MR. ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION--REFUSES TO REMOVE POLITICAL OPPOSERS FROM
OFFICE--URGES THE IMPORTANCE OF INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS--APPOINTS
COMMISSIONERS TO THE CONGRESS OF PANAMA--HIS POLICY TOWARD THE INDIAN
TRIBES--HIS SPEECH ON BREAKING GROUND FOR THE CHESAPEAKE AND OHIO
CANAL--BITTER OPPOSITION TO HIS ADMINISTRATION--FAILS OF RE-ELECTION TO
THE PRESIDENCY--RETIRES FROM OFFICE.
In administering the Government of the United States, Mr. Adams adhered
with rigid fidelity to the principles embodied in his inaugural speech.
Believing that "the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of
the people the end, of all legitimate government on earth," it was his
constant aim to act up to this patriotic principle in the discharge of his
duties as chief magistrate. He was emphatically the President of the
entire people, and not of a section, or a party. His administration was
truly national in its scope, its objects, and its results. His views of
the sacred nature of the trust imposed upon him by his fellow-citizens
were too exalted to allow him to desecrate the power with which it clothed
him to the promotion of party or personal interests. Although not
unmindful of the party which elevated him to the presidency, nor forgetful
of the claims of those who yielded sympathy and support to the measures of
his administration, yet in all his doings in this respect, his primary aim
was the general good. Simply a friendship for him, or his measures,
without other and requisite qualifications, would not ensure from Mr.
Adams an appointment to office. Neither did an opposition to his
administration alone, except there was a marked practical unfitness for
office, ever induce him to remove an individual from a public station.
Looking back to the administration of Mr. Adams from the present day, and
comparing it with those which have succeeded it, or even those which
preceded it, the acknowledgment must be made by all candid minds, that it
will lose nothing in purity, patriotism, and fidelity, in the discharge of
all its trusts. He was utterly incapable of proscription for opinion's
sake. With a stern integrity worthy the highest admiration, and which the
people at that period were far too slow to acknowledge and appreciate, he
would not displace his most active political opponents from public
stations he found them occupying, provided they were competent to their
duty and faithful in the discharge of the same. "It was in my hearing
that, to a representation that a certain important and influential
functionary of the General Government in New York was using the power of
his office adversely to Mr. Adams's re-election, and that he ought to
desist or be removed, Mr. Adams made this reply:--'That gentleman is one
of the best officers in the public service. I have had occasion to know
his diligence, exactness, and punctuality. On public grounds, therefore,
there is no cause of complaint against him, and upon no other will I
remove him. If I cannot administer the Government on these principles, I
am content to go back to Quincy!'" [Footnote: King's Eulogy on John Quincy
Adams.] Being in Baltimore on a certain occasion, among those introduced
to him was a gentleman who accosted him thus--"Mr. President, though I
differ from you in opinion, I am glad to find you in good health." The
President gave him a hearty shake of the hand, and replied,--"Sir, in our
happy and free country, we can differ in opinion without being enemies."
These anecdotes illustrate the character and principles of Mr. Adams. He
knew nothing of the jealousy and bitterness which are gendered, in little
minds and hearts, by disparities of sentiment. Freedom of opinion he
considered the birthright of every American citizen, and he would in no
instance be the instrument of inflicting punishment upon the head of any
man on account of its exercise. High and pure in all his aims, he sought
to reach them by means of a corresponding character. If he could not
succeed in the use of such instruments, he was content to meet defeat. The
rule by which he was governed in the discharge of his official duties, is
beautifully expressed by the dramatic bard:--
"Be just and fear not.
Let all the ends thou aim'st at, be thy COUNTRY'S,
Thy GOD'S, and TRUTH'S. Then if thou fall'st, O Cromwell,
Thou fall'st a blessed martyr!"
In the truly republican position which Mr. Adams took in regard to
appointments to office, and which, it is humiliating to believe, was one
means of his subsequent defeat, he but faithfully imitated the example of
"the Father of his country." When Gen. Washington occupied the
presidential chair, application was made for the appointment of one of his
old and intimate friends to a lucrative office. At the same time a
petition was received asking the same station for a most determined
political opponent. The latter received the appointment. The friend was
greatly disappointed and hurt in his feelings at his defeat. Let the
explanation of Washington be noted and ever remembered:--"My friend," said
he, "I receive with cordial welcome. He is welcome to my house, and
welcome to my heart; but with all his good qualities he is not a man of
business. His opponent, with all his politics so hostile to me, is a man
of business. My private feelings have nothing to do in the case. I am not
George Washington, but President of the United States. As George
Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power--as President of
the United States, I can do nothing."
The period of Mr. Adams's administration, was not one which admitted of
acts calculated to rivet the attention, or excite the admiration and
applause of the multitude. No crisis occurred in national affairs--no
imminent peril from without, or danger within, threatened the well-being
of the country! Quietness reigned throughout the world, and the nations
were allowed once more to cultivate the arts of peace, to enlarge the
operations of commerce, and to fix their attention on domestic
interests--the only true fountain of national prosperity. But though
lacking in some of the more striking elements of popularity, the
administration of Mr. Adams was preeminently useful in all its measures
and influences. During no Presidential term since the organization of the
Government, has more been done to consolidate the Union, and develop its
resources, and lay the foundations of national strength and prosperity.
The two great interests which, perhaps, received the largest share of
attention from Mr. Adams' administration, were internal improvements and
domestic manufactures. A special attention to these subjects was
recommended in his messages to Congress. And throughout his term, he
failed not to urge these vital matters upon the attention of the people,
and their representatives. He recommended the opening of national roads
and canals--the improvement of the navigation of rivers, and the safety of
harbors--the survey of our coasts, the erection of light houses, piers,
and breakwaters. Whatever tended to facilitate communication and
transportation between extreme portions of the Union--to bring the people
of distant sections into a more direct intercourse with each other, and
bind them together by ties of a business, social and friendly nature--to
promote enterprize, industry, and enlarged views of national and
individual prosperity--obtained his earnest sanction and recommendation.
To encourage home labor--to protect our infant manufactories from a fatal
competition with foreign pauper wages--to foster and build up in the bosom
of the country a system of domestic production, which should not only
supply home consumption, and afford a home market for raw materials and
provisions, the produce of our own soil, but enable us in due time to
compete with other nations in sending our manufactures to foreign
markets--he yielded all his influence to the levying of protective duties
on foreign articles, especially such as could be produced in our own
country. The wisdom of this policy, its direct tendency to promote
national wealth and strength, and to render the Union truly independent of
the fluctuations and vicissitudes of foreign countries, cannot be doubted,
it would seem, by those possessing clear minds and sound judgment, of all
parties.
Under the faithful supervision of one so vigilant as Mr. Adams, the
foreign relations of the Government could not have been neglected. The
intimate knowledge of the condition of foreign nations, their resources
and their wants, which was possessed by himself and by Mr. Clay, the
Secretary of State, afforded facilities in this department, from which the
country reaped the richest benefit. During the four years of his
administration, more treaties were negotiated at Washington than during
the entire thirty-six years through which the preceding administrations
had extended. New treaties of amity, navigation and commerce, were
concluded with Austria, Sweden, Denmark, the Hanseatic League, Prussia,
Colombia, and Central America. Commercial difficulties and various
arrangements of a satisfactory character, were settled with the
Netherlands, and other European Governments. The claims of our citizens
against Sweden, Denmark and Brazil, for spoilations of commerce, were
satisfactorily consummated.
"As time advances, the evidences are accumulating on all sides, that the
administration of John Quincy Adams was one of the most wise, patriotic,
pacific, just, and wealth-producing, in the history of the country; and no
small part of that benefit may justly be ascribed to the aid he received
from his Secretary of State. Mr. Adams himself was a great statesman, bred
in the school of statesmen, and all his life exercised in the business of
state, with recognized skill, and approved fidelity. The seven years
immediately preceding the administration of Mr. Adams, was a period of
great commercial embarrassment and distress; and the seven years
subsequent to his entrance on the duties of chief executive, was a period
of great public and private prosperity." [Footnote: Cotton's Life of
Clay.]
While Mr. Adams was thus seeking to foster and encourage the industrial
and monetary interests of the country, he was not forgetful of the
important claims of literature and science. President Washington, during
his administration, had repeatedly urged on Congress the importance of
establishing a national university at the capital; and he had located and
bequeathed a site for that purpose. But his appeals on this subject had
been in vain. In Mr. Adams's first message, he earnestly called on
Congress to carry into execution this recommendation of the Father of his
Country--insisting that "among the first, perhaps the very first
instrument for the improvement of the condition of men, is knowledge; and
to the acquisition of much of the knowledge adapted to the wants, the
comforts, and the enjoyments of human life, public institutions and
seminaries of learning are essential."
In the same message Mr. Adams recommended the establishment of a national
observatory. "Connected with the establishment of an university," he said
"or, separate from it, might be undertaken the erection of an astronomical
observatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in
constant attendance of observation upon the phenomena of the heavens, and
for the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no feeling
of pride, as an American, that the remark may be made, that, on the
comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are existing
upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light-houses in the skies;
while, throughout the whole American hemisphere, there is not one. If we
reflect a moment upon the discoveries which, in the last four centuries,
have been made in the physical constitution of the universe, by the means
of these buildings, and of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of
their usefulness to every nation? And while scarcely a year passes over
our heads without bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, which
we must fain receive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting
ourselves off from the means of returning light for light, while we have
neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earth
revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes?"
It is humiliating to reflect that neither of these recommendations
received an encouraging response from Congress. The latter suggestion,
indeed, excited the ridicule of many of the opposers of Mr. Adams, and "a
light-house in the skies," became a term of reproach in their midst. In
this, however, it must be confessed, their ridicule was greatly at the
expense of their intelligence, their public spirit, and their devotion to
the highest interests of man. There are few reflections more mortifying to
an American citizen, than that while so large a portion of the resources
of the national Government have been exhausted in prosecuting party
measures, rewarding partisan services, and promoting sectional and
personal schemes, little or nothing has been devoted to the encouragement
of the arts and sciences, and the cultivation of those higher walks of
human attainment which exalt and refine a people, and fit them for the
purest and sweetest enjoyments of life.
It was during the first year of his administration, that the attention of
Mr. Adams was called to a proposed Congress of all the Republics on the
American Continent, to meet at Panama. The objects designed to be
accomplished by such a Congress have been variously stated. It has been
believed by some to have been called for the purpose of opposing a
supposed project, entertained by the Allied Powers of Europe, of combining
for the purpose of reducing the American Republics to their former
condition of European vassalage. Be this as it may, the Panama Congress,
among its objects, aimed at the cementing of the friendly relations of all
the independent States of America, and the forming of a kind of mutual
council, to act as an umpire to settle the differences which might arise
between them.
The United States was invited to send representatives to Panama. Mr.
Adams, as President, in view of the beneficial influences which in various
ways might flow from such a meeting, accepted the invitation, with the
understanding that the Government of the United States would take no part
that could conflict with its neutral position, in the wars which might
then be in existence between any of the South American Republics and other
powers. The acceptance of this invitation was announced by Mr. Adams in
his first message to Congress. This was immediately followed by the
nomination of Messrs. Richard C. Anderson and John Sargeant, as
commissioners to the Congress of Panama, and Wm. B. Rochester, of New
York, as secretary of the commission. These nominations were confirmed by
the Senate; and an appropriation was voted by the House of
Representatives, after strong opposition and much delay, to carry the
contemplated measure into effect.
But the United States Government was never represented in the Panama
Congress. The proceedings in the House of Representatives on this subject
had been so protracted, that it was found too late for Mr. Sargeant to
reach Panama in season for the meeting of the Congress, which took place
on the 22nd of June, 1826. Mr. Anderson, who was then minister at
Colombia, on receiving his instructions, commenced his journey to Panama;
but on reaching Carthagena he was seized with a malignant fever, which
terminated his existence.
During the second session of the nineteenth Congress, the subject of
commercial intercourse with the British West India Colonies was thoroughly
discussed. The British Parliament had laid restrictions so onerous on the
trade of the United States with these Colonies, that it could be pursued
to very little profit. Bills were introduced into both houses of Congress,
for the protection of the interests of American merchants, trading with
the British Colonies; but the Senate and House failing to agree on the
details of the proposed measures, nothing was done to effect the desired
object. Congress having adjourned without passing any law to meet the
restrictive measures of Great Britain, President Adams, on the 17th of
March, 1827, agreeably to a law passed three years before, issued a
proclamation closing the ports of the United States against vessels from
the British colonies, until the restrictive measures of the British
Government should be repealed.
The policy pursued by Mr. Adams toward the Indian tribes within the United
States, was pacific and humane. The position they held toward the General
Government was of an unsettled and embarrassing character. Enjoying a
species of independence, and subject to laws of their own enactment, they
were, nevertheless, dependent on the Government of the United States for
protection, and were, in fact, wholly at its disposal. Near the close of
Mr. Monroe's administration, in a message to Congress, on the 27th of
January, 1825, he proposed a plan to remove the tribes scattered through
the several States, to a tract of country west of the Mississippi, and to
unite them in one nation, with some plan for their government and
civilization. This proposition meeting with a decided opposition on the
part of many of the Indians, was modified during Mr. Adams's
administration. It finally resulted in a plan of removing west of the
Mississippi such individuals among the various tribes as would consent to
go under the inducements held out; and allowing the remainder to continue
in their old abode, occupying each a small tract of land. This policy has
since been pursued by the General Government, and has resulted in the
removal of most of the aborigines beyond the western shores of the
Mississippi.
These removals, however, have been attended with no little difficulty, and
at times have led to collisions which have assumed a serious aspect. An
instance of this description occurred during the first year Mr. Adams
occupied the presidential chair. In 1802, a compact was formed between the
General Government and the State of Georgia, in which it was agreed, that
in consequence of the relinquishment, on the part of Georgia, of all her
claim to the land set off in the then new Mississippi Territory, the
General Government, at its own expense, should obtain a relinquishment,
from the Creek Indians, of all their lands within the State of Georgia,
"whenever it could be peaceably done upon reasonable terms."
In compliance with this agreement, the United States had extinguished the
Indian title to about fifteen millions of acres of land. At the close of
Mr. Monroe's administration, over nine millions of acres were still
retained by the Indians. The State authorities of Georgia became very
anxious to obtain possession of this also. At the solicitation of Gov.
Troup, President Madison sent two Commissioners to make a treaty with the
Creeks, for the purchase of their lands, and the removal of the Indians
beyond the Mississippi. But the Creeks, having begun to appreciate and
enjoy the comforts of civilization, and the advantages of the arts and
sciences, which had been introduced into their midst, refused to treat on
the subject, and passed a law in the General Council of their nation,
forbidding, on pain of death, the sale of any of their lands. After the
close of the council, a few of the Creeks, influenced by a chief named
M'Intosh, met the United States Commissioners, and formed a treaty on
their own responsibility, ceding to the General Government all the Creek
lands in Georgia and Alabama. When intelligence of this treaty was
circulated among the Indians, they were filled with indignation. Their
General Council met--resolved not to sanction a treaty obtained in a
manner so dishonorable and illegal--and despatched a party of Indians to
the residence of M'Intosh, who immediately shot him and another chief who
had signed the treaty with him.
This surreptitious treaty was transmitted to Washington, and under a
misapprehension of the manner in which it was secured, was ratified by the
Senate, on the 3d of March, 1825, the last day of Mr. Monroe's
administration. Gov. Troup, acting under this treaty, sent surveyors into
the Creek Territory, to lay out the land in lots, which were to be
distributed among the white inhabitants of Georgia, by lottery. The
Indians resisted this encroachment, and prepared to defend their rights by
physical force--at the same time sending to Washington for protection from
the General Government. The authorities of Georgia insisted upon a survey,
and ordered out a body of militia to enforce it.
On hearing of this state of affairs, President Adams despatched a special
agent to inquire into the facts of the case. After due investigation, the
agent reported that the treaty had been obtained by bad faith and
corruption, and that the Creeks were almost unanimously opposed to the
cession of their lands. On receiving this report, the President determined
to prevent the survey ordered by the Governor of Georgia, until the matter
could be submitted to Congress, and ordered Gen. Gaines to proceed to the
Creek country with a body of United States troops, to prevent collision
between the Indians and the Georgia forces.
On the 5th of February, Mr. Adams transmitted a message to Congress,
giving a statement of these transactions, and declaring his determination
to fulfil the duty of protection the nation owed the Creeks, as guaranteed
by treaty, by all the force at his command. "That the arm of military
force," he continued, "will be resorted to only in the event of the
failure of all other expedients provided by the laws, a pledge has been
given by the forbearance to employ it at this time. It is submitted to the
wisdom of Congress to determine whether any further acts of legislation
may be necessary or expedient to meet the emergency which these
transactions may produce."
The committee of the House of Representatives, to which this message was
referred, reported that it "is expedient to procure a cession of the
Indian lands in the State of Georgia, and that until such a cession is
procured, the law of the land, as set forth in the treaty at Washington,
ought to be maintained by all necessary, constitutional, and legal means."
The firmness and decision of President Adams undoubtedly prevented the
unhappy consequences of a collision between the people of Georgia and the
Creek Indians. A new negotiation was opened with the Indians, by direction
of the President, which resulted in declaring the M'Intosh treaty null and
void, and in obtaining, at length, a cession of all the lands of the
Creeks within the limits of Georgia, to the General Government.
As the friend and promoter of internal improvements, Mr. Adams was invited
to be present at the interesting ceremony of "breaking ground," on the
Chesapeake and Ohio canal, then about to be commenced, which took place on
the 4th of July, 1828. On the morning of that day, the President, the
Heads of Departments, the Foreign Ministers, the Corporations of
Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, the President and Directors of the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, with a large concourse of citizens,
embarked on board of steamboats and ascended the Potomac, to the place
selected for the ceremony. On reaching the ground, a procession was
formed, which moved around it so as to leave a hollow space, in the midst
of a mass of people, in the centre of which was the spot marked out by
Judge Wright, the Engineer of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, for
the commencement of the work. A moment's pause here occurred, while the
spade, destined to commence the work, was selected by the committee of
arrangements, and the spot for breaking ground was precisely denoted.
At that moment the sun shone out from behind a cloud, giving an appearance
of the highest animation to the scene. Amidst an intense silence, the
Mayor of Georgetown handed to Gen. Mercer, the President of the Canal
Company, the consecrated instrument; which, having received, he stepped
forward from the resting column, and addressed as follows the listening
multitude:--
"Fellow-citizens: There are moments in the progress of time which are the
counters of whole ages. There are events, the monuments of which,
surviving every other memorial of human existence, eternize the nation to
whose history they belong, after all other vestiges of its glory have
disappeared from the globe. At such a moment have we now arrived. Such a
monument we are now to found."
Turning towards the President of the United States, who stood near him,
Mr. M. proceeded:--
"Mr. President: On a day hallowed by the fondest recollections, beneath
this cheering (may we not humbly trust auspicious) sky, surrounded by the
many thousand spectators who look on us with joyous anticipation; in the
presence of the representatives of the most polished nations of the old
and new worlds; on a spot where little more than a century ago the painted
savage held his nightly orgies; at the request of the three cities of the
District of Columbia, I present to the Chief Magistrate of the most
powerful Republic on earth, for the most noble purpose that was ever
conceived by man, this humble instrument of rural labor, a symbol of the
favorite occupation of our countrymen. May the use to which it is about to
be devoted prove the precursor, to our beloved country, of improved
agriculture, of multiplied and diversified arts, of extended commerce and
navigation. Combining its social and moral influence with the principles
of that happy constitution under which you have been called to preside
over the American people, may it become a safeguard of their liberty and
independence, and a bond of perpetual union!
"To the ardent wishes of this vast assembly I unite my fervent prayer to
that infinite and awful Being without whose favor all human power is but
vanity, that he will crown your labor with his blessing, and our work with
immortality."
As soon as he had ended, the President of the United States, to whom Gen.
Mercer had presented the spade, stepped forward, and, with an animation of
manner and countenance which showed that his whole heart was in the thing,
thus addressed the assembly of his fellow-citizens:--
"Friends and Fellow-citizens: It is nearly a full century since Berkely,
bishop of Cloyne, turning towards this fair land which we now inhabit,
the eyes of a prophet, closed a few lines of poetical inspiration with
this memorable prediction--
"Time's noblest empire is the last :"--
a prediction which, to those of us whose lot has been cast by Divine
Providence in these regions, contains not only a precious promise, but a
solemn injunction of duty, since upon our energies, and upon those of our
posterity, its fulfilment will depend. For with reference to what
principle could it be that Berkely proclaimed this, the last, to be the
noblest empire of time? It was, as he himself declares, on the
transplantation of learning and the arts to America. Of learning and the
arts. The four first acts--the empires of the old world, and of former
ages--the Assyrian, the Persian, the Grecian, the Roman empires--were
empires of conquest, dominions of man over man. The empire which his great
mind, piercing into the darkness of futurity, foretold in America, was the
empire of learning and the arts,--the dominion of man over himself, and
over physical nature--acquired by the inspirations of genius, and the
toils of industry; not watered with the tears of the widow and the orphan;
not cemented in the blood of human victims; founded not in discord, but in
harmony,--of which the only spoils are the imperfections of nature, and
the victory achieved is the improvement of the condition of all. Well may
this be termed nobler than the empire of conquest, in which man subdues
only his fellow-man.
"To the accomplishment of this prophecy, the first necessary step was the
acquisition of the right of self-government, by the people of the British
North American Colonies, achieved by the Declaration of Independence, and
its acknowledgment by the British nation. The second was the union of all
these colonies under one general confederated Government--a task more
arduous than that of the preceding separation, but at last effected by the
present constitution of the United States.
"The third step, more arduous still than either or both the others, was
that which we, fellow-citizens, may now congratulate ourselves, our
country, and the world of man, that it is taken. It is the adaptation of
the powers, physical, moral, and intellectual, of this whole Union, to the
improvement of its own condition: of its moral and political condition, by
wise and liberal institutions--by the cultivation of the understanding and
the heart--by academies, schools, and learned institutes--by the pursuit
and patronage of learning and the arts; of its physical condition, by
associated labor to improve the bounties, and to supply the deficiencies
of nature; to stem the torrent in its course; to level the mountain with
the plain; to disarm and fetter the raging surge of the ocean.
Undertakings of which the language I now hold is no exaggerated
description, have become happily familiar not only to the conceptions, but
to the enterprize of our countrymen. That for the commencement of which
we are here assembled is eminent among the number. The project
contemplates a conquest over physical nature, such as has never yet been
achieved by man. The wonders of the ancient world, the pyramids of Egypt,
the Colossus of Rhodes, the temple at Ephesus, the mausoleum of
Artemisia, the wall of China, sink into insignificance before
it:--insignificance in the mass and momentum of human labor required for
the execution--insignificance in comparison of the purposes to be
accomplished by the work when executed. It is, therefore, a pleasing
contemplation to those sanguine and patriotic spirits who have so long
looked with hope to the completion of this undertaking, that it unites the
moral power and resources--first, of numerous individuals--secondly, of
the corporate cities of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria--thirdly,
of the great and powerful States of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and
Maryland--and lastly, by the subscription authorized at the recent session
of Congress, of the whole Union.
"Friends and Fellow-laborers. We are informed by the holy oracles of
truth, that, at the creation of man, male and female, the Lord of the
universe, their Maker, blessed them, and said unto them, be fruitful, and
multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it. To subdue the earth was,
therefore, one of the first duties assigned to man at his creation; and
now, in his fallen condition, it remains among the most excellent of his
occupations. To subdue the earth is pre-eminently the purpose of the
undertaking, to the accomplishment of which the first stroke of the spade
is now to be struck. That it is to be struck by this hand, I invite you to
witness.--[Here the stroke of the spade.] [Footnote: Attending this action
was an incident which produced a greater sensation than, any other that
occurred during the day. The spade which the President held, struck a
root, which prevented its penetrating the, earth. Not deterred by trifling
obstacles from doing what he had deliberately resolved to perform, Mr.
Adams tried it again, with no better success. Thus foiled, he threw down
the spade, hastily stripped off and laid aside his coat, and went
seriously to work. The multitude around, and on the hills and trees, who
could not hear, because of their distance from the open space, but could
see and understand, observing this action, raised a loud and unanimous
cheering, which continued for some time after Mr. Adams had mastered the
difficulty.] And in performing this act, I call upon you to join me in
fervent supplication to Him from whom that primitive injunction came, that
he would follow with his blessing, this joint effort of our great
community, to perform his will in the subjugation of the earth for the
improvement of the condition of man--that he would make it one of his
chosen instruments for the preservation, prosperity, and perpetuity of our
Union--that he would have in his holy keeping all the workmen by whose
labors it is to be completed--that their lives and their health may be
precious in his sight; and that they may live to see the work of their
hands contribute to the comforts and enjoyments of millions of their
countrymen.
"Friends and brethren: Permit me further to say, that I deem the duty, now
performed at the request of the President and Directors of the Chesapeake
and Ohio Canal Company, and the Corporations of the District of Columbia,
one of the most fortunate incidents of my life. Though not among the
functions of my official station, I esteem it as a privilege conferred
upon me by my fellow-citizens of the District. Called, in the performance
of my service, heretofore as one of the representatives of my native
commonwealth in the Senate, and now as a member of the executive
department of the Government, my abode has been among the inhabitants of
the District longer than at any other spot upon earth. In availing myself
of this occasion to return to them my thanks for the numberless acts of
kindness that I have experienced at their hands, may I be allowed to
assign it as a motive, operating upon the heart, and superadded to my
official obligations, for taking a deeper interest in their welfare and
prosperity. Among the prospects of futurity which we may indulge the
rational hope of seeing realized by this junction of distant waters, that
of the auspicious influence which it will exercise over the fortunes of
every portion of this District is one upon which my mind dwells with
unqualified pleasure. It is my earnest prayer that they may not be
disappointed.
"It was observed that the first step towards the accomplishment of the
glorious destinies of our country was the Declaration of Independence.
That the second was the union of these States under our federative
Government. The third is irrevocably fixed by the act upon the
commencement of which we are now engaged. What time more suitable for this
operation could have been selected than the anniversary of our great
national festival? What place more appropriate from whence to proceed,
than that which bears the name of the citizen warrior who led our armies
in that eventful contest to the field, and who first presided as the Chief
Magistrate of our Union? You know that of this very undertaking he was one
of the first projectors; and if in the world of spirits the affections of
our mortal existence still retain their sway, may we not, without
presumption, imagine that he looks down with complacency and delight upon
the scene before and around us?
"But while indulging in a sentiment of joyous exultation at the benefits
to be derived from this labor of our friends and neighbors, let us not
forget that the spirit of internal improvement is catholic and liberal. We
hope and believe that its practical advantages will be extended to every
individual in our Union. In praying for the blessing of heaven upon our
task, we ask it with equal zeal and sincerity upon every other similar
work in this confederacy; and particularly upon that which, on this same
day, and perhaps at this very hour, is commencing from a neighboring city.
It is one of the happiest characteristics in the principle of internal
improvement, that the success of one great enterprise, instead of
counteracting, gives assistance to the execution of another. May they
increase and multiply, till, in the sublime language of inspiration, every
valley shall be exalted and every mountain and hill shall be made low; the
crooked straight, the rough places plain. Thus shall the prediction of the
bishop of Cloyne be converted from prophecy into history; and, in the
virtues and fortunes of our posterity, the last shall prove the noblest
empire of time."
The administration of Mr. Adams, from the first day of its existence, met
with an opposition more determined, bitter, and unscrupulous than any
which has ever assailed a President of the United States. It evidently was
not an opposition based on well-grounded objections to his principles or
his measures Before an opportunity had been given fairly and fully to
develop his policy as President, the opposition had taken its stand, and
boldly declared that his administration should be overthrown at every
hazard, whatever might be its policy, its integrity, or its success. A
favorite candidate, having certain elements of immense popularity with a
large class of people, and supported with enthusiasm by his immediate
friends, had been defeated in the previous presidential canvass, at a
moment when it was thought triumphant success had been secured. Under the
exasperation and excitement of this overthrow, it was determined that his
more fortunate rival should be displaced at the earliest moment, at
whatever cost, though his administration should prove unrivalled in
patriotism, and the successful promotion of the general welfare.
The opposition did not fail to seize upon certain points, which, in the
exercise of a due degree of adroitness, yielded an ample material for
popular declamation and censure. The fact that Mr. Adams had a less number
of electoral votes than Gen. Jackson was greatly dwelt upon as positive
evidence that the will of the people had been violated in the election of
the former to the presidency--although it has since been satisfactorily
ascertained that Mr. Adams had a larger number of the primary votes of the
people than his prominent opponent.
The charge of "bargain and corruption," alleged against Mr. Adams and Mr.
Clay, was also used as an effective weapon against the former, in the
suceeeding presidential canvass. Notwithstanding the charge had been
promptly and emphatically denied by the parties implicated, and proof in
its support fearlessly challenged--notwithstanding every attempt at
evidence to fix it upon them had most signally failed, and involved those
engaged therein in utter confusion of face--yet so often and so boldly was
the charge repeated by designing men, so generally and continually was it
reiterated by a venal press from one end of the Union to the other, that a
majority of the people was driven into its belief, and the fate of Mr.
Adams's administration was sealed against him. Subsequent developments
have shown, that, in the annals of political warfare, there never was a
charge uttered against eminent public men, so thoroughly destitute of the
shadow of truth as this. But it answered the immediate ends of its
authors. Posterity will do ample justice to all the parties in this
transaction.
Another event which operated seriously to the disadvantage of Mr. Adams,
was the amalgamation of the strong Crawford party with the supporters of
Gen. Jackson. This combination threw obstacles in the way of the
administration which were insurmountable. It enabled the opposition to
send a majority of members to the twentieth Congress, both in the Senate
and the House of Representatives. The test of the strength of parties in
the House took place on the election of Speaker. Andrew Stevenson, of
Virginia, was elected on the first ballot, by a majority of ten votes over
John W. Taylor, the administration candidate. Mr. Stevenson was a
supporter of Mr. Crawford in 1824. His election to the Speaker's chair
clearly indicated the union of the different sections of the opposition,
and foreshadowed too evidently the overthrow of the administration of Mr.
Adams.
In this state of things, with a majority of Congress against him, the
President was deprived of the opportunity of carrying into execution many
important measures which were highly calculated to promote the permanent
benefit of the country, and which could not have failed to receive the
approbation of the people. A majority of all the committees of both Houses
were against him; and for the first time an administration was found
without adequate strength in Congress to support its measures. In several
instances the reports of committees partook of a strong partisan
character, in violation of all rules of propriety and correct legislation.
The first session of the twentieth Congress, which was held immediately
preceding the presidential campaign of 1828, was characterized by
proceedings, which, at this day, all will unite in deciding as highly
reprehensible. Instead of attending strictly to the legitimate business of
the session, much of the time was spent in discussions involving the
merits of the opposing candidates for the presidency, and designed to have
an express bearing on the election then near at hand. Of this character
was a resolution introduced into the House of Representatives, on the 8th
of January, 1828, by Mr. Hamilton, a supporter of Gen. Jackson, to inquire
into the expediency of having a historical picture of the battle of New
Orleans painted, and placed in the rotunda of the Capitol. This was
followed by a resolution, introduced by Mr. Sloane, an administration
member, requiring the Secretary of War to furnish the House with a copy of
the proceedings of a court-martial ordered by Gen. Jackson, in 1814, for
the trial of certain Tennessee militiamen, who were condemned and shot.
At this session of Congress may be dated the introduction of a practice
which has become an evil of the greatest magnitude in the present day.
Reference is had to the custom of making the halls of Congress a mere
arena, where, instead of attending to the legitimate business of
legislating for the benefit of the country at large, political gladiators
spend much of their time in wordy contests, designed solely for the
promotion of personal or party purposes, to the neglect of the interests
of their constituents. From this has grown the habit of speech-making by
the hour, on topics trivial in their nature, in which the people have not
the slightest interest, and which quite often, are totally foreign to the
subject ostensibly in debate. Valuable time and immense treasures are thus
squandered to no profitable purpose. Should not this evil be abated?
The stern integrity of Mr. Adams, and his unyielding devotion to
principle, were made to operate against him. Had he chosen to turn the
vast influence at his command to the promotion of personal ends--had he
unscrupulously ejected from office all political opposers, and supplied
their places with others who would have labored, with all the means at
their disposal, in his behalf--little doubt can be entertained that he
could have secured his re-election. But he utterly refused to resort to
such measures. Believing he was promoted to his high position not for his
individual benefit, but to advance the welfare of the entire country, his
view of duty was too elevated and pure to allow him to desecrate the trust
reposed in him to personal ends. Hence the influence derived from the
patronage of the General Government was turned against the administration
rather than in its behalf; and the singular spectacle was presented of men
exerting every nerve to overthrow Mr. Adams, who were dependent upon him
for the influence they wielded against him, and for their very means of
subsistence.
A hotly contested political campaign ensued in the fall of 1828. In view
of the peculiar combination of circumstances, and of the means resorted to
by the opposing parties to secure success, the result could be foreseen
with much certainty. Gen. Jackson was elected President of the United
States, and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1829.
Thus closed the administration of John Quincy Adams. At the call of his
country he entered upon the highest station in its gift. With a fidelity
and uprightness which have not been surpassed, he discharged his important
trust to the lasting benefit of all the vital interests which tend to
build up a great and prosperous people. And at the call of his country he
relinquished the honors of office, and willingly retired to the private
walks of life.
No man can doubt that Mr. Adams could look back upon his labors while
President with the utmost satisfaction. "During his administration new and
increased activity was imparted to those powers vested in the Federal
Government for the development of the resources of the country, and the
public revenue was liberally expended in prosecuting those liberal
measures, to which the sanction of Congress had been deliberately given,
as the settled policy of the Government.
"More than one million of dollars had been expended in enlarging and
maintaining the light-house establishment--half a million in completing
the public buildings--two millions in erecting arsenals, barracks, and
furnishing the national armories--nearly the same amount had been expended
in permanent additions to the naval establishment--upwards of three
millions had been devoted to fortifying the sea-coast--and more than four
millions expended in improving the internal communications between
different parts of the country, and in procuring information, by
scientific surveys, concerning its capacity for further improvement.
Indeed, more had been directly effected by the aid of Government in this
respect, during Mr. Adams' administration, than during the administrations
of all his predecessors. Other sums, exceeding a million, had been
appropriated for objects of a lasting character, and not belonging to the
annual expense of the Government; making in the whole nearly fourteen
millions of dollars expended for the permanent benefit of the country,
during this administration.
"At the same time the interest on the public debt was punctually paid, and
the debt itself was in a constant course of reduction, having been
diminished $30,373,188 during his administration, and leaving due on the
1st of January, 1829, $58,362,136. While these sums were devoted to
increasing the resources and improving the condition of the country, and
in discharging its pecuniary obligations, those claims which were derived
from what are termed the imperfect obligations of gratitude and humanity
were not forgotten.
"More than five millions of dollars were appropriated to solace the
declining years of the surviving officers of the Revolution; and a million
and a half expended in extinguishing the Indian title, and defraying the
expense of the removal beyond the Mississippi of such tribes as were
unqualified for a residence near civilized communities, and in promoting
the civilization of those who, relying on the faith of the United States,
preferred to remain on the lands which were the abodes of their fathers.
"In the condition which we have described--in peace with all the world,
with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of $5,125,638 in the public
treasury,--the administration of the Government of the United States was
surrendered by Mr. Adams on the 3d of March, 1829." [Footnote: American
Annual Register.]
The "Georgia Constitutionalist" thus describes Mr. Adams' retirement from
office:--"Mr. Adams is said to be to good health and spirits. The manner
in which this gentleman retired from office is so replete with propriety
and dignity, that we are sure history will record it as a laudable example
to those who shall hereafter be required by the sovereign people to
descend from exalted stations. It was a great matter with the ancients to
die with decency, and there are some of our own day whose deaths are more
admirable than their lives. Mr. Adams' deportment in the Presidency was
lofty and proud; but the smile with which he throws aside the trappings of
power, and the graceful propriety with which he takes leave of patronage
and place, are truly commendable."