MR. ADAMS PRESENTS PETITIONS FOR THE ABOLISHMENT OF SLAVERY--OPPOSITION
OF SOUTHERN MEMBERS--EXCITING SCENES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES--
MARKS OF CONFIDENCE IN MR. ADAMS.
In the meantime, during the years 1836 and 1837, the public mind in the
Northern States, became fully aroused to the enormities of American
slavery--its encroachments on the rights and interests of the free
States--the undue influence it was exercising in our national
councils--and the evident determination to enlarge its borders and its
evils, by the addition of new and large territories. Petitions for the
abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia and
the Territories, began to pour into Congress, from every section of the
East and North. These were generally presented by Mr. Adams. His age and
experience--his well-known influence in the House of Representatives--his
patriotism, and his intrepid advocacy of human freedom--inspired the
confidence of the people of the free States, and led them to entrust to
him their petitions. With scrupulous fidelity he performed the duty thus
imposed upon him. Whoever petitions might come from--whatever the nature
of their prayer--whether for such objects as he could sanction or not--if
they were clothed in respectful language, Mr. Adams felt himself under an
imperative obligation to present them to Congress. For several sessions at
this period, few days passed without his presenting more or less petitions
having some relation to the subject of slavery.
The southern members of Congress became alarmed at these demonstrations,
and determined to arrest them, even at the sacrifice, if need be, of the
right of petition--the most sacred privilege of freemen. On the 8th of
Feb., 1836, a committee was raised by the House of Representatives, to
take into consideration what disposition should be made of petitions and
memorials for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, in the
District of Columbia, and report thereon. This committee consisted of
Messrs. Pinckney of South Carolina, Hamer of Ohio, Pierce of New
Hampshire, Hardin of Kentucky, Jarvis of Maine, Owens of Georgia,
Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania, Dromgoole of Virginia, and Turrill of New
York. On the 18th of May, the committee made a lengthy and unanimous
report, through Mr. Pinckney, recommending the adoption of the following
resolutions:--
"Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to
interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the States
of this Confederacy.
"Resolved, That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in
the District of Columbia.
"And whereas, It is extremely important and desirable that the agitation
of this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring
tranquillity to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the
adoption of the following additional resolution, viz.:--
"Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions or
papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of
slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed
or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever
shall be had thereon."
When the first of these resolutions was taken up, Mr. Adams said, if the
House would allow him five minutes' time, he would prove the resolution to
be untrue. His request was denied.
On the third resolution Mr. Adams refused to vote, and sent to the
Speaker's chair the following declaration, demanding that it should be
placed on the journal of the House, there to stand to the latest
posterity:--
"I hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the Constitution of the
United States, of the rules of this House, and of the rights of my
constituents."
Notwithstanding the rule embodied in this resolution virtually trampled
the right of petition into the dust, yet it was adopted by the House, by a
large majority. But Mr. Adams was not to be deterred by this arbitrary
restriction, from a faithful discharge of his duty as a representative of
the people. Petitions on the subject of slavery continued to be
transmitted to him in increased numbers. With unwavering firmness--against
a bitter and unscrupulous opposition, exasperated to the highest pitch by
his pertinacity--amidst a perfect tempest of vituperation and abuse--he
persevered in presenting these petitions, one by one, to the amount
sometimes of two hundred in a day--demanding the action of the House on
each separate petition.
His position amid these scenes was in the highest degree illustrious and
sublime. An old man, with the weight of years upon him, forgetful of the
elevated stations he had occupied, and the distinguished honors received
for past services, turning away from the repose which age so greatly
needs, and laboring, amidst scorn and derision, and threats of expulsion
and assassination, to maintain the sacred right of petition for the
poorest and humblest in the land--insisting that the voice of a free
people should be heard by their representatives, when they would speak in
condemnation of human slavery and call upon them to maintain the
principles of liberty embodied in the immortal Declaration of
Independence--was a spectacle unwitnessed before in the history of
legislation. A few specimens of these transactions will enable the reader
to judge of the trials Mr. Adams was compelled to endure in the discharge
of his duties, and also of his moral courage and indomitable perseverance,
amid the most appalling circumstances.
On the 6th of Jan., 1837, Mr. Adams presented the petition of one hundred
and fifty women, whom he stated to be the wives and daughters of his
immediate constituents, praying for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, and moved that the petition be read.
Mr. Glascock objected to its reception.
Mr. Parks moved that the preliminary motion, on the reception of the
petition, be laid on the table, which was carried.
Mr. Adams said, that if he had understood the decision of the Speaker in
this case, it was not the petition itself which was laid upon the table,
but the motion to receive. In order to save the time of the House, he
wished to give notice that he should call up that motion, for decision,
every day, so long as he should be permitted to do so by the House;
because he should not consider his duty accomplished so long as the
petition was not received, and so long as the House had not decided that
it would not receive it.
Mr. Pinckney rose to a question of order, and inquired if there was now
any question pending before the House?
The Speaker said, he had understood the gentleman from Massachusetts as
merely giving notice of a motion hereafter to be made. In doing so, it
certainly was not in order to enter into debate.
Mr. Adams said, that so long as freedom of speech was allowed to him as a
member of that House, he would call up that question until it should be
decided.
Mr. Adams was called to order.
Mr. A. said, he would then have the honor of presenting to the House the
petition of two hundred and twenty-eight women, the wives and daughters of
his immediate constituents; and as a part of the speech which he intended
to make, he would take the liberty of reading the petition. It was not
long, and would not consume much time.
Mr. Glascock objected to the reception of the petition.
Mr. Adams proceeded to read, that the petitioners, inhabitants of South
Weymouth, in the State of Massachusetts, "impressed with the sinfulness of
slavery, and keenly aggrieved by its existence in a part of our country
over which Congress--"
Mr. Pinckney rose to a question of order. Had the gentleman from
Massachusetts a right, under the rule, to read the petition?
The Speaker said, the gentleman from Massachusetts had a right to make a
statement of the contents of the petition.
Mr. Pinckney desired the decision of the Speaker as to whether a
gentleman had a right to read a petition.
Mr. Adams said he was reading the petition as a part of his speech, and he
took this to be one of the privileges of a member of the House. It was a
privilege he would exercise till he should be deprived of it by some
positive act.
The Speaker repeated that the gentleman from Massachusetts had a right to
make a brief statement of the contents of the petition. It was not for the
Speaker to decide whether that brief statement should be made in the
gentleman's own language, or whether he should look over the petition, and
take his statement from that.
Mr. Adams.--At the time my friend from South Carolina--
The Speaker said the gentleman must proceed to state the contents of the
petition.
Mr. Adams.-I am doing so, sir.
The Speaker.--Not in the opinion of the chair.
Mr. Adams.--I was at this point of the petition--"Keenly aggrieved by its
existence in a part of our country over which Congress possesses exclusive
jurisdiction in all cases whatsoever--"
Loud cries of "Order," "Order!"
Mr. Adams.-"Do most earnestly petition your honorable body--"
Mr. Chambers of Kentucky rose to a point of order.
Mr. Adams.--"Immediately to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia--"
Mr. Chambers reiterated his call to order, and the Speaker directed Mr.
Adams to take his seat.
Mr. Adams proceeded with great rapidity of enunciation, and in a very loud
tone of voice--"And to declare every human being free who sets foot upon
its soil!"
The confusion in the hall at this time was very great. The Speaker decided
that it was not in order for a member to read a petition, whether it was
long or short.
Mr. Adams appealed from any decision which went to establish the principle
that a member of the House should not have the power to read what he
chose. He had never before heard of such a thing. If this practice was to
be reversed, let the decision stand upon record, and let it appear how
entirely the freedom of speech was suppressed in this House. If the
reading of a paper was to be suppressed in his person, so help him God, he
would only consent to it as a matter of record.
Mr. Adams finished the petition. The petitioners "respectfully announce
their intention to present the same petition yearly before this honorable
body, that it might at least be a memorial in the holy cause of human
freedom that they had done what they could."
These words were read amidst tumultuous cries for "order," from every part
of the House. The petition was finally received, and laid upon the table.
Other scenes of a still more exciting character soon occurred.
On the 7th of February, 1837, after Mr. Adams had offered some two hundred
or more abolition petitions, he came to a halt; and, without yielding the
floor, employed himself in packing up his budget. He was about resuming
his seat, when he took up a paper, and hastily glancing at it, exclaimed,
in a shrill tone--
"Mr. Speaker, I have in my possession a petition of a somewhat
extraordinary character; and I wish to inquire of the chair if it be in
order to present it."
"If the gentleman from Massachusetts," said the Speaker, "will inform the
chair what the character of the petition is, it will probably be able to
decide on the subject."
"Sir," ejaculated Mr. Adams, "the petition is signed by eleven slaves of
the town of Fredericksburgh, in the county of Culpepper, in the state of
Virginia. It is one of those petitions which, it has occurred to my mind,
are not what they purport to be. It is signed partly by persons who cannot
write, by making their marks, and partly by persons whose handwriting
would manifest that they have received the education of slaves. The
petition declares itself to be from slaves, and I am requested to present
it. I will send it to the chair."
The Speaker (Mr. Polk,) who habitually extended to Mr. Adams every
courtesy and kindness imaginable, was taken by surprise, and found himself
involved in a dilemma. Giving his chair one of those hitches which ever
denoted his excitement, he said that a petition from slaves was a novelty,
and involved a question that he did not feel called upon to decide. He
would like to take time to consider it; and, in the meantime, would refer
it to the House.
The House was very thin at the time, and little attention was paid to what
was going on, till the excitement of the Speaker attracted the attention
of Mr. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama, who impatiently, and under great
excitement, rose and inquired what the petition was.
Mr. Speaker afforded the required information. Mr. Lewis, forgetting all
discretion, whilst he frothed at the mouth, turned towards Mr. Adams, and
ejaculated at the top of his voice, "By G-d, sir, this is not to be
endured any longer!"
"Treason! treason!" screamed a half dozen other members. "Expel the old
scoundrel; put him out; do not let him disgrace the House any longer!"
"Get up a resolution to meet the case," exclaimed a member from North
Carolina.
Mr. George C. Dromgoole, who had acquired a very favorable reputation as
a parliamentarian, was selected as the very man who, of all others, was
most capable of drawing up a resolution that would meet and cover the
emergency. He produced a resolution with a preamble, in which it was
stated, substantially, that, whereas the Hon. John Quincy Adams, a
representative from Massachusetts, had presented to the House of
Representatives a petition signed by negro slaves, thus "giving color to
an idea" that bondmen were capable of exercising the right of petition, it
was "Resolved, That he be taken to the bar of the House, and be censured
by the Speaker thereof."
Mr. Haynes said, the true motion, in his judgment, would be to move that
the petition be rejected.
Mr. Lewis hoped that no motion of that kind would come from any gentleman
from a slaveholding section of the country.
Mr. Haynes said he would cheerfully withdraw his motion.
Mr. Lewis was glad the motion was withdrawn. He believed that the House
should punish severely such an infraction of its decorum and its rules;
and he called on the members from the slaveholding States to come forward
now and demand of the House the punishment of the gentleman from
Massachusetts.
Mr. Grantland, of Georgia, would second the motion, and go all lengths in
support of it.
Mr. Lewis said, that if the House would inflict no punishment for such
flagrant violations of its dignity as this, it would be better for the
Representatives from the slaveholding Slates to go home at once.
Mr. Alford said, if the gentleman from Massachusetts intended to present
this petition, the moment it was presented he should move, as an act of
justice to the South, which he in part represented, and which he conceived
had been treated with indignity, that it be taken from the House and
burnt; and he hoped that every man who was a friend to the constitution,
would support him. There must be an end to this constant attempt to raise
excitement, or the Union could not exist much longer. The moment any man
should disgrace the Government under which he lived, by presenting a
petition from slaves, praying for emancipation, he hoped that petition
would, by order of the House, be committed to the flames.
Mr. Waddy Thompson moved the following resolution:--
"Resolved, That the Hon. John Quincy Adams, by the attempt just made by
him to introduce a petition purporting on its face to be from slaves, has
been guilty of a gross disrespect to this House, and that he be instantly
brought to the bar, to receive the severe censure of the Speaker."
The idea of bringing the venerable ex-President to the bar, like a
culprit, to receive a reprimand from a comparatively youthful Speaker,
would be a spectacle so disgraceful, and withal so absurd, that the
proposition met with no favor. An easier way to reprimand was devised. Mr.
Haynes introduced the following resolution:--
"Resolved, That John Quincy Adams, a Representative from the State of
Massachusetts, has rendered himself justly liable to the severest censure
of this House, and is censured accordingly, for having attempted to
present to the House the petition of slaves."
Several other resolutions and propositions, from members of slaveholding
States, were submitted to the House; but none proved satisfactory even to
themselves. Mr. Adams, unmoved by the tempest which raged around him,
defended himself, and the integrity of his purpose, with the distinguished
ability and eloquence which characterized all his public labors.
"In regard to the resolutions now before the House," said he, "as they all
concur in naming me, and in charging me with high crimes and misdemeanors,
and in calling me to the bar of the House to answer for my crimes, I have
thought it was my duty to remain silent, until it should be the pleasure
of the House to act either on one or the other of these resolutions. I
suppose that if I shall be brought to the bar of the House, I shall not be
struck mute by the previous question, before I have an opportunity to say
a word or two in my own defence. * * * * * *
"Now, as to the fact what the petition was for, I simply state to the
gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. D. H. Lewis,) who has sent to the table a
resolution assuming that this petition was for the abolition of slavery--I
state to him that he is mistaken. He must amend his resolution; for if the
House should choose to read this petition, I can state to them they would
find it something very much the reverse of that which the resolution
states it to be. And if the gentleman from Alabama still chooses to bring
me to the bar of the House, he must amend his resolution in a very
important particular; for he may probably have to put into it, that my
crime has been for attempting to introduce the petition of slaves that
slavery should not be abolished. * * * * * *
"Sir, it is well known, that from the time I entered this House, down to
the present day, I have felt it a sacred duty to present any petition,
couched in respectful language, from any citizen of the United States, be
its object what it may; be the prayer of it that in which I could concur,
or that to which I was utterly opposed. It is for the sacred right of
petition that I have adopted this course. * * * * * * * * Where is your
law which says that the mean, and the low, and the degraded, shall be
deprived of the right of petition, if their moral character is not good?
Where, in the land of freemen, was the right of petition ever placed on
the exclusive basis of morality and virtue? Petition is supplication--it
is entreaty--it is prayer! And where is the degree of vice or immorality
which shall deprive the citizen of the right to supplicate for a boon, or
to pray for mercy? Where is such a law to be found? It does not belong to
the most abject despotism! There is no absolute monarch on earth, who is
not compelled, by the constitution of his country, to receive the
petitions of his people, whosoever they may be. The Sultan of
Constantinople cannot walk the streets and refuse to receive petitions
from the meanest and vilest of the land. This is the law even of
despotism. And what does your law say? Does it say that, before presenting
a petition, you shall look into it, and see whether it comes from the
virtuous, and the great, and the mighty? No sir; it says no such thing.
The right of petition belongs to all. And so far from refusing to present
a petition because it might come from those low in the estimation of the
world, it would be an additional incentive, if such incentive were
wanting.
"But I must admit," continued Mr. Adams, sarcastically, "that when color
comes into the question, there may be other considerations. It is possible
that this house, which seems to consider it so great a crime to attempt to
offer a petition from slaves, may, for aught I know, say that freemen, if
not of the carnation, shall be deprived of the right of petition, in the
sense of the House."
When southern members saw that, in their haste, they had not tarried to
ascertain the nature of the petition, and that it prayed for the
perpetuation, instead of the abolition of slavery, their position became
so ludicrous, that their exasperation was greatly increased. At the time
the petition was announced by Mr. Adams, the House was very thin; but the
excitement it produced soon filled it; and, besides, the sergeant-at-arms
had been instructed to arrest and bring in all absentees. The excitement
commenced at about one o'clock, and continued until seven o'clock in the
evening, when the House adjourned. Mr. Adams stood at his desk, resolutely
refusing to be seated till the matter was disposed of, alleging that if he
were guilty, he was not entitled to a seat among high and honorable men.
When Mr. Droomgoole's resolution was read to the House for its
consideration, Mr. Adams yielded to it one of those sarcastic sneers which
he was in the habit of giving, when provoked to satire; and said--"Mr.
Speaker, if I understand the resolution of the honorable gentleman from
Virginia, it charges me with being guilty of giving color to an idea!'"
The whole House broke forth in one common irrepressible peal of laughter.
The Droomgoole resolution was actually laughed out of existence. The
House now found that it had got itself in a dilemma,--that Mr. Adams was
too much for it; and, at last, adjourned, leaving the affair in the
position in which they found it.
For several days this subject continued to agitate the House. Mr. Adams
not only warded off the virulent attacks made upon him, but carried the
war so effectually into the camp of his enemies, that, becoming heartily
tired of the contest, they repeatedly endeavored to get rid of the whole
subject by laying it on the table. To this Mr. Adams objected. He insisted
that it should be thoroughly canvassed. Immense excitement ensued. Call
after call of the House was made. Mr. Henry A. Wise, who was, at the time,
engaged on the Reuben Whitney affair, was sent for: with an accompanying
message that the stability of the Union was in danger!
Breathless, and impatient, Mr. Wise made his appearance, and inquired what
was the matter. He was informed.
"And is that all?" ejaculated Mr. Wise. "The gentleman from Massachusetts
has presented a petition signed by slaves! Well, sir, and what of that? Is
anybody harmed by it? Sir, in my opinion, slaves are the very persons who
should petition. Mine, sir, pray to me, and I listen to them; and shall
not the feeble supplicate? Sir, I see no danger,--the country, I believe,
is safe."
At length the exciting subject was brought to a termination, by the
passage of the following preamble and resolutions; much softened, it will
be seen, in comparison with the measures first proposed:--
"An inquiry having been made by an honorable gentleman from Massachusetts,
whether a paper which he held in his hand, purporting to be a petition
from certain slaves, and declaring themselves to be slaves, came within
the order of the House of the 18th of January,[Footnote: This order was
the same as that adopted by the House on the 18th of May, 1836. See p.
281.] and the said paper not having been received by the Speaker, he
stated that in a case so extraordinary and novel, he would take the advice
and counsel of the House.
"Resolved, That this House cannot receive said petition without
disregarding its own dignity, the rights of a large class of citizens of
the South and West, and the Constitution of the United States.
"Resolved, That slaves do not possess the right of petition secured to
the citizens of the United States by the constitution."
The slave petition is believed to have been a counterfeit, manufactured by
certain members from slaveholding States, and was sent to Mr. Adams by the
way of experiment--with the double design of ascertaining if he could be
imposed upon; and, if the deception succeeded, those who got it up were
curious to know if the venerable statesman would redeem his pledge, and
present a petition, no matter who it came from. He was too wily not to
detect the plot at the outset; he knew that all was a hoax; but, he
resolved to present the paper, and then turn the tables on its authors.
[Footnote: Reminiscences of the late John Quincy Adams, by an Old Colony
Man.]
On the 20th of December, 1838, Mr. Adams presented a petition praying for
the establishment of international relations with the Republic of Hayti,
and moved that it be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, with
instructions to consider and report thereon. This motion was opposed with
great warmth by members from slaveholding States. Mr. Adams was repeatedly
interrupted during the delivery of the brief speech he made on the
occasion.
Mr. Bynum insisted that the gentleman from Massachusetts should take his
seat, under the rule. If, however, he was permitted to proceed, Mr. B.
hoped some gentleman of the slaveholding portion of the House would be
allowed to answer him.
Mr. Adams.--Sir, I hope so. Only open our mouths, gentlemen; that is all
we ask, and you may answer as much as you please.
Mr. Bynum.--I object to the gentleman proceeding further with his
observations, except by consent of the House. If we have rules we had
better either obey them or burn them.
The House voted, by 114 to 47, to allow Mr. Adams to proceed.
In continuing his speech, Mr. Adams said, that even admitting the object
of the petitioners is abolition, as has been alleged, they had the right
to petition for that too; for every individual in the country had a right
to be an abolitionist. The great men of the Revolution were abolitionists,
and if any man denies it, I will prove it.
Mr. Wise.--I deny it.
The Speaker said this was out of order.
Mr. Adams.--I feel obliged to the gentleman from Virginia for giving me
the invitation, and I will now prove what I say.
The Speaker said this did not form any part of the question before the
House.
Mr. Adams.--George Washington, in articulo mortis, by his last will and
testament, before God, his Creator, emancipated his slaves.
Mr. Wise.--Because he had no children.
The Speaker again interposed, and said the gentleman could not go into
that question. It was entirely out of order.
Mr. Adams.--I did but accept the invitation of the gentleman from
Virginia. I do not wish to go further. I simply take the position that
George Washington was an abolitionist in the most extensive sense of the
term; and I defy any man in this House to the discussion, and to prove to
the contrary if he can.
The Speaker called Mr. Adams to order.
Mr. Adams.--Well, sir, I was stating the high authority which is to be
found for the principles of abolition. Does the gentleman from Virginia
deny that Thomas Jefferson was an abolitionist?
Mr. Wise.--I do.
The Speaker again interposed.
Mr. Adams.--Well, sir, then I come back to my position, that every man in
this country has a right to be an abolitionist, and that in being so he
offends no law, but, in my opinion, obeys the most sacred of all laws.
The motion to instruct the committee, was finally laid upon the table.
Mr. Adams was evidently anxious to engage in a legitimate discussion, in
the House of Representatives, of the subject of slavery in all its
bearings, influences, and results. Such a discussion, coolly and
deliberately entered upon, by men of the most distinguished abilities in
the nation, could not but have been pregnant with lasting good, not only
to the North, but also to the South and the entire country. To afford
opportunity for a dignified and profitable investigation of this momentous
topic, Mr. Adams, on the 25th of Feb., 1839, proposed the following
amendments to the Constitution of the United States:--
"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress
assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring therein, That the
following amendments to the Constitution of the United States be proposed
to the several States of the Union, which, when ratified by three-fourths
of the legislatures of said States, shall become and be a part of the
Constitution of the United States:--
"1. From and after the 4th day of July, 1842, there shall be throughout
the United States no hereditary slavery; but on and after that day, every
child born within the United States, their territories or jurisdiction,
shall be born free.
"2. With the exception of the territory of Florida, there shall henceforth
never be admitted into this Union, any State, the constitution of which
shall tolerate within the same the existence of slavery.
"3. From and after the 4th day of July, 1845, there shall be neither
slavery nor slave trade, at the seat of Government of the United States."
Instead of meeting and canvassing, in a manly and honorable manner, the
vitally important question involved in these propositions, the
slaveholding Representatives objected to its coming before the House for
consideration, in any form whatever. In this instance, as in most others,
where the merits of slavery are involved, the supporters of that
institution manifested a timidity, a want of confidence in its legitimacy,
of the most suspicious nature. If slavery is lawful and defensible--if it
violates no true principle among men, no human right bestowed by the
Creator--if it can be tolerated and perpetuated in harmony with republican
institutions and our Declaration of Independence--if its existence in the
bosom of the Confederacy involves no incongruity, and is calculated to
promote the prosperity and stability of the Union, or the welfare of the
slaveholding States themselves--these are facts which can be made evident
to the world, by the unsurpassed abilities of southern statesmen. Why,
then, object to a candid and fearless investigation of the subject? But if
slavery is the reverse of all this--if it is a moral poison, contaminating
and blighting everything connected with it, and containing the seeds of
its own dissolution sooner or later--why should wise, sagacious
politicians, prudent and honest men, and conscientious Christians, shut
their eyes and turn away from a fact so appalling and so dangerous. No man
of intelligence can hope, in this age of the world, to perpetuate that
which is wrong and destructive, by bravado and threatening--by refusing to
look it in the face, or to allow others to scrutinize it. Error must pass
away. Truth, however unpalatable, or however it may be obscured for a
season, must eventually triumph. The very exertions of its supporters to
perpetuate wrong, will but hasten its death.
"Truth, crushed to earth, will rise again;
Th' eternal years of God are hers:
But Error, wounded, writhes with pain,
And dies among her worshippers."
Notwithstanding the course Mr. Adams felt himself compelled to pursue led
him frequently into collision with a large portion of the Members of the
House of Representatives, and caused them sometimes, in the heat of
excitement, to forget the deference due his age, his experience, and
commanding abilities, yet there was ever a deep, under-current feeling of
veneration for him, pervading all hearts. Those who were excited to the
highest pitch of frenzy by his proceedings, could not but admire the
singleness of his purpose, and his undaunted courage in discharging his
duties. On all subjects aside from slavery, his influence in the House has
never been surpassed. Whenever he arose to speak, it was a signal for a
general abandonment of listlessness and inattention. Members dropped their
newspapers and pamphlets--knots of consulting politicians in different
parts of the Hall were dissolved--Representatives came hastily in from
lobbies, committee-rooms, the surrounding grounds--and all eagerly
clustered around his chair to listen to words of wisdom, patriotism, and
truth, as they dropped burning from the lips of "the old man eloquent!"
The confidence placed in him in emergencies, was unbounded. A case in
point is afforded in the history of the difficulty occasioned by the
double delegation from New Jersey.
On the opening of the 26th Congress, in December, 1839, in consequence of
a two-fold delegation from New-Jersey, the House was unable, for some
time, to complete its organization, and presented to the country and the
world the perilous and discreditable aspect of the assembled
Representatives of the people, unable to form themselves into a
constitutional body. On first assembling, the House has no officers, and
the Clerk of the preceding Congress acts, by usage, as chairman of the
body, till a Speaker is chosen. On this occasion, after reaching the State
of New Jersey, the acting Clerk declined to proceed in calling the roll,
and refused to entertain any of the motions which were made for the
purpose of extricating the House from its embarrassment. Many of the
ablest and most judicious members had addressed the House in vain, and
there was nothing but confusion and disorder in prospect.
The fourth day opened, and still confusion was triumphant. But the hour of
disenthrallment was at hand, and a scene was presented which sent the
mind back to those days when Cromwell uttered the exclamation--"Sir Harry
Vane! wo unto you, Sir Harry Vane!"--and in an instant dispersed the
famous Rump Parliament.
Mr. Adams, from the opening of this scene of confusion and anarchy, had
maintained a profound silence. He appeared to be engaged most of the time
in writing. To a common observer, he seemed to be reckless of everything
around him--but nothing, not the slightest incident, escaped him. The
fourth day of the struggle had now commenced; Mr. Hugh H. Garland, the
Clerk, was directed to call the roll again.
He commenced with Maine, as was usual in those days, and was proceeding
toward Massachusetts. I turned, and saw that Mr. Adams was ready to get
the floor at the earliest moment possible. His keen eye was riveted on the
Clerk; his hands clasped the front edge of his desk, where he always
placed them to assist him in rising. He looked, in the language of Otway,
like the
"--fowler, eager for his prey."
"New Jersey!" ejaculated Mr. Hugh H. Garland, "and the Clerk has to repeat
that--"
Mr. Adams sprang to the floor!
"I rise to interrupt the Clerk," was his first ejaculation.
"Silence, silence," resounded through the hall; "hear him, hear him! Here
what he has to say; hear John Quincy Adams!" was the unanimous ejaculation
on all sides.
In an instant, the most profound silence reigned throughout the Hall--you
might have heard a leaf of paper fall in any part of it--and every eye was
riveted on the venerable Nestor of Massachusetts--the purest of
statesmen, and the noblest of men! He paused for a moment; and, having
given Mr. Garland a
"--withering look!"
he proceeded to address the multitude:
"It was not my intention," said he, "to take any part in these
extraordinary proceedings. I had hoped that this House would succeed in
organizing itself; that a Speaker and Clerk would be elected, and that the
ordinary business of legislation would be progressed in. This is not the
time, or place, to discuss the merits of the conflicting claimants for
seats from New Jersey; that subject belongs to the House of
Representatives, which, by the constitution, is made the ultimate arbiter
of the qualifications of its members. But what a spectacle we here
present! We degrade and disgrace ourselves; we degrade and disgrace our
constituents and the country. We do not, and cannot organize; and why?
Because the Clerk of this House, the mere Clerk, whom we create, whom we
employ, and whose existence depends upon our will, usurps the throne, and
sets us, the Representatives, the vicegerents of the whole American
people, at defiance, and holds us in contempt! And what is this Clerk of
yours? Is he to control the destinies of sixteen millions of freemen? Is
he to suspend, by his mere negative, the functions of Government, and put
an end to this Congress? He refuses to call the roll! It is in your power
to compel him to call it, if he will not do it voluntarily. [Here he was
interrupted by a member, who said that he was authorized to say that
compulsion could not reach the Clerk, who had avowed that he would resign,
rather than call the State of New Jersey.] Well, sir, then let him
resign," continued Mr. Adams, "and we may possibly discover some way by
which we can get along, without the aid of his all-powerful talent,
learning and genius. If we cannot organize in any other way--if this Clerk
of yours will not consent to our discharging the trusts confided to us by
our constituents, then let us imitate the example of the Virginia House of
Burgesses, which, when the colonial Governor Dinwiddie ordered it to
disperse, refused to obey the imperious and insulting mandate, and, like
men--"
The multitude could not contain or repress their enthusiasm any longer,
but saluted the eloquent and indignant speaker, and intercepted him with
loud and deafening cheers, which seemed to shake the capitol to its
centre. The very Genii of applause and enthusiasm seemed to float in the
atmosphere of the Hall, and every heart expanded with an indescribable
feeling of pride and exultation. The turmoil, the darkness, the very
"chaos of anarchy," which had, for three successive days, pervaded the
American Congress, was dispelled by the magic, the talismanic eloquence of
a single man; and, once more the wheels of Government and of Legislation
were put in motion.[Footnote: Reminiscences--by an Old Colony Man.]
Having, by this powerful appeal, brought the yet unorganized assembly to a
perception of its hazardous position, he submitted a motion requiring the
acting Clerk to proceed in calling the roll. This and similar motions had
already been made by other members. The difficulty was, that the acting
Clerk declined to entertain them. Accordingly, Mr. Adams was immediately
interrupted by a burst of voices demanding, "How shall the question be
put?" "Who will put the question?" The voice of Mr. Adams was heard above
the tumult, "I intend to put the question myself!" That word brought order
out of chaos. There was the master mind.
As soon as the multitude had recovered itself, and the excitement of
irrepressible enthusiasm had abated, Mr. Richard Barnwell Rhett, of
South Carolina, leaped upon one of the desks, waved his hand, and
exclaimed:
"I move that the Honorable John Quincy Adams take the chair of the Speaker
of this House, and officiate as presiding officer, till the House be
organized by the election of its constitutional officers! As many as are
agreed to this will say ay; those--"
He had not an opportunity to complete the sentence--"those who are not
agreed, will say no,"--for one universal, deafening, thundering ay,
responded to the nomination.
Hereupon, it was moved and ordered that Lewis Williams, of North Carolina,
and Richard Barnwell Rhett, conduct John Quincy Adams to the chair.
Well did Mr. Wise, of Virginia, say, "Sir, I regard it as the proudest
hour of your life; and if, when you shall be gathered to your fathers, I
were asked to select the words which, in my judgment, are best calculated
to give at once the character of the man, I would inscribe upon your tomb
this sentence, 'I will put the question myself.'" [Footnote: In a public
address, Mr. Adams once quoted the well known words of Tacitus, Annal.
vi. 39--"Par negotiis neque supra"--applying them to a distinguished
man, lately deceased. A lady wrote to inquire whence they came. Mr. Adams
informed her, and added, that they could not be adequately translated in
less than seven words in English. The lady replied that they might be well
translated in five--Equal to, not above, duty--but better in three--JOHN
QUINCY ADAMS.--Massachusetts Quarterly Review.]