w_i_t_h_ þe men, when
þei be put vp in þe poket; then hit is no charge who be above
or who be byneth; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to
þe ioy of heven. And þat graunt vs, _qui viuit_ &c."
It is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques de Cessoles found
texts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a
diversion of clergy and laity. The favour with which these discourses
were received no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican father. At the
request of some of those who heard them he began to write down the
substance of his sermons. The result was the "Liber de moribus Hominum
et officiis Nobilium ac Popularium super ludo scachorum," which
immediately attained great popularity. This is shown by the bibliography
of Dr. A. Van der Linde in a striking manner, for he has described two
hundred codices to be found in the various public libraries of
Europe.[16]
The difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the
life and personality of Cessoles, Ferron, and De Vignay are well shown
in an article by M.C. Leber.[17] Dr. Ernst Köpke, who has reexamined the
evidences as to Cessoles, holds that he was a Lombard.[18]
The chief source from which Cessoles took his material was the treatise
"De Regimine Principum" of Egidius Romanus.
He was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna, and his Christian
name appears to have been Guido, but his designations have undergone
some curious transformations. Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido
Colonna went at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his
birthplace, he became known as Ægidius Romanus, with the French form of
Gilles de Rome. He was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas
Aquinas, and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church led
him to desire admission to the Dominican order, but a difficulty
intervened from the circumstance that he had already contracted ties
which bound him to the order of St. Augustine. To this untoward accident
may probably be attributed no little of the extension of the
philosophical doctrine of Aquinas; for Colonna, unable or unwilling to
be relieved of the vows that bound him to the Augustinians, preached
eagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations of his friend and master.
In the controversy with the Franciscans, those whom he had indoctrinated
were valuable allies to the Thomists, for their aid, coming from an
independent organization, appeared to carry the weight of impartiality,
and to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest. In the year
1287 there was a general convocation of the order of St. Augustine at
Florence, and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the
order should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by
Colonna. To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme, of
which he was an able, persistent, and vigorous exponent. Many tracts by
him remain in print and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus
acquired gained him the name of _doctor fundamentarius_ and _doctor
fundatissimus_. His lectures at Paris attracted to him the attention of
Philippe le Hardi, who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with
the education of his son, who was afterwards known to hiftory as
Philippe le Bel. It was whilst occupied with this royal youth that the
thought of composing or compiling--and the terms were in practice
interchangeable in those days--occurred, and the result was the treatise
"De regimine Principum libri iii." Philippe le Hardi, if not an educated
man himself--and there are doubts as to whether he could write his own
name--was laudably anxious that his heir should have the best
instruction that could be obtained. It cannot well be claimed that the
able, handsome, and unscrupulous Philippe was any great credit to his
preceptor. The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably
owed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders of the "right
divine of kings to govern wrong," than to the soberer precepts of
Colonna. That Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be
inferred from his employment of Jehan de Meung to translate the military
treatise of Vegetius Flavius Renatus, a compilation of the second
century of the present era, which was so popular in the middle ages that
it was translated by Caxton into English. Still better evidence is the
translation made for the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose
stoical philosophy must have had a special appropriateness for those
times of political storm and stress, when the fickleness of fortune must
have been a matter of only too common repute. Guido Colonna was elected
by his admiring brethren the general of the order in 1292, and took up
his residence at Bourges, its metropolitan seat.
In this honourable office he continued his literary labours, and to this
period are assigned the greater part of his numerous works. He died at
Avignon in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where his effigy in
black marble, with his epitaph, remained until the French
revolution.[19] It would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical
writings, for they would have no interest in the present day. His
commentary on Aristotle "De Anima," it may be observed, was dedicated to
Edward I. His name is now chiefly remembered because his work on the
rule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in which Jacques de
Cessoles moralized the fashionable game of the chess.
One interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna's work is the
translation of it made into English verse by Thomas Occleve.[20] He
wrote it in 1411 or 1412, and its object was to obtain the payment of an
annuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but the
payment of which was very irregular. The book was dedicated to the
Prince of Wales. After mentioning his purpose to translate from the
(apocryphal) letter of Aristotle to Alexander and "Gyles of Regement of
Prynces," he proceeds:--
"There is a booke, Jacob de Cessoles,
Of the ordre of Prechours, made, a worthy man,
That the Chesse moralisede clepede is,
In whiche I purpose eke to labour ywis
And here and there, as that my litelle witte
Afforthe may, I thynke translate it.
And al be it that in that place square
Of the lystes, I meane the eschekere,
A man may learn to be wise and ware;
I that have avanturede many a yere,
My witte therein is but litelle the nere,
Save that somewhat I know a Kynges draught,
Of other draughts lernede have I naught."--(p. 77.)
"In those days," says Warton, "ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed to
dictate to kings and to give rules for administering states, drawn from
the narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the pedantries of a
cloister. It was probably recommended to Occleve's notice by having been
translated into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator about
the year 1390.[21]
Having thus traced the stream back to its fountain, we return to Caxton.
The story of his life has been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most
essential facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated
here. He was born in the Weald of Kent, and it has been conjectured that
the manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, was the original home of the family.
He was apprenticed to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer, who was
afterwards Lord Mayor. The entry in the books of the Mercers' Company
leads to the inference that Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the
death of Large, in 1441, Caxton went abroad, for he tells us that in
1471 he had been resident outside England for thirty years. About 1462
or 1463 he was Governor of the English Nation or Merchant Adventurers at
Bruges. This was a position of great influence, and it is thought to
have enabled the loyal mercer to give good service to Edward IV., who
was an exile in 1470. Caxton's marriage was not much later than 1469,
and it is conjectured that this led him to enter the service of the
Duchess of Burgundy. She had literary tastes, and at her request he
translated the "Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes" of Raoul Le Fevre. It
was the demand for copies of this that exhausted Caxton's calligraphic
patience, and led to his employment of a printer. The incident may have
been casual, but it led to great results. It has been said that he
learned the printers' art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes that he
entered its mystery at Bruges under Colard Mansion, with whom he appears
to have had some partnership. Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton
returned to England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of his sister,
Duchess of Burgundy, and the friendship of the King's brother-in-law,
Earl Rivers. Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton's
press, he was printer, publisher, translator, and something of author as
well. He set in good earnest about the work that is still going on--of
making the best accessible literature widely and commonly known. This
useful career was only ended by his death. The exact date is not known,
but it was probably late in 1491. He left a married daughter. Caxton was
a good business man. He was also a sincere lover of literature, and he
was at his favourite work of translation only a few hours before the
final summons came.
The quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt. It
may be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style,
since they present few difficulties to the modern reader, and yet sound
like echoes from the earlier periods of the language. Generally he is
content to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity, but
occasionally he makes additions which are eminently characteristic. His
author having remarked:--"Il nest an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant
grieue Rome ne ytalie com~e fait le college Des notaires publiques Car
ilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble"--Caxton improves the passage thus:--
"For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and
Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque. For
they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the
aduocats. men of law. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of
y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how
torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the
peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/ I suppose that in alle
Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as
ben in englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the
courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. cheker. ressayt
and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte to a
grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold be
vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to theyr
synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/"
Another addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth
tract in which the "good old times" are lamented and contrasted with the
decadence of the then present--now the four centuries past.
"Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what
prosþite/ In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office
contente/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how
was renomed the noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And
spack worship of hit/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I
reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the
royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle
on the see I wote well the same is grete therof I pray god saue that
noble royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the
gouernours of the same &c./"
The concluding paragraph of the book is also due to Caxton.
"And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the
kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge &
tabounde in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his lordes
in such wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & habounde
in vertues/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/ the royame
defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid & the ydle peple to
be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne
gloriously In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray
peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames/ and that
marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe
synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your good grace
to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and
shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble
seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your
longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow
thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs
Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a.
thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii"
This was struck out in the second edition, and the following briefer
farewell substituted:--
"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith
this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym.
Explicit per Caxton."
The alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first
English printer's fastidiousness as an author.
The bibliography of the editions, translations, and imitations of
Cessoles is long and intricate. Details of MSS. have not been thought
necessary. They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde. The
treatise on the rule of princes of Colonna has been taken as furnishing
the matter which Jacques de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the
attractive form of a description of the game of chess. The editions of
the Latin text are followed by particulars of the translations into
French, English, Spanish, Italian, and other languages. Each title has
appended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority it is given.
These are as follows:--
_Hain._--Repertorium Bibliographicum ... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart,
1826.
_Ebert._--A General Bibliographical Dictionary, from the German of
Frederic Adolphus Ebert. Oxford, 1837. 4 vols.
_Græsse._--Trésor de Livres rares et précieux: par Jean George Théodore
Græsse. Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols.
_Brunet._--Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles Brunei. Paris, 1860.
_Linde._--Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels von Antonius van der
Linde. Berlin, 1874.
Das erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880) zusammengestellt
von Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin, 1881.
Dr. van der Linde's work is so complete that, for the most part, it has
been thought sufficient to give his name, even when older authorities
have been consulted.
COLONNA.
(See _antè_, p. xxviii.)
Ægidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s. l. 1473. Folio.
This Ebert and Græsse conjecture to have been printed by G. Zainer.
They describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted,
and say that the last edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and had
on the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas as author. Hain
mentions editions at Rome--Stephanum Plannck, 1482, folio;
Venetiis, 1498.
* * * * *
(_French translation._)
Miroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles de Rome du regime et
gouvernement des rois etc. (by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec
est compris le secret de Aristote appellé le secret des secrets, et les
noms des rois de France com bien de temps ils out regné. Paris,
1517. Folio.
(_Græsse._)
This was printed by Guillaum Eustace: "On les v=et au palais au Tiers
pillier Et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei"
(_Brunef_). Ebert mentions a French translation as having been printed
at Paris, in 1497; but Brunet, in the article on Aristotle, gives a
somewhat minute account of the book, to show that it is not that
of Colonna.
* * * * *
(_Spanish translation._)
Regimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par Don fray Gil de Roma de
la orden de s[=a]t Augustin. E fizolo trasladar de latín en rom[=a]ce do
Bernardo obispo de osma etc. Suilla--a espenses de Mæstre Conrado
aleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores de libros, fue impresso per
Meynardo Ungut alememo: & Stanislas Polono compañeros. Acabaron se a
veynte dias del mes de octubre Año del señor de Mill & quarto cientos &
nouenta & quarto [1494] folio.
(_Hain, Brunet, Græffe_.)
Ebert notes that there was an edition under the name of Th. Aquino at
Madrid, 1625, 4to.
(_Catalan translation_.)
Regiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau Spindaler
emprentador. 1480. Folio.
(_Græffe_.)
Regiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan
Luchner. 1498. Fol.
(_Brunei, Græffe_.)
(_Italian translation_.)
Ebert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni. Firenze, 1577, 8vo.
(_Græffe_.)
(_English translation_.)
De regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of
Henry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A.,
F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B. Nichols.
1860. 4to.
(See _antè_, p. xxxii., for notice of another Early English version.)
CESSOLES.
(See _antè_, p. xxiv.)
Incipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu= et
officium viror' nobili[=u] quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum
ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere. (E)Go frater
iacobus de thessolonia multor' fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi
schacor'. Folio. 40 leaves.
There is neither date, place, nor printer's name given; but it is
considered to have been the work of Nic. Ketelær and Ger. de Leempt, at
Utrecht (Ultrajectus), about 1473.
(_Linde, Græsse_.)
Incipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque nobilium
virorum, philosophorum et antiquorum. Explicit tabula super ludum
Scacchorum. Deo gratias. 4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A--H.
This is in black letter, and has neither date nor place.
(_Linde_.)
Incipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit doctrina vel morum
informatio, accepta de modo et ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to.
(_Linde_.)
Incipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus' de cessolis ordinis
fratr[=u] predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et
officiis nobilium super ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas
Paulini de suardis Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij. die xxiij.
Mensis augusti. Folio. 24 leaves.
(_Linde, Græsse_.)
Jacobi de Cessolis Ord. Præd. Informatio morum, excerpta ex modo et
ratione ludi Scacchorum; sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et
super eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio.
(_Linde, Græsse_.)
Tractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos
homin[=u] status. 4to. Anno 1505.
On leaf 31b:--
"Ad lectorum
Qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons
Accipe: quod offert hiberna ex arce Johannes
Scacherii munus: sapiens Philometer et illud
Tradidit. ut regis babilonis crimina mergat
Hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens
Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite."
No place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna, by Joh.
Winterburg.
(_Linde, Græsse_.)
Jacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft Köpke, Mittheilungen, aus den
Handschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg. Brandenburg a.d.
Havel, 1879, 4to.
(_Linde_, "Jartausend.")
(_French translation_.)
Les jeu des Echez moralisé, nouvellement imprimé à Paris (ends). Cy
finist le livre des Echez et l'Ordre de Chevalerie, translaté de latin
en françois, imprimé nouvellement à Paris; et fut achevé le vendredy,
VI'e jour de septembre, l'an MVC et IIII, pour Anthoine Verart, libraire
juré en l'université de Paris, demourant à Paris, à l'imaige Sainct
Jehan l'evangeliste, devant la rue neufve Nostre Dame, &c. Folio,
102 leaves.
(_Linde._)
"On trouve an f. LX un autre traité de Morale et an f. lxxxij celui de
_Melibee et de Prudence_. Il y a à la bibl. imp. un exempl. de cette éd.
tiré sur vélin et orné de 4 Miniatures."
(_Græsse._)
Le Jeu de Echets moralisé ... Cy finist le liure des eschecz et lordre
de cheualerie, translattée de latin en françoys imprimé à Paris: et fut
acheué le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq. Par Michel le
noir libraire ... demourant deuant Saint Denys de la chartre à limaige
nostre dame. 90 leaves.
(_Linde._)
On trouve à la fin du _Livre de l'ordre de chevalerie_ le même Dialogue
entre Melibée et Prudence sous le titre: _Ung petit traictie a
lenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons & aultres que le
vouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde & extrait d'une fiction
trouvee en escript_. Ce qui a induit _Du Verdier_ (vol. i. p. 556) en
erreur de croire que cette traduction, publiée en 1505, diffère de
celle de 1504.
(_Græsse._)
{_Italian translation_.}
Libro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli
officii de nobili. 4to.
"Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres. Ausser dem
Titelblattbildchen bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen, welche die von
Cessoles auf dem Schachbrett statuirten Würden und Gewerke darstellen."
(_Linde_)
Libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini & degli
offitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:) In comincia un tractato gentile & utile
della uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi
deglhuomini & degli ufitii denobili: composto pel Reu[=e]redo Mæstro
Jacopo dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso
in Fir[=e]ze per Mæstro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII. Adi primo
di Marzo 8vo.
(_Linde_.)
"Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme les reimpressions: f.
l. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.] I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherchée pour ses
belles gravures en bois, don't une partie a été copiée par Dibdin, Aedes
Althorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13. II y a une nouvelle édition: _Mil. tipogr. di
Giulio Terrario_, 1829, gr. in 8°, avec des copies de ces mêmes figures
et des corrections du texte d'après des de Florence. On a tiré de cette
dernière édition 24 exempl. _in carte distinte_, 1 sur peau velin
d'Augsbourg et 1 _in capretti di Roma_."
(_Græsse_.)
Opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini &
delle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato, e condition esser si voglia:,
Composta per lo Reuerendissimo Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine
di predicatori sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli
hvomini, & vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata. M.D. XXXIIII.
Stampata in Vineggia per Fransesco di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo
Pasini compagni: Nelli anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo.
56 leaves.
(_Linde_.)
Volgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra
il giuoco degli scacchi di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da
un codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla tipografia del dottore
Giulio Ferrario Contrado del Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162,
and 1 leaf.
(_Linde_.)
_Catalan translation_.
This does not appear to have been printed. There is a codex in the
Vatican and another at Barcelona. They are described by Linde. See ante,
p. xxviii.
_Spanish translation_.
Dechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego del Axedrez.
tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado Reyna Vezino della Villa de
Aranda de duero. En este año M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves.
Printed at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue.
(_Linde_.)
_German translation_.
Ich bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin überwunder worden von
der bruder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten
vnd d'ampt der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves.
Without place or year, but printed before the year 1480.
(_Linde_.)
I (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden
vo(n) der brüder gebet wegen vn(d) der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern
edlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset
schachzabel. Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch. vn(d) hab das pracht
zenutz menschlichs geschlechts. Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch
menschlicher sitten vnnd der ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich
das buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln I.4.7.7. Folio.
40 leaves.
This is believed to have been printed with the type of G. Zainer at
Augftmrg.
(_Linde_)
(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden
von der brüder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher
sitten vnd der ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der
Kayserliche(n)stat anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent.
Folio. 36 leaves.
(_Linde_.)
Dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils, Vnd
menschlicher fitten, Auch von den ampten der edeln. (Leaf Aiia)
(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s ... (Leaf 39b)
Getruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat
Strassburg vff Sant Egidius tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio.
39 leaves.
(_Linde_.)
Jacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac
popularium; oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis, von den Sitten der
Menschen und den Pflichten der Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v.
d. Lafa. (Schachzeitung, 1870.)
(_Linde._)
(_German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen_.)
Ueber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen und die Zofinger
Handsschrift desselben, von Wilhelm Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte
und Literatur vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton
Aargau. Herausgegeben von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ... und Placid Weissenbach.
Erster Band. Aarau 1846.)
Dr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS. of this rhyming
version of Cessolis.
(_German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel_.)
Schachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt
Costentz vo Hanfen schäffeler. Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. cccc
vn vii iar. 4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii--c ii.
In the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity of this
rhyming treatise, but he is supposed to have taken much of his
material--ready made--from Ammenhausen.
Schachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst lich[=e] Schachtzabel Spiels
vnderweygung, erclärung, vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, were das am
ersten erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch wie man das
künstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen solle, sampt etlich[=e] kunstlich[=e]
geteylten spielen &c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher.
"Dein Augen scherpff, nicht uberseh
Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich nach speh,
Wie fich gebürt, im Feld und Heer,
Dein volck das schich an zu der weer,
Vnd orden das recht an dem streyt,
Ders überlicht, gern vnden leyt."
Getruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to.
This second edition was issued by Jacob Köbel, who printed about 1520.
(_Linde._)
Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, grüntlich bedeutung
vund klarer bericht, dasselbig künstlich zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit ein
newenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen Meisterstück, nach der Current,
welfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener besondern
Regeln des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen. Franckfurt, 1536. 4to.
(_Linde._)
Vnderweifzung, erklärung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn,
kunstlichenn spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn Doctor
Jacob Mennel... auff dem heiligen Reichsztag zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507
in Rheimen gedicht, vund desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch
wie man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen
mag, offenbart. Frankfurt, 1536, 4to.
This is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr. van der Linde.
Das Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen Spiels des Schachzabels'
gründlich Bedeutung... Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.]
Dr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared
in:--Schaltjahr, welches ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible.
Dritter Band. Stuttgart, 1847.
(_German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen._)
There is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook by Heinrich von
Beringer, of which a MS., dated 1438, is in the Stuttgart library.
(_Linde._)
(_Low German rhyming translation by Stephan._)
Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer left
de wert ok des schackspeles klock. (Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. or
large 8vo.
"Hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude
Dat schackspil der eddelen lude
Des bokes dichter het stephan."
(_Linde._)
(_Dutch Translation._)
(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat scæcspel (Fol. 2'a)
(H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende
vrouwen. als vande scæc spul. dær nochtant een ygherlyck mensche van
wat stæt dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger leren wt neme(n) mach.
næ welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre
sielen (Fol. 67'b), ghebruyken Amen In iær ons heren dusent vierhondert
ende neghentseuentich. opten anderden dach van october, soe is dit
ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en(de) Ghemæct ter goude in hollant. by my
gherært leeu. Lof heb god Folio.
(_Linde._)
Tractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen, genoemt dat
scækspel, verciert met veele schoone historien (Ends:) Int iær ons
heren M.CCCC.LXXXIII. opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat
ghenoecklike bock volmæckt te Delff in hollant. 4to.
(_Linde._)
Hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf edelre heere(n)
ende vrouwen, als vanden scæck spel, dær nochtans een ieghelijck
me(n)sche va wat stæt dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher
leerighe(n) wt nemen mach, næ welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot
profijt ende salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint tot Louen in de
Borchstrate in den Lupært by my Anthonis Maria Bergaigne ghesworen
boecprinter. Int iær ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van
Augustus. 8vo. 120 leaves.
(_Linde_.)
(_Scandinavian rhyming translation_.)
De ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac
popularium. Poema suecanum vetustum. e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg.
Universitatis Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord. phil.
Lund. p.p. Ernestus Rietz et Augustus Ludovicus Sjöberg, scanus in
Academia Carolina die vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lundæ, Typis
Berlingianis. MDCCCXLVIII. 8vo.
Fourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in the Jena Library.
There is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version of Cessolis dated
1492, and another dated 1492 in the Kopenhagen University Library.
(_Linde_.)
(_English translation._)
The Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P.
The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per Caxton. folio.
The Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing the present Estate
of this Kingdome. London. 1643, 4to.
This title is given by Lowndes, but examination only would show whether
it is in any way an imitation of Caxton.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile reprint of the
second edition, with remarks by Vincent Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith,
1855. folio.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced in facsimile from a
copy in the British Museum. With a few remarks on Caxton's Typographical
Productions. By Vincent Figgins. London: John Russell Smith. 1860.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile reproduction of
the first work printed in England, from the copy in the British Museum.
London: Trübner and Co. 1862. fol.
Caxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman, Bath, 10th March,
1877. 4to. Pp. 4.
This contains an extract from the "Game of the Chess" in four
columns:--i. Caxton's spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the
same represented by the Phonetic alphabet. 3. Modern spelling. 4.
Phonetic spelling.
The Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the duties of life. The
First Book Printed in England, by William Caxton in the year 1474.
Reprinted in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in Caxton's
orthography, and a fac-simile page of the original work. Second edition.
London, F. Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872 [1879].
The printing of this book began in 1872, when the title-page and earlier
sheets were worked, but it was not finished until May, 1879. This is the
second time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book in his reformed
orthography. The first issue was in 1855. Although the title-page
repeats the old belief that "The Game of Chess" was the first book
printed in England, and gives the date of 1474, it is really a reprint
of the second edition of Caxton.
(_Sloane's version_.)
The Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818. 4to.
This is printed from a MS. which is believed to have been written about
the beginning of the sixteenth century. The work is in verse, and ends:
"Heir endis y'e buke of y'e Chess, Script per manu Jhois Sloane." Only
forty copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the
Auchinleck Press.
(_Linde. Lowndes_.)
The "Game and Play of the Chess" is an interesting specimen of mediæval
English literature. It is so near our own time that the language
prefents few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms, and yet it
is so remote as to seem like the echo of an unknown world. The
distinctly dogmatic portions of the book are but few, and their paucity
is indeed a matter of some surprise, since it is in effect a detailed
treatise on practical ethics, and is, in part if not wholly,
systematized from the discourses of one distinguished preacher, who had
borrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic. The
author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine, but at the guidance of
life, though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and
orthodox sons of the Church.[22]
The ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting
expression. The sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are
stated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing
social fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds. There is
no doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and
baron, of bishp and merchant. The "rights of man" had not been invented,
apparently, and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern,
would have perplexed the souls of Cessoles and his translators. They had
no more doubt as to the divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan
has of the divine right of the grand lama. The Buddhist thinks he has
secured the continuous re-appearance of supernatural wisdom in human
form, and the regular transmission of political ability in the same
family was the ideal for which the devotees of mediæval despotism had to
hope. Nothing could be further from the aspirations of our author than a
race of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence. The
king was to be the ruler and leader of his people. The relation and
interdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed, and
the claims of duty are urged upon each.
The book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. Poor as it may now seem, it
belonged, in those days, to the "literature of power," and had great
influence. The form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and
historic illustration, and indeed demanded such treatment. The authors
and translators were chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics.
Caxton, the representative of the new time when literature was to be the
common heritage, was filled to overflowing with the best literature then
accessible. A writer of the present century, probably borrowing his
sentiment, has defined originality to be undetected imitation. Such
refinements were unknown to Cessoles and his contemporaries. A writer
took whatever suited his purpose from any and every source that was open
to him. A quotation was always as good as an original sentiment, and
sometimes much better. Why should a man take the trouble of laboriously
inventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were the
very words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready to hand? Why seek modern
instances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius Maximus was
ready to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given, mostly it may
be imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names thus
cited. Whatever the intention of the writer, the effect is to show us
what were the authors known, studied, and quoted in the middle ages.
The authors named are:--Saint Ambrose (2 references), Anastasius (1),
Avicenna (2), Saint Augustine (9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2),
Boethius (3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian (2),
"Crete" (1), Diomedes (1), Florus (1), Galen (1), Helinand (4),
Hippocrates (4), Homer (1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1),
Josephus (4), Livy (2), Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1), Ovid (6),
Paulus Diaconus (1), Petrus Alphonsus (2), Plato (4), Quintilian (3),
Sallust (1), Seneca (15), Sidrac (1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1),
Theophrastus (1), "Truphes of the Philosophers" (2), Turgeius Pompeius
(1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian (7), Varro (1), Virgil (2), "Vitas
Patrum" (2).
It will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly
represented, and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists,
and chiefly upon Valerius Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals
enforced in this book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the writer had
more to work from than Valerius, Seneca, and St. Augustine, with
occasional quotations such as memory would supply from other sources.
The verification of all these quotations would not repay the labour it
would involve; but in most cases where the experiment has been tried,
the result has been fairly creditable to the old author.
The biblical allusions may be taken as typical. There are references to
the "bible," "holy scripture," "Ecclesiastes," and "Canticles." There
also occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain, Noah, Ham, Lot, David,
Abner, Joab, Abishai, Solomon, Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius,
Cyrus, Tobias, John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are not all
literally exact. Solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men;
but the comprehensive estimate of the number of fools with which he is
credited on p. 3 is not to be found in the writings canonically
attributed to him. The quotation from the Canticles on p. 25 may be
compared with the translation in the Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas
de Hereford, A. D. 1380. This passage is rendered: "His left hond is
vndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal biclippe me" ("Song of Solomon,"
ii. 6). Clip is still current in Lancashire, in the sense of embrace.
The extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue to the second edition
opens, is no doubt intended for the following passage: "All Scripture is
given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for
reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness" (2 Tim.
iii. 16).
In the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem to hear an echo of
the words: "For all the Athenians and strangers that were there spent
their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing
" (Acts xvii. 21).
The most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating to
Evilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles seems to have been the first to associate
the name of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of
chess. The biblical references to Evilmerodach are few; they throw no
light on the reason of his selection by the mediæval scribe for a bad
pre-eminence of parricide. The epithet of _joli_ applied to the king has
an odd effect, followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial
conduct. Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread. Lydgate
evidently hesitates between the divided authority of Guido--that is,
Colonna, the author of the Troy book--and Cessoles, whom he quotes
through Jacobus de Vitriaco.[23]
Amongst the authors not identified are "Crete" (p. 133), and Diomedes
(p. 10). The account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is
amplified a little further on. The legend that Palamedes invented a game
of this kind at the siege of Troy is emphatically rejected by our
author, who pins his fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became
the received opinion, as may be gathered from the unhesitating language
of Polydore Vergil in a passage which is thus rendered by John
Langley:--"The chesse were invented the year of the world 3635, by a
certain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare to a Tyrant, that Majesty or
Authority without strength, assistance & help of his subjects, was
casual feeble & subject to many calamities of fortune; his intent was to
break the fierce cruelty of his heart, by fear of such dangers as might
come to passe in the life of man." [24]
The curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of King
Bocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171) was a favourite science book
of the middle ages. It is probably of oriental origin, but there are
editions in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian, and English.
By way of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide
variety of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The
particular part referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi: "Pourquoy
sacostent les hommes charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne
le font pas?"[25] John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni
Andrea, who died at the plague of Bologna in 1347. His learning gained
him such titles as _rabbi doctorum_ and _normaque morum_. His
commentaries on the decretals were frequently reprinted. He gave the
name of "Novellæ" to this work after the name of his mother and
daughter. His code of morality contained no prohibition of literary
theft, for his additions to the "Speculum Juris" of Durand are said to
have been taken bodily from Oddrale. In the same magnificent manner he
appropriated the treatise "De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio" of Anguissola.
His daughter Novella was a learned woman, and became the wife of
Giovanni Calderino, a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino,
wrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter, son-in-law, and
grandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law.[26]
The reference to the "first book of the Truphes of the Philosophers by
figure" does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work
intended. It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character, for one
extract describes the fountain of the syrens (p. 122), and the other is
an anecdote, which though told here of Julius Cæsar (p. 71), is really
the story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with Augustus Cæsar.
It occurs also in the "Gesta Romanorum," where the emperor is
named Agyos.
"Helmond" (p. 33, &c.) is intended for Helinand, who died some time
after 1229. After a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus,
where he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king
and his surrounding, he became a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of
Froidmont. One of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject
of death. The "Flores Helinandi" are said to have been popular as well
as his "Chronique." He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and
of the life of St. Gereon, published by the Bollandists, and of other
works still inedited. He is sometimes confounded with another French
monk of the same name, who lived in the eleventh century, and was an
inmate of the monastery at Persigne in Maine. This second Helinand was
the author of commentaries or glosses on the Apocalypse and Exodus.[27]
The first-named has been credited with the authorship of "Gesta
Romanorum." The grounds for this are very slight. "On a longtemps ignoré
le nom de l'auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage du 68^e
dialogue du livre intitulé 'Dialogus creaturarum' nous le révele par ces
mots: _Elimandus in gestis romanorum_."[28] But, as Sir F. Madden and
Mr. Herrtage have pointed out, the name of "Gesta Romanorum" was given
to any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation of Livy, by
Robert Gaguin, has been catalogued as a version of the "Gesta." The
reference cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.[29]
Many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient
history, such as the friendship of Damon and Pythias, the sword of
Damocles, the chastity of Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the
fable of the Dog and the Shadow, &c. Others current in the middle ages
had great popularity, and even in our own days occasionally renew their
youth. The story of John of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found in Occleve's
translation of Colonna. Mr. Thomas Wright remarks: "This story, under
different forms, was a very common one in the middle ages. One version
will be found in my 'Latin Stories,' p. 28. It will hardly be necessary
to remark that the story of King Lear and his daughters is another
version."[30]
The story appears also in some modern compilations. In one instance it
is given as the will of Jehan Connaxa, of Antwerp, about 1530.[31] The
incident is given in the following form in the popular collection known
as the "Percy Anecdotes":[32]--
"An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired an easy fortune, had two
handsome daughters, between whom, on their marriage, he divided all his
property, on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the
winter with the other. Before the end of the first year, he found
sufficient grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest
to either; of this, however, he took no notice, but hired a handsome
lodging, in which he resided a few weeks; he then applied to a friend,
and told him the truth of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred
livres, and the loan of fifty thousand, in ready money, for a few hours.
His friend very readily complied with his request; and the next day the
old gentleman made a very splendid entertainment, to which his daughters
and their husbands were invited. Just as dinner was over, his friend
came in a great hurry; told him of an unexpected demand upon him, and
desired to know whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres. The old
man told him, without any emotion, that twice as much was at his
service, if he wanted it; and going into the next room, brought him the
money. After this, he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings;
his daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more in one house than the
other; and after three or four years spent with them, he died; when,
upon examining his cabinet, inftead of livres, there was found a note
containing these words: 'He who has suffered by his virtues, has a right
to avail himself of the vices of those by whom he has been injured; and
a father ought never to be so fond of his children as to forget what is
due to himself.'"
Amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by Giovanni Brevio,
published as part of his "Rime" in 1545. Piron's comedy of "Les Fils
Ingrats," also known as "L'Ecole des Pères," appeared in 1728. "The
story," adds Dunlop, "is also told in the 'Pieuses Recreations d'Angelin
Gazée,' and is told in the 'Colloquia Mensalia' of Luther, among other
examples to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among
their children--a practice to which they are in general little
addicted."[33]
There is yet another verfion of the story in John of Bromyard's "Summa
Predicantium." After describing the discovery of the club it says, "in
quo Anglice scriptum erat"--
"Wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn,
That al the werld hyt mote wyten,
That gyfht his sone al his thing,
And goht hym self a beggyn."
Mr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he is inclined to think
that the story and verses had some connection with "a superstition not
yet forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his 'Remains of Gentilism'"
(Thorn's "Anecdotes and Traditions," p. 84)--"The Holy Mawle, which
they fancy was hung behind the church door, which when the father was
seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head, as
effete and of no more use."[34]
Herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some Indian
tribes.
The incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a soul (p. 151), is in
the "Gesta Romanorum." The anecdote how a son induced his father to
become a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the "Vitas Patrum" is also in
the "Gesta Romanorum," and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to
give rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental source.[35]
The story of two merchants quoted from Petrus Alphonsus is also in the
"Gesta Romanorum." It is the foundation of Lydgate's "Two Friends," and
is beyond doubt an Eastern importation. In a MS. of the "Speculum
Laicorum," described by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one of
the merchants into an Englishman.[36]
The story quoted from "Paul, the historiagraph of the Lombards" (p. 46),
is also given in the "Gesta Romanorum." Mr. Herrtage says it is
"evidently founded on the classical legend of Tarpeia." The narrative in
the chess-book is taken from Paulus Diaconus.[37]
The stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest
trustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus Alphonsus, and is also in the "Gesta
Romanorum."
The story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was a favourite with our
forefathers. It is given by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of a
fabliau which is given by Meon.[38]
The somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by
Demosthenes (p. 103) will remind some readers of a passage in the life
of St. Francis of Assisi. "He had given up," says Mrs. Oliphant,
"without hesitation, as would appear, all the indefinite sweetness of
youthful hopes. But, nevertheless, he was still young, still a man, with
human instincts and wishes, the tenderest nature, and an imagination
full of all the warmth and grace of his age and his country. It does not
appear that he ever put into words the musings which caught him
unawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections which now and
then would steal into his heart. But one night suddenly he rose from the
earthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out into the night in an
access of rage and passion and despair. A certain brother who was
praying in his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window, saw
him heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight. 'Here is
thy wife,' he said to himself; 'these four are thy sons and daughters,
the other two are thy servant and thy handmaid; and for all these thou
art bound to provide. Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them,
lest they perish with cold. But if the care of so many trouble thee, be
thou careful to serve our Lord alone.' Bonaventura, who tells the story,
goes on, with the true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, 'the
tempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man returned victorious
to his cell.' The piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild
tale, the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with a strange
attempt, not less piteous than the longing, at self-consolation--all the
struggle and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least for
a moment, by that sudden plunge into the snow, and wild, violent, bodily
exertion, are either lost upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he
fears to do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the
possibility of such thoughts. But it is a very remarkable peculiarity of
Francis's history, that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony
downwards, is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight,
only Francis, in his pure dreams, is tempted by the modest joys of wife
and children--the most legitimate and tenderest love."[39]
The reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit
from our author. For his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether
true or false, but it probably never occurred to him to question the
exact truth of any statement that he found written in a book. The murder
of Seneca (p. 9) is certainly not the least of the many crimes which
stain the memory of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not
exactly described by the mediæval scribe. Whether the philosopher and
former tutor was implicated in the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted,
but some ambiguous phrases he had used were reported to the Emþeror,
whose messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning. The reply of
Seneca was either unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of
his former guide. As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man was
expected to be his own executioner, and Seneca opened his veins and
allowed the life to ooze from them with a stoicism that was certainly
heroic if not untainted by theatrical display. The character of Seneca
will ever remain one of the puzzles of history, for the grave moralist
was accessory to the murder of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of
licentiousness, and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three
hundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud. The statements of Dion
Cassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher must be weighed against
the absence of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages
of Tacitus.
The Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus, who was
probably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple of Aristippus. He was
banished from the (supposed) place of his birth, and was shielded at
Athens by Demetrius Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have shared.
Whilst in the service of Egypt he was sent as an ambassador to
Lysimachus, whom he offended by the directness and plainness of his
speech. The offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion, and he
replied in a phrase which became famous, "Threaten thus your courtiers,
for it matters not to me whether I rot on the ground or in the air."[40]
The king's threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards at
Corinth, and is believed to have died at Cyrene. That he was condemned
to drink hemlock is a statement cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes
Lærtius (_Aristippus_, xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with
Lysimachus would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put
to death for the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit.
The Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus of Abdera, of
whom the anecdote is told. He was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won
even the respect of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition that he
deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is
mentioned by Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and others, but it is hardly
necessary to account for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so
remarkable.
The transformations of some of the names are peculiar. At p. 12 we read
of Defortes. The philosopher disguised under this strange name appears
to be Socrates. The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed
to Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was addressed was not
Xanthippe, but was a disciple named Apollodorus, whose understanding was
not equal to his admiration.
The statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both by
Jerome (_Ep_. 68) and in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates (iv.
29). Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the age of four,
as the result of disease. He learned the alphabet by wooden letters, and
by application and force of character became learned in all the learning
of his time. Is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters
for the blind? What would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so
acquired in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic, and
music for which he was famous? He owed to Athanasius his position as
head of the Catechetical School of Alexandria.
The readers of "Cymbeline" will remember the passage in the concluding
scene:--
"The piece of tender air, thy virtuous daughter,
Which we call _mollis ær_; and _mollis ær_
We term it _mulier_; which mulier, I divine,
Is this most constant wife: who even now,
Answering the letter of the oracle,
Unknown to you unsought, were clipp'd about
With this most tender air."
This quaint piece of etymology will be found at p. 123 of the present
volume.
There is an interesting personal reference in the following passage
which has not, it is believed, been pointed out:--
"And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune &
not propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious
men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe
the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my
self ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which
haue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/
in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for
hym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his
ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute
freris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy
church wold neuer suffre hit in religion."
This description by the busy merchant of the "best life" might serve to
point anew the distinction between the real and the ideal, and perhaps
not to the advantage of the latter.
Nothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history of
chess, and, indeed, it must be confessed that it has very little
practical bearing on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess of
to-day was connected with the _latrunculi_ and with the amusement said
to have been invented by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air
of modern criticism. The student of the history of chess may now follow
its fortunes under the safe guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects
unhesitatingly the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes, of an
antiquity of 5,000 years.[41] The game of chess, which, whilst remaining
an amusement, has acquired the dignity of a science, is one that Europe
owes to India, where it was probably invented not earlier than five
centuries before Christ; the triumphant progress of Islam aided in the
extension of this oriental pastime. It was known at the courts of
Nicephorus at Conftantinople and his contemporary Haroun-al-Rashid at
Bagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne also was acquainted with
it, but there is no good evidence for that legend. It was known in Spain
in the tenth century, since the library of the learned caliph Hakam II.
of Cordova contained some Arabic MSS. on the game. By the middle of the
eleventh century it was common in the western world. In 1061 a
Florentine bishop is said to have been ordered by Cardinal Damiani to
expiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations of
the Psalter, by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by giving
them liberal alms. The gradual developments of the game in Europe are
illustrated in detail by Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is
comparatively modern, and refults from the enlargement of the powers of
the Queen (originally the Vizier or minister) and of the Bishop
(formerly the Alfil or Elephant). The greater powers of these pieces
came into play between 1450 and 1500, but the period of transition was
prolonged to a much later date in some cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano
may be regarded as the founder of the modern school. The player of
to-day on consulting the elementary directions given in this book (p.
159, _et seq_.), will see how greatly the present play exceeds in
complexity and scientific interest the moves that excited the enthusiasm
of Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to the composition of the book of
the chess which has had such long and widespread popularity.
Incidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess, but it was
never intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game. The
author's aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to win men to a
sober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties,
that the preacher exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike
the reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history and legend of
chroniclers, pagan and Christian, and the words of prophets and poets.
As a memorial of the literature and learning of the middle ages, it must
always possess a permanent value. From it we may learn, and always with
interest, what was the literary taste and social ideal of the
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. There is, doubtless,
ample room for dissatisfaction with that ideal, but it is not without
some bright aspects. Possibly there are modern realms that are not any
happier now than they would be if governed in strict accordance with the
rules laid down by the earnest author of the game and play of the chess.
* * * * *
It only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested
themselves in his work. Mr. J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual
scholarly courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and
references. To Mr. R.C. Christie, the Chancellor of the Diocese of
Manchester, a similar acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and Mr.
W.R. Credland, of the Manchester Free Library, on this, as on many other
occasions, have not only given the editor many facilities for his work,
but some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited. The index is
chiefly the work of the editor's eldest daughter.
[DEDICATION.]
[42] To the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince George duc of
Clarence Erle of warwyck and of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond
& leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god
kynge of England and of france/ your most humble servant william Caxton
amonge other of your seruantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and
victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce/.
For as moche as I haue understand and knowe/ that y'e are enclined unto
the comyn wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and
comyn peple of his noble royame of Englond/ and that y'e sawe gladly the
Inhabitants of y'e same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and
honeste maners. In whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows
haboundeth/ gyuyng light and ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue
put me in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes
out of frensh in to englisshe/ In which I fynde thauctorites. dictees.
and stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse
men whiche been recounted & applied unto the moralite of the publique
wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and
playe of the chesse/ whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord I
haue made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble protection/
not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge ayenst your noblesse/.
For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange
regions as with in the royame of england gloriously unto your honour and
lande/ which god multeplye and encrece But to thentent that other of
what estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd lityll
book/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo/ wherfor my right
dere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good grace not to desdaygne
to resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well of me your
humble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am/.
For the right good wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the
best wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede/ And for
more clerely to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the
chapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more
playnly the mater wherof the book treteth &c.
[PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.]
The holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt Poule sayth in his
epystle. Alle that is wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our
lernyng. Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and
compyle many notable werkys and historyes to the ende that it myght come
to the knowlege and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which
the nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng to the same saith Salamon. that
the nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And emong alle other good werkys. It
is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late
vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not
dyscerne wysedom fro folye. Th[=e]ne emonge whom there was an excellent
doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal
of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the fame and hath made a
book of the chesse moralysed. which at suche tyme as J was resident in
brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which whan J had
redde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe/
And in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen
it/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self to translate
it in to our maternal tongue/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd
translacion/ I dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/
Whiche anone were depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys sayd book
is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree/ J
haue purposed to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche
persons as longen to the playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees ben
comprysed/ besechyng al them that this litel werke shal see/ here/ or
rede to have me for excused for the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in
to our englisshe/ And where as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and in
so doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke/ and I shal pray for them/
that god of his grete mercy shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse
in heven/ to the whiche he brynge us/ that wyth his precious blood
redemed us Amen
[TABLE.]
This booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees/
The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse,/ and
conteyneth .iii. chapitres
The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden
The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe
The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden
The second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth .v.
chapitres
The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges
as apperteyn to a kynge
The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners
The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and
maners
The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices
The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices
The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii.
chapitres
The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe
The .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall
[43] The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries
The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers
[44] The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries
[45] The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers
[46] The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & cuftomers
[47] The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours The .iiii.
traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres
The first is of the eschequer
The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge
The thirde of the yssue of the quene
The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns
The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes
The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks
The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple
And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion.
And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.
BOOK I.
[Illustration]
_This first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the
play of the chesse was founden and maad.:._
Amonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may be in a man the
first and y'e grettest is whan he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese
and make wroth god by synne/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/ whan
he reccheth not/ ner taketh hede unto them that repreue hym and his
vices/ but fleeth them/ In suche wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche
dide do slee his maister seneque For as moche as he might not suffre to
be repreuid and taught of hym In lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in
babiloine that was named Evilmerodach a Jolye man with oute Justice and
so cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces/
And gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes that men calle
wultres And was of suche condicion as was Nero/ And right well resemblid
and was lyke unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche on a tyme wold do flee
alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For as moche as they coude not
telle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit
lyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/ Under this
kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse founden/
Trewe it is that some men wene/ that this playe was founden in the tyme
of the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo For this playe cam
to the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth
That amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other
playes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the tyme of Alixandre the
grete in to Egipte And so unto alle the parties toward the south/ And
the cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the
thirde chapitre.
[Illustration]
_This second chapitre of the first tra3tate sheweth who fonde first the
playe of the chesse._
Thys playe fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche was named in Caldee
Exerses or in greke philometor/ which is as moche to saye in english as
he that loveth Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed
gretly amonge the grekes and them of Athenes whiche were good clerkys
and philosophers also renomed of theyr connynge. This philosopher was so
Juste and trewe that he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe and be a fals
flaterer wyth the sayd kynge. For whan he behelde the foull and synfull
lyf of the kynge/ And that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete
cruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym/ he put hym self
in paryll of deth/ And louyd and chees rather to dye than lenger to
lyue: The euyll lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell
beste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ For he destroyeth hym that
displesith hym/ And therfore reherceth valerius/ that ther was a wise
man named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for
as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll lyf And all way as he
was in the torment he said to y'e kynge/ upon thy counceyllours & them
that ben cladd in thy clothynge & robes were more reson that this
torment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye to the The trouthe
for to do Justice right wysly/ of my self I make no force whether I dye
on the lande or on the water or otherwyse &c as who sayth he recched not
to dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon the philosophre put out
his owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no good myght come to the
euyll and vicyous peple wyth out right And also defortes the philosophre
as he went toward his deth/ his wyf that folowed after hym saide that he
was dampned to deth wrongfully/ than he answerd and sayd to her/ holde
thy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye to dye by a
wronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than that I had deseruyd to dye.
[Illustration.]
_The thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth wherfore the playe
was founden and maad._
The causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre/ the first was for
to correcte and repreue the kynge .For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe
this playe And the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe
wyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of
the playe/ And desired to playe agaynst y'e philosopher/ The philosopher
answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon. But yf he first
lerned the playe/ The kynge said hit was reson and that he wold put him
to the payne to lerne hit Than the philosopher began to teche hym and to
shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse borde and the chesse
meyne/ And also the maners and condicions of a kynge of the nobles and
of the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid
and drawen. And how he shold amende hymself & become vertuous And whan
this kynge herde that he repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym upon payne of
deth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/ And he
answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest and most thinge that
I desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf And
that may I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and that
had/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple Thus than I desire y't thou
haue other gouernement than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon thy
self first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by force
and not by right Certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster ouer
other and comandour/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and
that his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye by force and
wylle may not longe endure/ Than thus may thou see oon of the causes why
and wherfore I haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to
correcte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge/ .For alle
kynges specyally ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her
corrections to hold and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius
reherceth that the kynge Alixandre had a noble and renomed knyght that
sayd in repreuynge of Alixandre that he was to moche couetous and in
especyall of the honours of the world/ And sayd to hym yf the goddes had
maad thy body as greet as is thy herte Alle the world coude not holde
the/. For thou holdest in thy right hand alle the Oryent/ And in thy
lyfte hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ or thou art a god or a man
or nought/ yf thou be god doo than well and good to the peple as god
doth/ And take not from them that they ought to haue and is theyres. yf
thou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And than thou shalt doo noon
euyll/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self/ ther is no thynge so stronge
and ferme/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe
hit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/ yet somtyme a lityll
birde eteth hym/ The seconde cause wherfore this playe was founden and
maad/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque saith unto
lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng/
and varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not for to
goo/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo well
and good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for to
kepe the peple from ydlenes/. For there is moche peple. Whan so is that
they be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and
ydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes And by
this ydlenes the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde
cause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here
noueltees and tydynges. For this cause they of atthenes studyed as we
rede/ and for as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth
otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges/ therfore we rede that [48]
democrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen/ for as moche as he
myght haue the better entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made
blynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of
Alixandrye/ that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/
that gregore nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres to
other/ came for to be his scolers & lerned of hym And saynt Anthonie The
grete heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other
thynges/ he demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was
blynde and sawe not. And he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that
he supposid not that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight/
And saynt Anthonye answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith
the that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and
bestes. And thou knowest well that thou hast not loste that thynge that
is comyn bitwene the and the angellis And for thise causes forsayd the
philosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes and thoughtes/ and to
thinke only on this playe as shall be said & appere in this book after.