In selecting men for positions as caretakers, office porters, and others

of a similar kind, good feeling will naturally cause preference to be

given to the men who have met with injury while fighting for their

country. There will be a large number, however, who may wish to take up

employment of a different description from that in which they were

engaged before the War, and they will be glad of the opportunity of

preparing themselves for it. For these men the Ministry, acting in

co-operation with local authorities, and especially with local education

committees, is arranging courses of technical training. During the

period of training a payment, usually about twenty-seven shillings per

week, is made to the men. The character of the training to be given and

the provision to be made for it have been settled with advisory

committees of persons engaged in and well acquainted with the

requirements of the trade. This kind of co-operation and the practice of

taking the advice of members of the trade from the very beginning, have

been invaluable both in preventing mistakes and in creating goodwill

towards the schemes which have been set on foot. The training, of

course, differs according to the needs of different localities, but

already suitable courses have been provided in different places, in

boot-making, tailoring, furniture-repairing, basket-making, building,

printing, aircraft-manufacturing, dental mechanics, and many other

trades. Men who otherwise might have been condemned to useless lives

with a bare subsistence will, through the measures thus taken, be able

to earn a comfortable wage in some employment where their disablement

does not seriously interfere with their work. What has been done in this

matter should be as widely known as possible, and facilities for

training should be extended to give preparation for other suitable

trades.

Most of all, it is desirable that as many men as possible should be

trained for agricultural and horticultural work, and should have the

opportunity of healthy outdoor employment. To do such work efficiently,

training for those who have not been brought up to it is, of course,

necessary. This training may be given on farms acquired for the purpose

either by some public authority or by individuals or by philanthropic

associations. Work of the kind has been already started, and should be

extended as fast as any demand for such training is found to exist.

There is, unfortunately, reason to believe that the number of discharged

men able to take up work on the land and desirous of doing so will not

be very large.

In connection with the permanent employment of these disabled men,

schemes have been set on foot which hold out the most attractive

prospects as affording healthier conditions, brighter and pleasanter

homes, and as enabling useful production to go on with efficiency under

conditions in which the life of the worker may be passed in

surroundings which will give some satisfaction to the aesthetic sense.

These schemes include the formation of (i) industrial villages in the

neighbourhood of towns, of which the one at Lancaster, referred to in

the next chapter (p. 145), may be taken as a type, and (ii) new villages

established, or old villages extended in places which are easily

accessible, and not too remote from facilities for the education of

children and from the attractions of a town. In these villages organised

cultivation will be carried on.

Co-operative farming is already being tried. A very interesting and

hopeful experiment in working a farm on co-operative lines under the

management of a skilled director has been made near Maidstone, where a

farm has been acquired by private effort. It has received a name of good

omen--the Vanguard Farm.

Another proposal which may lead to very valuable results is the

establishment of nurseries for forest trees on land reclaimed from the

sea, or in other places where the soil is light and can be acquired at

moderate cost. These and similar schemes, though intended in the first

instance specially for partially disabled men, should be permanent. When

fairly started they are expected to be self-supporting.

It is obviously impossible to treat of all the questions in the long

list given above, and also impossible to deal with any of them

completely. All that can be done is to give a general idea of the kind

of thing that is wanted; then to select a few subjects as furnishing

rather fuller indications of possible lines of action; and then--just as

examples--work out one or two in more detail.

Two subjects, namely, Housing and Agricultural Development, must be

selected, because their vital importance demands attention from all who

care about the welfare of the nation. Another subject, namely, Law

Reform, is selected because it is comparatively easy to say what ought

to be done and to frame Acts embodying the required reforms.

CHAPTER XIX

HOUSING

_Owing to house shortage in Sheffield, two wooden

pigsties are being inhabited, one by a man and his wife

and two children, and the other by a man and his wife.

Both men are discharged soldiers._--DAILY PAPER.

There will be no rest, and should be none, until every industrious man

or woman who wishes to have a real home can have one, where everyone who

has children can bring them up under conditions where decency can be

maintained and healthy life be possible. It is a question of urgency in

rural as well as in urban districts, in the most remote places equally

with the great cities. In this matter it is no case of having to create

or stimulate a desire for improvement. The demand has existed for years,

but after the War will be more imperative than ever. Somehow or other it

must be supplied more fully. Attempts have been made again and again to

deal with the question. Its importance is recognised and special

inquiries are now being made as to the best means to be adopted. It is

stated that at the present time half a million additional houses for

working people are required, and that 100,000 more should be provided

annually to meet the normal increase of population and to replace houses

which have to be demolished.

It will be necessary to consider, first, the provision to be made to

meet the existing shortage of house accommodation both in urban and

rural districts. At present a large portion of the population cannot

find a home or even any kind of accommodation that affords reasonable

comfort and decency. Since the War, in some places, such as Barrow, the

conditions have been absolutely intolerable, and when those who are

engaged in the army abroad return, the state of things in some districts

may be worse. The President of the Local Government Board recently

stated that 1,103 local authorities in England and Wales had reported

that houses for the working classes were required in their areas, and

that the number of houses they needed probably exceeded 300,000. As

above stated, the total requirement is much greater. The deficiency of

accommodation has been one of the prime causes of labour unrest; the

prices charged for any kind of shelter have been enormous; in some cases

the same bed is occupied by one set of people immediately the prior

occupants have gone to work, and "the bed is never even cold." The

overcrowding of agricultural labourers and their families in miserable

cottages, often out of repair and letting in the rain, has long been a

scandal. Something has been done by benevolent landowners, who build

cottages which they let on terms which bring little return for the money

spent on them; but it is quite impossible to rely either on the working

of the law of supply and demand or on private benevolence for meeting

the difficulty. Strong and immediate action by the State is needed.

Adequate powers should be given to local authorities, and pressure put

upon them, if needed, to ensure that such powers are exercised. Such

action is already being taken, and compulsory powers to acquire land

will be given. In assessing compensation, the great urban landowner who

has done nothing to contribute to the growth of the town or to promote

its industries, ought not to receive the full value of the land, as

enhanced by the necessary expansion of the town and thereby converted

into building land, with an added amount for compulsory purchase. The

manner in which the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act has been worked has

added enormously to the burden of most great public undertakings. The

compensation awarded has often been outrageous, and the expense incurred

in assessing it one of the grossest scandals. It would be easy to give

numerous instances from actual experience.

But there is not only need for more accommodation, but also for more

attractive accommodation. There is no reason why the home of a human

family should as a rule be, as it is in most of the towns in England at

present, a hideous object. What has been done at Port Sunlight, at

Bournville and other places shows that, by proper forethought and wise

expenditure, small houses which it is a pleasure instead of a pain to

look upon, can be provided. Another good example of what can be done may

be seen in the change effected in the residences for the poorer classes

made on the property of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners at Walworth in

South London. What is now a pleasant exception ought to be a regular

rule. Means ought also to be taken to ensure that urban workers should

have the opportunity of obtaining an allotment, if not adjoining, at

least within reasonable distance of their homes, where they may grow

fruit and vegetables and enjoy what is, after all, one of the greatest

of the quiet pleasures of life, watching the growth of the plants which

they have cultivated, and enjoying the products.

Round some towns, the estates of great landowners form a ring fence

barring any growth of the town until, when trade is good and the town is

expanding, extravagant prices can be obtained for the land of which they

have the monopoly. High ground rents are fixed when trade is inflated,

jerry-builders then start erecting houses, borrowing sometimes from

building societies the whole amount required to enable them to build,

and the houses are either sold or let at very high rents. The cottages

are put up in the cheapest possible way consistent with the by-laws of

the local authorities. When a cycle of bad trade occurs the property

falls in value, it goes out of repair, tenants have no interest whatever

in keeping it decent, it falls into a disgusting condition, mortgagees

foreclose. In many cases the building societies that have lent money on

the property to its full value, by arrangement between the secretary of

the society and the speculative builder, have gone into liquidation, and

the industrious people who have placed their money in the societies

have lost their investments. And last, there have even been disputes

between the owner of the ground rent who wishes to re-enter and the

local authority as to the payment of charges for making streets in the

district which has fallen into decay. This is no fancy picture. Those

who have had legal practice over a period of years in some of our large

towns will confirm it from their own experience.

There is no valid reason why, when land is converted from agricultural

land into building land in the neighbourhood of a large town without any

effort on the part of the landowner, a definite portion of such land

should not be set aside for allotments or open spaces without payment,

on the same grounds that a person who is erecting buildings on the land

is obliged to comply with building regulations to secure proper

sanitation, although it might be more profitable to build without any

regard whatever for the health of the prospective tenants. Of course, it

may not always be possible to set aside a portion of any given piece of

land which is sold for building, but in that case the landowner should

contribute an equivalent value out of the proceeds of the land which he

sells towards providing the allotments or open spaces required elsewhere

in the neighbourhood. Such a provision would not be really burdensome,

as no contribution either in land or money would be made except at the

time when a largely increased revenue was to be derived from the land.

It is not to be forgotten that the large urban landlord usually pays no

rates towards meeting the requirements of the town, and receives the

full amount of the rent fixed practically for all time at a period of

inflation, although the rates may have enormously increased to meet the

cost of the things which the municipality has to provide for the needs

of a large and industrious but often very poor population.

An example has been given of what private enterprise may do in providing

not merely accommodation for working people, but accommodation with

really attractive surroundings, in the action taken by the family of

the late Sir Thomas Storey, at Lancaster. They, under the advice of one

of the highest authorities on town planning, Mr. T.H. Mawson, have given

an estate adjoining the town, which will be laid out in an attractive

manner, with avenues arranged to afford pleasing prospects. The primary

object at present is to provide homes in the neighbourhood of a factory

to be erected where disabled soldiers may engage in some kind of

suitable manufacturing work, but the scheme is intended to be permanent.

The houses will be near the factory; there will be playgrounds,

drying-grounds, probably garden allotments, a hostel for single men, a

reading-room, and some place of amusement. The development of industrial

villages by private enterprise, encouraged in every possible way, is one

of the most hopeful things to look forward to in the rebuilding of

Britain. There can be no greater pleasure for anyone who has any vision

of what the future of housing accommodation for the working classes may

be than to read Mr. Mawson's charming volume on "Industrial Villages for

Partially Disabled Soldiers and Sailors as an Imperial Obligation."

Another useful means of improving the conditions of housing for working

people has been adopted in many places by carrying on the movement

initiated by Octavia Hill. Property has been acquired and placed under

the management of some voluntary association, usually of ladies, who

will collect rents of reasonable amount and see that the property and

its surroundings are kept in proper condition. Various associations of

the kind have been established; the Manchester Housing Company, Limited,

may be taken as an example of such arrangements for managing urban

cottage property. In the last report it is stated that the Company has

owned or managed 114 houses, and the directors are assured that the

sanitary conditions under which the tenants are housed have steadily

conduced to the lowering of the death-rate. The personal interest taken

in the tenants as well as in the houses by the managers has had a

marked influence for good. The scheme is self-supporting, and in 1917 a

dividend of 4-1/2 per cent, was paid.

Lastly, there should be some method, provided by public authority,

through which workers or other persons of small means can become owners

of their houses. Building societies came into existence with this

object, and were put under statutory regulation by the Legislature in

1836, and subsequently by an Act of 1874. In many cases facilities given

by building societies have been very useful in accomplishing the

original objects of such societies; in other cases, for reasons above

indicated, they have been a failure. By using the credit of the

Government money to enable properties to be acquired can be obtained, or

could have been obtained, at a lower rate. Instalments covering interest

at that rate and providing a sinking fund towards the repayment of the

principal would be of substantially less amount than the subscriptions

to the building societies, and would not exceed the rents tenants have

been accustomed to pay without any prospective advantage. Schemes to

practise thrift and to induce people to take a greater interest in their

homes and to enable them to acquire homes which are really attractive on

reasonable terms are to be encouraged by every means which the

Legislature or private individuals can adopt without causing

pauperisation. The object can be achieved on fair business terms and

without substantial risk of loss. Under the Ashbourne and the Wyndham

Acts in Ireland there has been, at all events until recently,

practically no failure to pay the required instalments.

A committee has been appointed to investigate the housing question, and

its reports will no doubt contain valuable suggestions for dealing

practically and at once with a matter so vitally important to the

rebuilding of Britain.

CHAPTER XX

AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

_In all kingdoms this first and original art

[agriculture]--this foundation of all others--must be

pursued and encouraged, or the rest will faint and be

languid._--ARTHUR YOUNG.

The most important practical reform of all is to make the land more

productive, to put it to the most profitable use. By profitable use we

do not mean using it so as to bring the owner the largest return in

money per acre, aiming at the largest net profit by reducing expenditure

as much as possible and growing whatever will fetch the highest price at

least cost of production. The really useful object is to lay out and use

all the land of the country in such a way as to produce the greatest

aggregate of commodities which are of real intrinsic value for use or

which can be exchanged for useful commodities coming from other nations;

in particular to produce in our own country as much wholesome food as

possible, and in so doing to support as large an agricultural population

as possible in reasonable comfort and health. To grow in our own country

a larger proportion of the food we consume is necessary, first, in order

to meet our own needs from our own internal resources, and so reduce the

amount which has to be paid to other countries for the commodities they

supply; secondly, in case of war, to avoid the risk of starvation and

reduce the strain on the Navy and on the Mercantile Marine due to the

necessity of bringing the larger part of the essential food of the

country overseas and also, what may be equally important, to avoid the

distress which may be caused owing to the country being unable to

provide the means of payment for the immense proportion of the food

required which must be brought from overseas. It was long ago pointed

out that the "trades by which the British people has believed it to be

the highest of destinies to maintain itself cannot now long remain

undisputed in its hands."

The next object is to increase the agricultural population. It has been

found again and again in other countries as well as our own that a large

and healthy agricultural population is essential to keep up the physique

of a nation. The town folk tend to decay unless constantly replenished

by influx from the country. One good effect of the War has been to

direct attention to the vital importance of this subject, and careful

inquiries have been made and useful steps taken which have had the

effect of greatly increasing the home production of food.

The subject is treated clearly in a popular way in a book published in

1917 on Agriculture after the War by Sir A.D. Hall, now secretary of the

Board of Agriculture, and in fuller detail in the report of a committee

of which Lord Selborne was chairman. The report was published at the

beginning of 1918; some of the proposals have been already acted upon,

others will no doubt be the basis of future action by the Board of

Agriculture and the Ministry of Reconstruction.

Before the War the imports of food less re-exports amounted to about 229

millions annually, or, to put the case in another way, about half of the

total food consumed in the British Islands was brought overseas; but "if

the most essential foodstuff, wheat, is considered, less than one-fifth

of what we required was produced in the country." The position was one

of terrible insecurity; but for the efficiency of the Navy the country

would have been starved into complete submission in this War, and its

prosperity and liberty would have been lost for ever. After the War the

financial question of the continued ability of the nation to pay for the

food we require is probably the most serious we have to face. The first

remedy for the existing state of things is the increase of tillage.

Assuming that the same pecuniary profit can be obtained by using any

land for tillage as for pasture or other purposes, it is obvious that it

is right to do everything possible to get that land devoted to tillage,

first, as national insurance for the reasons above stated, and, second,

to support a larger population under healthy conditions. One of the

great causes of discontent, of vagrancy, and of distress in the

sixteenth century was certainly the conversion of large tracts which had

formerly been arable into pasture land, because the land laid down as

pasture would produce a larger profit to the owner though it supported a

much smaller population and required far less labour. A considerable

portion of the rural population was thrown out of employment and the

supply of food was diminished. Again and again the decay of the

agricultural population has been the ground of complaint. Goldsmith

speaks of it beautifully and pathetically in the "Deserted Village," and

the process went on, becoming year after year a greater national peril;

but the Government and Parliament seemed to care little about it, so

that even during the last forty years, according to the statement of Sir

A.D. Hall, "the productivity of the land of Great Britain as a whole has

declined." Although a far larger rent might be obtained from the wealthy

who use a great part of Scotland for shooting than could be obtained

from crofters, national welfare demands that it should be used for

crofts and to raise the population which has supplied our armies with

many of the finest soldiers and the whole Empire with many of its best

colonists. Of course, there are large tracts of such a character that

people cannot support themselves in tolerable comfort by tilling them,

and it is better that land of that kind should be used for sheep if

possible, and, in cases where even this is impossible, for deer forests

or grouse moors, subject to reasonable public rights of access.

Among the measures which may be taken to increase the home production

of food the following may be mentioned:--

1.--_Improved farming or intensification of agriculture under the

existing system._ It is admitted that English, and perhaps still more

Scottish, farming at its best is admirably conducted. Fortunately, very

many of the large landowners are themselves keenly interested in

agriculture and take a pride in promoting it. It is perhaps not

generally known what a useful and valuable trade the country carries on

in the export of pedigree stock. The prices obtained for the best bred

British bulls, rams and boars are very high. An extension over all

suitable parts of the country of the highest type of British farming

would add to the wealth of the country immensely.

Connected with this subject is the promotion of agricultural education,

and along with that of agricultural research. Very great advances have

been made of recent years, and it would be an utterly false economy to

starve productive work of this kind. It ought to be held a disgrace for

a country landowner not to have some knowledge of agriculture and

interest in it.

2.--_Industrialised farms_, i.e., the organisation of large farms to be

managed as business enterprises under the control of a general manager.

If farming was thus carried on on a large scale machinery would be

employed to its full advantage, and there would be economy in buying and

selling wholesale and avoiding waste in preparing for and placing

commodities on the market. The most highly trained, skilled and

energetic management would be obtained for farms of this kind. It is to

be noticed that, although some commodities can equally well be produced

by small culture, it is generally only on a large scale that cereals can

be profitably cultivated.

3.--_Co-operative farming._--The subject is one of special interest, as

co-operative farming in some form was historically the basis of the

whole system of society in many countries. Experiments in co-operative

farming may be tried with advantage. They may take various forms. It

will, no doubt, be found that in certain branches of farming, such as

dairy farming in some districts, co-operative action is almost necessary

to success. The experience of Denmark has shown how much can be done to

keep up a definite standard in butter, for example, by sending milk to

some large, well-equipped and well-managed dairy. Such establishments

have also far better opportunities for dealing with transport and

distribution.

4.--_Colonies of Small Holdings._--It is to be hoped that when the

troops are demobilised, and the Small Holdings Acts are put into fuller

operation, the number of small holdings will be increased. A population

of independent yeomen is the best reservoir of the manhood of any

country. No finer race has existed than the statesmen who cultivated the

small farms among the hills of Cumberland and Westmorland.

5.--_There is a great deal of land, both on the seashore and in inland

districts, which might be reclaimed._--The cost of such work would be

heavy, but the return in greater aggregate production and in providing

means to support a larger country population would be most important.

This question will be alluded to briefly in Chapter XXI.

6.--_Important industries_, such as basket-making and many others, might

be carried on in rural districts along with their principal work by

those engaged in agriculture or horticulture, just as Swiss peasants by

wood carving, when agricultural operations are impossible, produce a

number of articles for which there is a substantial demand in other

countries.

7.--Last, and perhaps the most interesting and important step of all, is

_to increase allotments._ The demand for allotments, both by the

agricultural population in rural districts and by the urban population

who are engaged in industrial or even in commercial pursuits in the

forge towns, is very keen. The effect of the War and the more pressing

need for home-grown food have stimulated the demand, and in trying to

meet it, both the Board of Agriculture and private individuals and

local authorities have done splendid work, which ought to be recognised

as one of the most beneficial movements which have taken place within

living memory. More than seventy years ago William Howitt called

attention to the advantages derived from the system of urban allotments

adopted near his own town of Nottingham, and attention has been

subsequently drawn to the subject, but its importance was not fully

realised until the outbreak of the War. An enormous advance has already

been made, and if the right steps are taken for securing more permanence

of tenure, and for obtaining land on fair terms near to the homes of the

workers, a far greater and more lasting advance will be made. The number

of allotments in England and Wales before the War was about 570,000. It

is estimated that now there are upwards of 1,400,000. The urban

allotments have increased enormously, an interest has been added to the

lives of many workers; their supply of wholesome food of their own

growing has been increased and the health of these urban workers

promoted. At present the total area taken up by allotments is about

200,000 acres. If half of these are devoted, say, to growing potatoes

and produce an average of seven tons per acre, the allotment holders in

England and Wales would this year grow "700,000 tons of the most

essential war-time crop practically on the spot where the crop is to be

consumed." It appears that, taking the whole of England and Wales, there

was an allotment holding for one household in twelve before the War. On

May 1st, 1918, one household in five held an allotment. In the county

boroughs before the War one household in thirty-two possessed an

allotment, now the proportion is one household in nine, and the process

is going on. It is the most encouraging development, whether looked at

from the economic point of view or from the point of view of national

health and happiness, that has taken place within living memory. The

urban allotments are regularly worked by persons who are engaged in

various forms of industry during the greater part of their time, and it

is found that the allotments must be small, usually about fifteen to an

acre. They ought to be as near as possible to the homes of the people

who work them. One of the reasons pointed out for the slow development

of the system, even where it has been so successful as in Nottingham

long before the War, was the distance of the allotments from the homes

of the workers. In town planning there should be an attempt wherever

possible to arrange for allotments close to the new small dwellings

which are erected. It will be essential, however, to insist (i) on more

permanent tenure for those who work their allotments properly and keep

them in good condition; (ii) that the land required should be obtained

on reasonable terms. Some landowners have themselves voluntarily taken

the matter in hand, but in other cases compulsion will be necessary,

and, as already stated, it will be right that where the land has been

agricultural or vacant land, bringing in a small or even no return, the

price or rent paid for it should be based on its agricultural value plus

some reasonable addition, and not on the enormously enhanced value of

the land as land which has become building land owing to the growth of

the urban population in the neighbourhood. It will be desirable to

arrange by co-operative or municipal action for the supply of seeds,

plants and fertilisers, and also for the sale of any surplus produce not

required by the holder for his own use.

The admirable work which is being done by the Board of Agriculture in

encouraging allotments ought to be recognised and supported in every

possible way.

CHAPTER XXI

AFFORESTATION

_Thou, too, great father of the British floods,_ _With

joyful pride survey'st our lofty woods,_ _Where towering

oaks their growing honours rear_ _And future navies on

thy shores appear._--ALEXANDER POPE.

We shall use the word afforestation here to denote the steps to be taken

for promoting the growth of timber on a large scale. The original sense

in which it is employed in any historical or legal work is quite

different. There it means turning a track of land into a forest, and a

forest did not mean land covered with timber trees, but a "certain

territory of woody grounds and fruitful pastures, privileged for wild

beasts and fowles of the forest to rest and abide in," in "the

protection of the King for his princely delight and pleasure." It was

subject to special jurisdiction, and special officers were appointed

over it "to the end that it may the better be preserved and kept for a

place of recreation and pastime meet for the royal dignity of a prince."

The Forest Laws were oppressive, and for the purpose of afforestation

many wrongs were committed. In the Crown forests, like Epping Forest and

the New Forest, there were a number of commoners who had special rights

of pasture and of taking certain things from the forest, such as

firewood "that might do them good." It is by the assertion of such

ancient rights of common that Epping Forest has been preserved as a

place of recreation for the people of East London, and that so much of

the New Forest remains open land. The latter is a source of perennial

enjoyment to those who visit it, and maintains the successors of the

old forest commoners in prosperity, due largely to the fact that they

can graze ponies there and feed pigs on the acorns and beechmast.

Whatever steps are taken to promote the growth of timber--and much has

been done from time to time in the New Forest with that object--it is

important that these valuable common rights should be preserved, and

that the value of open lands for the health and recreation of the people

should not be overlooked.

The need for systematic action and for the Government to take steps to

promote the growth of timber in the United Kingdom has been pointed out

from time to time. The Board of Agriculture in 1911 drew up a memorandum

pointing out that "British forestry was far behind that of other leading

European States," and that "the growing of timber had never in this

country been recognised as a business"; that "there had been no

continuity of policy with regard to it." When the War broke out it

appears that only eight per cent, of the total amount of timber required

for home use was grown in the United Kingdom, ninety-two per cent, had

to be brought from oversea. The War showed how perilous and how costly a

thing it is to neglect home production of necessaries.

When all our shipping was required for other purposes, it was a most

serious matter to take up tonnage with a cargo so bulky as timber,

occupying probably more ship space in proportion to its value than any

other. More timber was required for huts and sheds, for railway

sleepers, and a variety of other purposes. For the construction of

aircraft special kinds of timber were needed. The demand for pit props

in enormous quantities was urgent and continuous. At the same time the

loss of shipping through submarine action became very serious.

Fortunately our French Allies had been more provident in conserving and

promoting their home supplies. Forestry in France had been carefully

fostered by the Government. To take one example alone, the Landes, the

district near the coast between Bordeaux and Bayonne, which had once

been a region of dreary marsh, shifting sand, or scanty pasture, had

been turned into splendid forest by wise forethought a century ago, and

yielded great supplies of valuable timber. Science has pointed out many

ways in which small and waste wood also can be used for the production

of a number of substances necessary in peace and still more urgently

required in war. The Landes country was noted for its production of

rosin. Thousands of cups into which it exudes from cuts in the trees are

to be seen when passing through the forests in that region.

Shortage of tonnage during the War made it necessary to use the home

supply of wood of the United Kingdom to the fullest extent. A controller

of timber supplies was appointed, though, as usual, rather late in the

day. Under his energetic management a very large part of the timber

needed was obtained in this country. It was essential to get all that

was possible, but the result is inevitable "that we shall have to face a

period in which production will be much below even the low figure which

it had reached before the War. Not only have mature crops been felled in

all parts of the United Kingdom, but thousands of acres of young or

immature woods have been felled for pit-wood and other purposes, or have

been thinned to a degree which renders clearing and replanting

absolutely essential."

One painful result has also been to deprive certain places of the

beautiful trees which gave the countryside there its special charm.

There is no plainer case for taking in hand the question of

reconstruction at once, for framing a clear policy as to the steps to be

used to repair the losses caused by war, and to ensure that in the

future we shall not be so completely dependent on supplies from abroad

through neglect of the possibilities of production at home. A Committee,

under the chairmanship of Mr. F.D. Acland, was appointed in July, 1916,

"to report upon the best means of conserving and developing the woodland

and forestry resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to the

experience gained during the War." The report of that Committee, dealing

with the whole subject, was issued in 1918, and is a model of clear

statement, and a mine of information made readily accessible. It gives a

full survey of the present position, and sets forth a "forest policy

recommended" which is definite and worked out in detail. The Committee

find that "the timber position at home is bad, that prospects of supply

from abroad are becoming doubtful, that ample supplies in time of

emergency are a national necessity of the very first importance, that

they can only be secured for certain if the timber be grown at home, and

finally, that it is essential for the State to take a very much more

active part in forestry than it has been content to take in the past."

State action is becoming, perhaps, too much the fashion--free individual

action is generally far better--but in this matter, which is one of

"national insurance," State action is necessary, and reasons of a

conclusive character are given--such as the long period required before

the crop can be matured and any return obtained, and the uncertainty as

to the future conditions and factors on which its ultimate

profitableness will depend--showing why the matter should be taken in

hand by the State. Such action would, of course, not exclude individual

or local action; indeed, private enterprise might also be helped by the

State in many ways, including the giving of expert advice and making the

results of the best scientific research available to all.

The work of afforestation would provide a healthy and suitable

employment for discharged soldiers who preferred a country life to

resuming their occupations in towns. The number taking up forest work,

however, would probably be very small. There are also some branches of

forest work which would be suitable for partially disabled soldiers. A

very interesting scheme has been framed for establishing forest

nurseries on reclaimed lands. One specially suitable site has been

suggested on the shore of the River Kent at the head of Morecambe Bay,

near Grange-over-Sands, where land was reclaimed after the making of the

Furness Railway. The reclaimed land would be suitable for a forest

nursery for raising young trees. The soil is light, so the work would be

healthy and would not be too strenuous. The scheme has been worked out

in detail, and an attractive description of it is given by Mr. Mawson.

There are other places where reclaimed land or other land with light and

suitable soil might be used for such nurseries. Partially disabled men

might also be trained for the lighter kinds of forest work, such, for

example, as the "marking of thinnings." It is of a technical character,

but does not involve any serious physical strain.

CHAPTER XXII

LAW REFORM

_I should not be an advocate for the repeal of any law

because it happened to be in opposition to temporary

prejudices, but I object to certain laws because they are

inconsistent with the deliberate and permanent opinion of

the public._--SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH.

Compared with some of the other great questions involved in

Reconstruction, mere reforms in the law may often seem almost trivial,

but they have the advantage of being easier to handle than social and

economic reforms. It is not so difficult to state exactly what is

wanted, to embody the proposals in definite shape in a Bill, and to pass

it if the Parliamentary machine is properly used. The incapacity of

Parliament to deal with remedial legislation embodied in a Bill clearly

drawn is often exaggerated. A reform merely in Parliamentary procedure

would go far to remedy the existing congestion. A case could be quoted

from very short Parliamentary experience where a private member,

surprised at getting first place in the ballot, adopted a friend's

suggestion to attempt a long-needed practical reform. The subject has

too much technical difficulty to be explained here, but the Bill was

drafted in an hour or two, passed the House of Commons early one

afternoon without alteration, and the House of Lords with slight verbal

changes. It became law in two or three weeks, and the Act is now used

with beneficial results in the Courts almost daily. A real injustice was

prevented and practical inconvenience removed, but the measure was

nearly wrecked by some theorists who wished to extend the principle of

the Bill logically, as they said, but in a manner which would have made

it virtually unworkable, without benefit to a single human being. A

small matter, but instructive.

Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, at

least, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and they

are confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according to

their view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and may

defeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case has

occurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little of

the subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solid

vote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might have

been decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, as

Sir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup,"

asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobby

accordingly.

Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of a

Minister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposed

reforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist in

getting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attending

to arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice,

but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should not

interfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible to

guard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department of

Government for the law of the land as declared and administered by the

regular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the Law

Society, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in an

address which has since been published. We may view the establishment of

another new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case is

made out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such a

Ministry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expense

as well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says:

"Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with the

power of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, and

supplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare the

requisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, and

with strength to overcome the _vis inertiae_ of a preoccupied and

ill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests.

Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless." It is now and

in the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing.

A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after

1832.

There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be taken

in hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all that

is required is that they should be brought in proper form before

Parliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get them

passed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to this

work efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it is

certainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to represent

the Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions of

law, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor or

barrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just a

successful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practical

difficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put in

charge of the work.

It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies of

the legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in this

respect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusion

worse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status,

naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law,

the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property,

should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate the

law on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble,

litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws on

such subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to such

subjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of the

Mother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries to

facilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws on

subjects of this kind as far as may be.

It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too much

into technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some of

the reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following may

be given as examples:

(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law on

each subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at the

same time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to any

civilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible to

say what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicious

habit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges,

the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to local

authorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before them

the whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and very

laborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee on

Statute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilities

afforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers should

include that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minor

incidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts and

inconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister of

Justice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other duties

should be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is done

without undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee of

Lords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made,

and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, the

Committee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a single

reading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table"

would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority of

Parliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive department

should be established under the direction of the Minister for dealing

with all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be a

permanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff and

proper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would be

continuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law in

proper form. The head of such a department should have a very free hand

as regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain general

regulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expense

that might be incurred, and the department should be free from some at

least of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With the

advantage of existing experience, such a department might be constituted

on sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in saving

time and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to private

individuals, and to various government departments themselves. The cost

of such a department would be covered over and over again by the

improvements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the lines

of action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to make

the necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as an

example of the way to effect a reform promptly.

The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existence

since the War would no doubt require separate consideration. That

exceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole of

it repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short time

after the close of the War. This question is already engaging the

attention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transition

to freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to be

taken, however, in many cases, will very closely affect trade, and in

these cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even the

officials with most experience will require the advice and guidance of

those who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the discharge

of official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity the

more he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of the

conditions of _that_ trade, and the futility of attempting to deal with

any question affecting it without hearing those who have been actually

engaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect to

happen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It is

tempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves into

notice, but limitation of space forbids.

(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is a

different question from the revision of the Statute Law and the

introduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however,

probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there are

strong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity for

growth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseen

circumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific than

a code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates to

indictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and complete

code, and in the process of codification certain amendments might be

made.

(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requires

considerable amendment. The present state of the law classing together

as murder acts of totally different character and decreeing the

punishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in some

cases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructive

murder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murder

and punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately the

death of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or under

the kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonably

supposed to affect his--it might indicate the usual nature of such

cases better to say "her"--judgment and power of control.

There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to the

devolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made by

the new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggested

long ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms,

such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a Lord

Chancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A few

of these alterations may be enumerated.

(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should be

assimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law is

often a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in a

position to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving a

wealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the son

takes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless,

but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1,000 years, the

daughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival of

the time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service.

(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of such

estates made simpler.

(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be converted

into freehold.

(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent useless

litigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointing

legitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as to

which anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The whole

subject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of these

duties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases and

would discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to make

provision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolve

on death to persons who are not dependents, the State might take a much

larger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present.

If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or lineal

descendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. of his

property--not devoted to charitable purposes--for the State. It would

not be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility of

settlements being made to evade the duty.

(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of great

hardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties to

children for whose existence they are responsible, and also to the

mothers of such children.

(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which,

subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adopting

parents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might give

children, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. The

losses caused by the War make this question one of increased practical

importance.

(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longer

delayed. The question has already been carefully considered by the

Commission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, no

doubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fully

here, but delay may have serious consequences.

The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairly

definite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It is

certainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on which

reform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that the

matter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committee

to consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Bills

were appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible for

attending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament were

reformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not prevent

these reforms from being carried through rapidly.

CHAPTER XXIII

PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE

_Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for

the new era._--THOMAS CARLYLE.

No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have been

mentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that the

answers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may be

fruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that task

is, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge and

wisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that every

proposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as it

affects any party or personal interests, and that those who are elected

to decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case be

chosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because their

influence or support may be useful to any party or coterie.

Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to be

carried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking is

essential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up in

English politics, which it will be one of the first duties of the

electorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The very

word "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive to

the evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. The

task is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gain

or to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the same

time, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, and nothing easier

than to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence.

Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is a

tendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust for

the lurid." It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use of

adjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politics

or morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary or

offensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis.

One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promote

political purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member of

Parliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be considered

sufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Government

for personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come,

should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's political

action. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of an

office of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons.

The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps an

exception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who had

served at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the Privy

Council on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a course

would strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced men

who had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party,

but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be the

reward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor a

prophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respect

from those whom long association had given the means of judging. There

are some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusive

work through a long period of service have won the special regard of

their fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and an

opportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selection

would be a real honour, and would be bestowed in recognition of

independence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might still

be conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage renders

the recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and the

existence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords.

(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment of

honours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons or

others. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of a

whip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, ought

not to affect the fountain of honour.

(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It may

be right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions to

contribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the money

necessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for paying

their own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament.

There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance of

the kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it,

would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received such

assistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would like

to adopt, and who can only afford, say, £100 towards the cost of

contesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balance

had been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the cause

he is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right,

why try to preserve secrecy?

(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who has

received a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and if

anyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour the

amount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyone

acquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where a

contribution has been asked from those whose services to the community

are supposed to be recognised by some title of honour.

A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two examples

will illustrate the kind of thing that takes place.

A.B. had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business,

and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good sense

and knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the county

council, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements in

the district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representation

of the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A.B., feeling the call to

a larger sphere of usefulness--prompted also by Mrs. A.B., for whose

charming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and the

antiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to afford

sufficient scope--desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers were

approached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, provided

that A.B. would agree to spend at least £---- a year "in nursing the

constituency," which was unable to move without such nursing. It is

better not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painful

identification of the real name of the place, and also because it was so

large that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunate

candidates for similar places. A.B. was compelled to answer, "It is more

than I can possibly afford," and added in his own mind, "Would it be

right if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses and

breeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way a

valuable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness is

closed to him.

Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. The

late member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party,

greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses of

attending to the register and maintaining local interest in the

principles of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports,

wisely communicated with "headquarters." As to what passes there,

religious silence should be observed. There is no evidence available,

and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards it

is announced that Mr. X., with the highest recommendations, will address

the association. The local managers are quietly informed that he is

willing to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe to

the party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X.

appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavy

cheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"--meaning usually

acquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. The

oratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders are

sufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance of

enthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democratic

sentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any other

damned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuous

Dyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charming

stranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches his

career with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that in

three years the new member will be recognised by a title--of course a

"marketable title" suggests a lawyer--but no one is rash enough to take

up the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any other

proposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenient

system is rejected by the party politicians.) Everyone has been

satisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety,

the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions to

their lists, headquarters and the whips have--to put the case

mildly--not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat and

steady vote. X. has entered on a career of public service marked at each

step by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should be

translated to "another place," it would be found that the borough had

become accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that

"no one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forward

as a candidate there." It offers, however, a splendid chance for a

Socialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he and

his friends could confer by taking the money of other people and

distributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X., we must see that talents

so pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial office

is vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or the

nature of its operations.

Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection of

candidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifying

political life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse could

be stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt Practices

Bill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenses

would wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it was

that clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so many

country gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gave

it their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from the

extortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtain

money for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates.

To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which have

been published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been put

together, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watch

politics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see the

country well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed,

the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of loot

among successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officers

for continuing a contest than the provision of the best means and

selection of the best men for each part of the work of governing the

country.

In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointments

have led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, been

not so bad as might have been expected. Those who have won their way in

the open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who have

played a fair game according to the rules. Their personal characters

have stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. As

a rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probably

been rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers and

men of business who have been associated with them; a few have shown

conspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a special

aptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of party

claims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, and

history from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merely

personal ties, and still more than using official position as a tribute

to wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do it

homage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned.

Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would be

only too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask the

most eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score of

Ministers on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant,

modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either a

knave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure about

X." We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there is

something forensic about English political contests. The astonished

client sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking away

arm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum,

and at the same time be thankful that while there may be something

rotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in political

life are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state the

fact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heard

to-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliament

on the opposite side are as a rule quite respectable citizens. To

maintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge of

opponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reason

that one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knew

Y., his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is the

reason why I have always refused an introduction to him."

Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported,

their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but not

made the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal to

understand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They may

not expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life that

recognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inversely

as the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even if

it has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged in

it they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work by

those who can prove that every possible way of doing something which

must be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It is

marvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage to

get through their business at all in face of the constant sniping of

those who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray,

but can "object." The splendid service rendered to the country by the

present Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carried

through in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by those

who claimed to be guarding the proper position of the military

profession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as an

object of their desire.

In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentioned

to one whose services had been called for by the State to meet special

difficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages,

and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that I

might see the results of what is going on now." It is the natural

attitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal." He has been

called away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not see

what is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this age

will be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deep

significance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling with

difficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjecting

it to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to the

popular," won more general regard--it might fairly be said

affection--than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nation

appreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciated

the nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so little

grumbling and such ready acquiescence.

Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessary

reforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capable

man to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge and

foresight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of the

various offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and such

a politician?

Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free from

the influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations which

may exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patriotic

feeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of the

community. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whether

directly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object the

acquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole.

Part V

THE GOAL

CHAPTER XXIV

UNION AND REGENERATION

_So from day to day and strength to strength you shall

build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an

ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See

what manner of stones are here," but "See what manner of

men._"--JOHN RUSKIN.

One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects not

only present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, and

involves not only definite action now but also steady and continuous

action in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The question

of Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines,

requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if it

is to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among a

large number of other subjects.[11] The Education Act, which was passed

in 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for the

development of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will depend

on how it is used and the kind of education given. The example of

Germany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced to

a system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, may

have disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University the

Germans have had their completely graded system extending to all classes

of society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and applied

them thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, both

in this country and in America, have made German methods the subject of

their study, and offered to them when they could the flattery of

imitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching have

made the works of Herbart their text-book; they have studied the work

of Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know the

last thesis published in a German university had become a necessary

qualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for an

appointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But the

emphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the very

perfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be a

curse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics show

that juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, and

has been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common even

amongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided by

German education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the German

people, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it now

is, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as it

retains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightly

regarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should be

something more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort,

and to apply it for practical purposes--the Germans have that

pre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent and

plodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thought

out beforehand--the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion to

the Fatherland--the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuine

love for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the material

losses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War may

be, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of an

aristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art--the power to make things

well--or in thought--the power to plan a course of action clearly--but

to the absence of a "just will." The regeneration of Germany means the

substitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread of

democratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitution

of democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our own

nation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is the

necessary condition for future welfare.

Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction and

reorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the State

and of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or even

destroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation and

reduction to definite system of education, for example, may result in

hampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them,

as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, in

commerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even in

religious life, there is a danger that the free development of the

individual may be checked and healthy growth prevented by

over-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" within

reasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individual

as it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread the

extended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they go

beyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods.

The best educational movement of our day--the Boy Scouts

Association--was initiated and is carried on without the intervention of

the State or of local authorities.

In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In our

methods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalent

that it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote their

time and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make a

good chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exact

use of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the mere

layman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemical

equation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meet

all he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one of

the most difficult but most important things to be learned. Instead of

using "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they are

expected to use compasses carefully to make circles round--a matter of

no importance whatever for the matter in hand--but it diverts their

attention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others in

the highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to his

junior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching and

attend to the case." But intellectually the worst of all is the danger

that education will be directed to teaching and to learning mere

phrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currency

conventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject we

study, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and in

religion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and perverts

action. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear.

"Time is our tedious song should here have ending," but those who can

never see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dream

dreams," may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of the

land which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in to

possess." It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from far

off than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, the

distant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer.

Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle,

this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction,

what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, what

Church will spring from the blood of the martyred youth--a great

multitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the war

half a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in its

extent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union,

for the vanquished Regeneration." Who will the victors be? Rightly shall

we think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions that

form the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons and

called by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts,

common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbol

of its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and the

inspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is

"at unity with itself," free from intestine war of party against party,

creed against creed, and class against class.

But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation only

against Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all over

the world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not,

because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, use

that power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of their

rights." The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together to

resist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined in

the struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in the

prayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet the

prospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no part

in the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, their

opportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, like

the Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous reception

of sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves suffered

cruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes.

Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace with

Germany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, a

restoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the German

people.

Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontier

save in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should be

more--or perhaps less--than human to wish it. Day after day we have read

or our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy done

under the direction of those whom the majority of the German people not

only submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides.

Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk the

chance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed such

crimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops first

entered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital ship

or last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the Red

Cross.

But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept a

welcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins against

humanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of that

younger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered for

them, to detest those crimes.

For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again to

find even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watch

from the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhine

over Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again in

friendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald and

listen to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder--Tannenbaum or Haiden

Röslein--by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may in

Nuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by its

craftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of Albrecht

Dürer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" through

the baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the König See;

from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the long

ranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comes

round and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may make

their pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along the

crowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter,

waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautiful

counterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a child's, another

procession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago.

The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever from

some of the things which Germany has given and might again give to the

world in the realm of thought--in science and literature--and in music;

things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to the

beauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possible

only if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed;

but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the German

people. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion from

intercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share in

her crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change of

spirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare be

known to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the German

people is an object we desire to attain.

For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heard

among us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting to

exorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes a

lawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress.

If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights of

others, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus to

action, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this War

will bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must be

for us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefully

thought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are striving

to reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouring

steadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may be

long, we may look with confidence to their attainment.

The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it our

older generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utter

darkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor wisdom,"

or, "as the holy sages once did sing," when that night comes, "Creation"

may "be widen'd in man's view," revealing the infinite depths and

innumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden.

But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshine

of life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams that

gild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race which

is following on, the rising of a glorious dawn.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to the

present work, may be issued at some future time.]