CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.
We have come to a point now where professorial socialism and Christian
socialism meet. Professors of political economy, finding themselves
forced to abandon every hope of reconciling adverse interests of society
without a moral and religious regeneration of the various social
classes, turn to Christianity, and appeal to it for co-operation in
their endeavors to bring about an era of peace and harmony. Professorial
socialism terminates in Christianity. Christian socialism seeks in it a
starting-point.
De Lamennais, who was born in 1782, was one of the earliest
representatives of Christian socialism. He was for a time a French
Catholic priest and an ardent defender of the faith. He sought to bring
about an alliance between the masses and the Church, in opposition to
kings, whom he regarded as oppressors of the people. The Church was
to become an organizing power, and was to gather the individuals, the
atoms, of industrial society, into a compact and harmonious whole. She
was to become the soul, the animating spirit, of the economic as well
as the religious world. He hoped to see her found a grand co-operative
association of laborers, which should free them from the yoke of
capitalist and the tyranny of landlord. The democratic views entertained
by Lamennais, and his opposition to the monarchs of Europe, did not give
satisfaction among the Church authorities. He went to Rome to plead his
cause before Leo XII., and was received with open arms. But afterwards
the motto of his journal _L’Avenir_, “Séparez vous des rois, tendez la
main au peuple”—“separate yourselves from the kings, extend your hand to
the people”—displeased Gregory XVI., and Lamennais, unable to win over
the Pope to his views, finally left the Church in despair. “Catholicism
was my own life,” said he, “because it is the life of humanity. I wished
to defend it and draw it from the abyss into which it sinks more and more
daily. Nothing was easier. The bishops have found that it would not suit
them. Thus Rome lagged behind. I went there and saw the most abominable
_cloaque_ which ever offended human eyesight.... No other God rules there
but egotism. For a piece of land, for a few piasters, they would bargain
away the nations, the whole human race, even the blessed Trinity.”[205]
He wrote, after his return, “Les Paroles d’un Croyant”—“The Words of a
Believer”—published in 1833, and perhaps his most celebrated work. It is
a strange, weird, fascinating book. In prose, yet with all the fervor,
imagery, and beauty of poetry, he describes the wrongs and sufferings
inflicted on the laborer by rulers and capitalists. How is it, one might
ask, that he, so far above the masses, can depict their sorrows as
vividly as if he had felt them? It is precisely because he is not far
above the toiling many; he has in sympathy drawn near to them; he feels
with and for them; what they have experienced, that has he also lived.
Their pain is his pain; their anguish is his anguish, and has penetrated
perhaps more deeply into his soul than into theirs.
In the following passage from “Les Paroles d’un Croyant” he shows how
much worse are modern employers who oppress their laborers than were the
earlier slave-owners. The story he tells is this:
“Now, there was a wicked and accursed man. And this man was strong and
hated toil, so that he said to himself: ‘What shall I do? If I work not I
shall die, and labor is to me intolerable.’
“Then there entered into his heart a thought born in hell. He went in the
night and seized certain of his brethren while they slept, and bound them
with chains.
“‘For,’ said he, ‘I will force them with whips and scourges to toil for
me, and I will eat the fruit of their labor.’
“And he did that which he had resolved; and others, seeing it, did
likewise, and the men of the earth were no longer brothers, but only
masters and slaves.
“This was a day of sadness and mourning over all the face of the earth.
“A long time afterwards there arose another man, whose cruelty and
wickedness exceeded the cruelty and wickedness of the first man.
“Seeing that men multiplied everywhere, and that the multitude of them
was innumerable, he said to himself:
“‘I could indeed enchain some of these, and force them to work for me;
but it would then be necessary to feed and otherwise maintain them, and
that would diminish my gains. I will do better: I will let them work
for nothing; they will die, in truth, but their number is great; I will
amass a fortune before their number is largely diminished, and there will
always remain enough of them.’
“‘Now all this multitude of men might live on what they received in
exchange for their labor.’
“Having thus spoken, he addressed himself separately to some of them,
and said: ‘You work six hours, and you receive a piece of money for your
labor; work twelve hours and you will receive two pieces of money, and
you and your wives and your little ones will live better.’
“And they believed him.
“Then he said to them, ‘You work only half the days of the year; work
every day in the year and your gains will be doubled.’
“And they believed him still.
“Now it happened that the quantity of labor having been doubled without
any increase in the demand therefor, the half of those who previously
lived by their labor could find no one to employ them.
“Then the wicked man whom they had believed said to them: ‘I will give
labor to all, under condition that you will labor the same length of
time, and that I shall pay you only half so much as I have been in the
habit of doing; because I indeed desire to render you a service, but I do
not wish to ruin myself.’
“And as they, their wives, and little ones were suffering the pangs of
hunger, they accepted the proposal of the wicked man, and they blessed
him; for, said they, ‘He gives us our life.’
“And, continuing to deceive them in the same manner, the wicked man ever
increased their labor and ever diminished their wages.
“And they died for lack of the necessaries of life, and others pressed
forward to take their places; for poverty had become so terrible in the
land, that entire families sold themselves for a morsel of bread.
“And the wicked, cruel man, who had lied to his brothers, amassed a
larger fortune than the wicked man who had enslaved them.
“The name of the latter is tyrant; but the former has no name save in
hell itself.”[206]
The Christian socialism of England has peculiarities which render it
exceedingly interesting in connection with an account of French and
German Christian socialism, furnishing, as it does, opportunities for
instructive comparisons.
It arose about thirty years ago. Its founders were men like Charles
Kingsley, Frederick Maurice, and Thomas Hughes. They were filled with
horror at the wrongs and hardships of the lower classes, and rejected
with lofty moral indignation the theory of the Manchester men that state
and society were to do nothing about it. They refused to believe that
the action of self-interest led to the most perfect social harmony, or
that government should do nothing to alleviate suffering and elevate the
masses. Some of their expressions might have satisfied even a social
democrat. Kingsley expressed his opinion of economic liberalism by
describing the Cobden and Bright scheme of the universe as the worst of
all narrow, hypocritical, anarchic, and atheistic social philosophies;
while he predicted the coming of good times to the poor, and the
overthrow of mammonism, in these words: “Not by wrath and haste, but by
patience made perfect through suffering, canst thou proclaim this good
news to the groaning masses, and deliver them, as thy Master did before
thee, by the cross and not the sword. Divine paradox! Folly to the rich
and mighty—the watchword to the weak, in whose weakness is God’s strength
made perfect. ‘In your patience possess ye your souls, for the coming
of the Lord draweth nigh.’ Yes, he came then, and the Babel-tyranny of
Rome fell, even as the more fearful, the more subtle, and more diabolic
tyranny of mammon shall fall ere long—suicidal, even now crumbling by
its innate decay. Yes; Babylon the Great—the commercial world of selfish
competition, drunken with the blood of God’s people, whose merchandise is
the bodies and souls of men—her doom is gone forth. And then—then—when
they, the tyrants of the earth, who lived delicately with her, rejoicing
in her sins, the plutocrats and bureaucrats, the money-changers and
devourers of labor, are crying to the rocks to hide them, and to the
hills to cover them, from the wrath of him that sitteth on the throne;
then labor shall be free at last, and the poor shall eat and be
satisfied, with things that eye hath not seen nor ear heard, nor hath it
entered into the heart of man to conceive, but which God has prepared for
those who love him.”[207]
Kingsley and his confrères held that modern competition was only one
kind of warfare, and consequently sinful. They sought to replace it by
co-operation, in which they found a practical carrying-out of Christian
principles. Mr. Ludlow, Maurice, and others talked the matter over, and
finally formed a society in London to promote co-operative undertakings
and the education of the lower classes. They assisted laborers to found
productive co-operative associations. They established also a newspaper,
the _Christian Socialist_, in which they made propaganda for their faith.
They thought they had discovered the panacea for all social evils: “I
certainly thought,” said Mr. Hughes afterwards—“and, for that matter,
have never altered my opinion to this day—that here we had found the
solution of the great labor question; but I was also convinced that we
had nothing to do but just to announce it, and found an association or
two, in order to convert all England, and usher in the millennium at
once, so plain did the whole thing seem to me. I will not undertake to
answer for the rest of the council, but I doubt whether I was at all more
sanguine than the majority.”[208]
The Christian socialists established seventeen co-operative societies
in London and twenty-four in other parts of England, but chiefly, if
not wholly, in the south, before their organ ceased to appear. These,
however, all failed. But about this time there began to spring up in the
north of England distributive co-operative societies, not designed to
produce commodities, but, as their name implies, to distribute them by
establishing stores. These associations, which have prospered greatly,
furnished an opportunity for some of the Christian socialists to exert
themselves in behalf of the laborer. So far as there is to-day any active
Christian socialism in England, it is to be found in the Co-operative
Union. Indeed, Mr. Thomas Hughes seems to identify the two movements in
a letter,[209] which he was kind enough to write me about Christian
socialism. As it is interesting, and Americans are always glad to hear
what the author of “Tom Brown at Rugby” has to say, I will take the
liberty of quoting such parts of his letter as bear on our subject:
“The details of the Christian socialist movement may still be
gathered from _The Christian Socialist_ newspaper, and tracts,
_The Journal of Association_, its short-lived successor, and
_Politics for the People_, its more short-lived predecessor....
The leaders are quite scattered—Maurice, Kingsley, and
Mansfield dead; Lord Ripon, Governor-general of India; Ludlow,
Registrar of Friendly Societies; Ellison, a metropolitan
magistrate; I a county-court judge. The only one left actively
in this movement (which I have left only two months since) is
E. Vansittart Neale, who is general secretary (and backbone and
conscience) of the Co-operative Union. I was chairman of the
southern section till I took this judgeship.
“We have managed to keep this great organization, now
consisting of some thousand societies, with some millions
of capital, up to the principles of the Christian
socialists—nominally, at any rate—and I really think the old
spirit is, at any rate, alive in a large proportion of the
rising leaders, though the mammon devil is, I am bound to own,
vigorous among them, and hard to put down.... I still look to
this movement as the best hope for England and other lands.”
Mr. Neale has been good enough to write me a fuller account of the
connection between co-operation and Christian socialism, which he regards
as two distinct movements—in their origin, at least. I will quote what he
has to say about them:
“MANCHESTER, December 4, 1882.
...
“I think that the Christian social efforts of Messrs. Maurice,
Kingsley, Hughes, etc., and the co-operative movement out of
which our present Union has grown up, ought to be distinguished
as really separate actions, independent of each other in their
origin, though they have subsequently, to a certain extent,
coalesced.
“The distributive societies have grown up since 1844,
principally from the impulse originating in the Rochdale
Pioneers, which was, so far as it can be said to embody any
moral principle, Owenite rather than Christian. No doubt it
included, from the first, members of the various religious
bodies which exist in England, and it never professed to
substitute any other religious teaching for that given in
the name of Christianity, as R. Owen’s followers had done.
Therefore, among the disciples, men soon appeared who said,
This co-operation which you advocate is nothing else than the
practical application of Christianity to the ordinary business
of life. Likewise, when, at a later date, those who had
gathered around Mr. Maurice’s endeavors to show systematically
the connection of Christian ideas with the Co-operative
Union, as is done by Mr. Hughes and myself in the ‘Manual
for Co-operation,’ ... this application was accepted by the
Congress of the Co-operative Union as a legitimate descent of
co-operation, and is more or less assented to at the present
time by co-operators who never were in any way connected with
Mr. Maurice.
“But this has been, as I have said, a result of relations which
have grown up between two movements, distinct in their origin,
but similar in their tendencies, and from this similarity, and
the aid afforded by each to the other, naturally disposed to
coalesce.
“In their origin the stores were antecedent to the teachings of
the Christian socialists, which did not begin in any definite
shape until 1849 and 1850, when the Rochdale Pioneers had got
over the difficulties of their beginnings, and were doing a
business of £6611 8_s._ 9_d._ in 1844 and £13,179 17_s._ in
1850; and other stores were beginning to spring up and attain
considerable proportions in various towns of Lancashire and
Yorkshire, under the influence of the success of Rochdale. In
London we had scarcely any knowledge of these societies till
the end of 1850; and our efforts took principally the direction
of attempts to form productive associations of workers by
means of advances of capital to them on loan at four per cent.
interest, and with no other security than the stock in trade of
the societies founded by these endeavors.
“Theoretically, the idea we endeavored to spread was the
conception of workers as brethren—of work as coming from a
brotherhood of men associated for their common benefit—who
therefore rejected any notion of competition with each other
as inconsistent with the true form of society, and, without
formally preaching communism, sought to found industrial
establishments communistic in feeling, of which it should be
the aim, while paying ordinary wages and interest at the rate
I have mentioned, to apply the profits of the business in
ways conducive to the common advantage of the body whose work
produced them.
“The Christian element about this teaching was rather a
something floating over it than definitely embodied in it.
No attempt was made to formulate any religious creed which
should be professed even by those who formed the central
body—‘The Council of Promoters of Workingmen’s Societies,’
as it was called. Still less was there any attempt to limit
the men employed in any of the societies to those professing
Christianity. There was a general understanding that the tone
of any writings put forth by the council or any of its members
should be such as Maurice and Kingsley would approve. But this
was all. Of the freedom of opinion in the council a striking
proof is Mr. Lloyd Jones, who had been one of R. Owen’s
missionaries, and never professed any form of Christianity, and
who was one of the most active members.
“Such was the character of this Christian socialism, even where
it was most concentrated. In its relation to the co-operation
of the north the religious element was yet more thrown into the
background. Our connection with these societies came through
the law—I mean the English law—not the Gospel. Mr. Hughes, Mr.
Ludlow, Mr. Furnivall, another active member of our council,
and I, were barristers. The law relating to such societies
as we desired to form, and as our northern friends desired
to form on their own account, was then very little suitable
to our wants. Mr. Slaney, a member of Parliament, who took a
great interest in all efforts of the working population to
help themselves, got a committee appointed to inquire into the
investments of the middle and working classes. Much interesting
evidence was given before this committee in 1850 and in 1852.
Mr. Slaney introduced into Parliament a bill originally
drawn by Mr. Ludlow, with some assistance from me, which was
carefully considered by a special committee of the House of
Commons, who suggested many improvements in it; and on their
report was accepted by the House, and became the original law
of ‘Industrial and Provident Societies.’ These operations
established, as you will easily suppose, friendly relations
between us in London and our friends in the north, who went on
and flourished greatly in their distributive societies under
the protection given them by the law of 1852; and were in
continual communication with Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hughes, and myself
during the next seventeen years as to alterations and amendment
of their law, of which there were several in the course
of these years, and as to questions of a legal character
affecting their business.
“In the meantime the societies formed under our special
influence in London had all come to grief. Had it not been
for the growth of distributive co-operation in the north the
movement would have been at an end in England. And this growth
took place spontaneously, with no other help from us than was
afforded by the legal assistance that I have mentioned and
occasional visits of some one of our body. At last, in 1869,
principally through the influence of the late Mr. William
Prior, one of the disciples of R. Owen, a conference was
held in London, which was continued for four days, and was
attended by several delegates from the northern societies.
At the conference papers were read on a number of topics of
a social character. Discussions were carried on upon them,
and an impulse was given to the feeling of union out of
which our present organization has arisen. From that time a
conference—or, as we call it, a congress—has been held every
year in some part of Great Britain. Subscriptions from the
societies have been organized. In 1873 a systematic division of
Great Britain into districts, for the purposes of propaganda,
was established. Sectional committees were appointed in
each district, and a united board formed by delegates from
them, which has the general direction of the whole movement.
Now, with the formation of this organization, the southern
influences which had given birth to the notion of Christian
socialism began again to make themselves felt. We have supplied
more largely than our northern friends the intellectual factor,
which has found the material to which to apply itself in the
co-operative societies of manufacturing Britain. Thus it is
that the ‘Manual for Co-operation,’ which I think must be
considered as the most matured and complete exposition of the
relation between Christianity and social reform, has come to
be accepted by the Co-operative Union, and published at its
expense, as a recognized exposition of the views entertained
by most of those who endeavor to give a distinct form to their
views.”
The Englishman, like the American, is eminently practical. He must
find some concrete form in which to embody his ideas. If he cannot
now obtain all he desires, he will take what he can get and wait for
an opportune moment to gain possession of what remains. He does not
cease to think, plan, and even dream, but he spends more time in
action than in talk. Thus have the Christian socialists of England,
without changing their views, contented themselves for the present with
distributive co-operation. They have, however, done far more than to
establish co-operative associations. They called attention to the duties
and responsibilities of wealth as well as its rights. They induced
men to stop and consider whether it might not, after all, be possible
to do something to ameliorate the condition of the unfortunate and to
improve the poor and degraded. The results have been seen in generous,
philanthropic, and, to a large extent, successful endeavors to elevate
those low down to a higher plane of life and thought. Legislation has
followed, limiting the length of a day’s work, restricting the employment
of young children, regulating the labor of women, protecting operatives
in factories, and otherwise benefiting the laboring classes. This has
counteracted the effects of discontent and dangerous agitation so far as
to prevent the violent attempts at revolution, once feared. The humane
and enlightened views, which to-day obtain to such an extent in England,
are due, far more than is generally supposed, to the warm-hearted zeal of
those noble Englishmen who were called Christian socialists.
In Germany, there are two branches of the Christian Socialists, the
Protestants and the Roman Catholics.
The Protestant Christian Socialists are not numerous, nor are they
sufficiently important to justify much more than the mention of their
existence. Their two leaders are Dr. Todt, a pastor, and Dr. Stöcker,
court-chaplain, who is known on account of his leadership in the
Anti-Semitic agitation in Germany. His part in this latter movement
shows how little nobility there is in his nature. I attended one meeting
of the Christian Socialists in Berlin. Instead of proposals to ameliorate
the condition of laborers, I heard little save abuse of the Jews. When
any member of the audience was invited to reply, a bright-appearing young
man of twenty or thereabouts came forward and began to talk in a sensible
sort of way concerning the position of the Hebrews, but his arguments
were soon drowned by the hooting of the rabble. Court-pastor Stöcker
bowed him off the stage with mock ceremoniousness. I thought the young
man showed to far better advantage than the leader of those whom he was
addressing.
The ideas of the Protestant Christian Socialists are rather vague and
indefinite. They favor, however, legislation in behalf of the laboring
classes similar to that which is now in force in England, and desire
a strong monarch to take the lead in measures designed to elevate the
toiling masses. They wish also to bring the people back to the Church,
that they may enjoy the consolations of religion. Dr. Todt appears to
hope for a peaceful introduction of communism, or some form of socialism
approaching thereto, in a far-distant future.
Catholic Christian Socialism in Germany is a far more important, a far
nobler, movement. Its leading light was the late Bishop of Mainz or
Mayence, Baron von Ketteler.
Wilhelm Emanuel Baron von Ketteler was born in 1811, in Münster. He came
of an old and honorable family. He studied law, and began his career in
the German courts, before he decided to devote himself to the Church. He
was ordained as priest in 1844 and was made bishop in 1850.
Von Ketteler was keen, eager, eloquent—a valiant champion of the Church,
who fought for her emancipation from state control, and obtained
important concessions. His activity was remarkable, and displayed itself
prominently in the foundation of numerous institutions, as monasteries,
unions, schools, orphan-asylums, and houses of refuge. He understood how
to make use of the press in forwarding his designs, which included plans
intended to promote the welfare of the masses. After the formation of
the German empire Von Ketteler took a leading position in the party of
the Ultramontanes, and was ever ready with tongue and pen in all matters
concerning the relations of state to Church and school.
He opposed the proclamation of the doctrine of papal infallibility as
inopportune, but, after it had been proclaimed, he became its ardent
supporter.
Von Ketteler’s eventful life ended in 1875, and his body now rests in the
cathedral at Mainz.
Von Ketteler accepts the doctrine of the iron, cruel law of wages, and
assents to many of the teachings of the social democrats, in so far as
they are directed against our present social organization. He seeks
salvation, however, in the Catholic Church.
He holds that God or the Church is the supreme owner of all property,
and that human rights are only secondary. Men have only the right
of administering what has been committed to them. The Church has
always held, says he, that if a starving man took a loaf of bread to
satisfy hunger which he could still in no other way, it was no theft.
In that case human proprietary rights yield to the divine right of
self-preservation.
The good-will of the Church is also shown in the large property
which she has accumulated to alleviate the sufferings of the poor.
It was not her fault that she was deprived of a great part of this
by the secularization of her possessions, which took place after the
Reformation. It increased the distress of the unfortunate, and the
worldly powers were obliged to enact poor-laws to relieve those who had
thereby been reduced to helplessness.
The misery of the present time is due to materialism and liberal
politics. The state and the Church should exercise greater control over
human conduct in such matters, _e.g._, as marriage.
“We will not deny,” says Von Ketteler, “that in various regions the
contraction of marriage is made too difficult; but, on the other hand,
a certain limitation is justifiable—is founded in reason as well as
in Christianity—and the abolition of all limitations cannot fail to
promote thoughtlessness in the contraction of marriage, and thus injure
the family. Of such a character is the general effort and tendency
to regard marriage as a simple civil institution, to introduce the
_Civilehe_—_i.e._, marriage by civil authorities alone—and to separate
it entirely from the Church. The stability of the family is based on the
religious and Christian doctrine of marriage. Especially is the view of
the Catholic Church that marriage is a sacrament, and can be dissolved
only by death, the immovable foundation of this stability.”[210]
Von Ketteler regards the dissolution of the organic bonds, or ties of
society, as one cause of our present troubles. He is, consequently,
in favor of trade corporations, and has a friendly feeling for the
guilds of the Middle Ages. He combats vehemently the atomism of modern
liberalism. There is, in my opinion, a great deal of truth in what he
says about the necessity of religion to cure the ills of modern society.
He declares that “Christ is the Saviour of the world, not only because
he has redeemed our souls, but also because he brought salvation for all
human institutions and relations—civil, political, and social. Especially
is he the Saviour of the laboring classes.... He has elevated the
labor-class from servitude to its present condition;[211] without him all
humanitarian tendencies of the so-called friends of the laboring man will
not prevent his sinking again into a state of slavery.”
Von Ketteler mentions five remedies which the Church has to offer the
laborer.
1. She founds and manages institutions for the benefit of the laborer
unable to work. These are managed by those who have a tender interest in
his welfare. Love to Christ will enable the Catholic nurses to perform
disagreeable and repulsive services in a mild and gentle manner.
2. She offers him the institution of the Christian family.
3. She presents to him the truths and doctrines of the Church, which
are the true education of the laborer. The doctrine of the liberals,
that education for the laborers is to be found in self-help and in their
unions for instructing working-men is only a _simulacrum_ and deceit.
4. She offers him the social power of the Church. This unites men, and
may be used to assist in founding unions and societies of laborers. Such
unions are Christian in nature.[212]
5. This social power of the Church might be used in establishing
productive co-operative associations on a Christian basis. Nothing could
be more pleasing to God and beneficial to man than gifts of the wealthy
for this purpose.
For our part, we rejoice that men of all shades of opinion are turning
to Christianity for help in the solution of social problems, and trust
that the poor and needy, where they are now estranged from the Church,
may ere long be led to recognize in her their best friend. All Christian
men, and particularly the authorities of the Church, should see to it
that no opportunity is lost to win to her the toiling masses. We fully
agree with a celebrated Belgian professor[213] of Political Economy when
he writes: “The proletarians have been detached from and will return
to Christianity when they begin to understand that it brings to them
freedom and equal rights, whereas atheistic materialism consecrates their
slavery and sacrifices them to pretended natural laws. By a complete
misapplication of its ideas, the religion of Christ, transformed into
a temporal and sacerdotal institution, has been called in as the ally
of caste, despotism, and the ancient _régime_ to sanction all social
inequalities. The Gospel, on the contrary, is the good news to the
poor—the announcement of the advent of that kingdom when the humble
shall be lifted up and the disinherited shall possess the earth.”[214]
FOOTNOTES
[1] _Vide_ “Histoire du Communisme,” par Alfred Sudre (5th ed., Paris,
1856), ch. xiv. sec. iv. pp. 232-250.
[2] _Vide_ “Rousseau,” by John Morley (Lond. 1873), vol. i. p. 192.
[3] Vol. i. pp. viii. ix.
[4] _Vide_ Von Sybel, “Geschichte der Revolutionszeit,” Bd. i. Buch i.
Capitel 1, and Bd. ii. Buch vii. Capitel 3. In regard to absenteeism,
consult, especially, Taine’s “Ancient Régime,” bk. i. ch, iii. pt. iii.
[5] Cf. De Laveleye’s “La Démocratic et l’Économie Politique” (Bruxelles,
1878), pp. 8, 9.
[6] To many a thoughtless man, who has misused his wealth and social
position to drag down women of the poorer classes, it would doubtless
seem like a new revelation to have the truth brought home to him that the
fathers, mothers, and brothers of his victims had precisely such feelings
as his own father and mother, or himself, towards his sisters. But the
socialistic agitation in Germany has brought out clearly the fact that
this is true. Poor men hate the wealthy on account of their sins. Nearly
all of the thousands and tens of thousands of fallen women in cities
like New York and Berlin, it is said, come from the poorer classes. It
is terrible to think of the anguish they have brought to parents whose
only crime has often been poverty. If the wealthy use their superior
advantages to oppress and afflict the poor, terrible retribution will
some day be exacted of them as a class, and the innocent will suffer with
the guilty. The French Revolution should forever be a terrible warning to
those to whom much has been committed.
Modern novelists have devoted themselves assiduously to the work of
reform. Every oppressed class has found some one to sympathize with it
and describe its wrongs. Married women, misused by their husbands; school
children, maltreated by masters; orphans, wronged by tedious processes
of law; the negro slave in our South—all have been made interesting, and
excited our pity. The fourth estate, with which Dickens concerned himself
more or less, has also found its novelist, whose skill reveals to us the
laborer’s views and feelings, so that we laugh when he laughs and weep
when he weeps. I refer to Max Kretzer, whose latest and best work is “Die
Betrogenen” (Berlin, 1882). For an excellent review of his writings,
_vide_ the _Wochenblatt der Frankfurter Zeitung_, 20 Aug., 1882.
For a further illustration of the views of social democrats concerning
the crimes of the wealthy, _vide_ a story in the newspaper _Die Fackel_
(Chicago, 20 Mai, 1883) entitled “Die Geschichte einer Arbeiterin.”
[7] In _Contemporary Review_, April, 1882.
[8] Quoted by Mrs. Fawcett in her article on “Communism” in the
“Encyclopædia Britannica.” Cf. De Laveleye’s article on the “Progress of
Socialism” (_Contemporary Review_, April, 1883, pp. 567, 568).
[9] “Money in its Relations to Trade and Industry,” by Francis A. Walker
(New York, 1879).
[10] “Die deutsche Social-Demokratie” (Bremen, 1879).
[11] _Vide_ the published programme of the Commune of Paris, April 19,
1871, in Pierroti’s “Décrets et Rapports Officiels de la Commune de Paris
et du Gouvernement à Versailles du 18 Mars au 31 Mai, 1871” (Paris, 1871,
pp. 181-185).
[12] The whole question is discussed in a satisfactory manner in Meyer’s
“Emancipationskampf des vierten Standes” (Bd. ii. SS. 600-718). Among
other authorities may be mentioned, as most noteworthy, Pierroti’s
“Décrets et Rapports; Enquête Parlementaire sur l’Insurrection du 18
Mars”—an official report of the investigation of the French government;
“Unter der Pariser Commune, ein Tagebuch von Wilhelm Lauser” (Leipzig,
1879); Maxime du Camp, “Les Convulsions de Paris” (6th ed., Paris, 1883);
B. Becker, “Geschichte der revolutionären Pariser Kommune” (Brunswick,
1875).
[13] In his “History of American Socialisms” (Philadelphia, 1870), Noyes
presents the opposite view, and argues forcibly in favor of it. He
thinks “familism” and communism necessarily antagonistic, and adduces
as proof the success of the Shakers and other communities which repress
the family feeling, and the failure of many which allow marriage and
private families as in the outside world. I do not think his arguments
satisfactory. At most, they would hold of small communistic bodies living
in a world practising individualism. They would not be conclusive in a
discussion of the practicability of communism—much less socialism—as
a universal system. It is true, also, that the leadership of social
democracy in the United States and elsewhere has fallen into the hands
of those who, for the most part, hold views regarding religion and the
family which may fairly be called brutal. The irreligious attitude of
social democracy is, however, to be explained partly by the fact that
it is a German product, and Germany is to-day lamentably irreligious.
What is, however, temporary, accidental, and transitional should not be
mistaken for what is necessary and permanent.
[14] Dr. Rylance very properly distinguishes ecclesiasticism from
Christianity.
[15] The decay of religion among the working classes was the subject of
a conference of working-men, held in London in 1867. Mr. J. M. Ludlow,
one of their friends and counsellors, writes as follows in the “Progress
of the Laboring Classes from 1832 to 1867,” concerning their reasons
for forsaking religious services: “At the bottom of those reasons there
may be felt, not dislike or indifference to the Gospel itself, but,
on the contrary, a deep yearning for some mighty manifestation of it.
The complaint is not that Christianity is given, but that ‘priests and
parsons’ have given of it ‘short weight and short measure;’ not that it
is practised by its professors, but that their practice falls so far
short of their professions; not that clergymen and minister intermeddle
with the working-men, but that they do not come among them and show
practical sympathy with them in their undertakings. Surely a temper like
this, even when speaking out through hard and scornful words, instead of
discouraging Christian ministers, should brace and quicken them to their
work—ay, though that work should consist partly in the shaking off of
their most cherished traditions and habits of religious thought” (p. 279).
[16] Schäffle’s “Socialism as Expounded by Kaufmann” (London, 1874, p.
103).
[17] _Vide_ his manly article on the Dangerous Classes in the
_North-American Review_ for April, 1883.
[18] The words socialist and socialism were introduced into economic
discussion by L. Reybaud, in 1840, in his “Études sur les Réformateurs ou
Socialistes Modernes.”
[19] It does not fall within the province of this work to describe
English communism. Its best representative is Robert Owen, about whose
life and teachings information is to be found in “The Life of Robert
Owen, Written by Himself,” and in A. J. Booth’s “Robert Owen, the Founder
of Socialism in England.” Both of the works are interesting and valuable.
[20] 1762 is also given as the year of his birth.
[21] For the details of the conspiracy, consult Von Sybel, “Geschichte
der Revolutionszeit,” Bd. iv. Buch i. Capitel 4, and Buonarroti’s
“Histoire de la Conspiration pour l’Égalite, dite de Babœuf” (2 vols.,
Brussels, 1828). A fourth edition in one volume appeared in Paris in
1850. An English translation by Bronterre appeared in London in 1836.
[22] The best authority on the economic movements of this period is L.
Blanc’s “Histoire de dix ans 1830-40” (12th ed. 1870).
[23] _Vide_ the Manifesto of the Equals. This, as well as a number of
their most important papers, may be found in Reybaud’s “Études sur les
Réformateurs” (vol. ii. pp. 423-453, 7th ed., Paris, 1864).
[24] _Vide_ the “Manifesto of the Equals.”
[25] “Histoire Populaire de la Révolution Française de 1789 à 1830” (5
vols., 2d ed., Paris, 1845-47).
[26] “Voyage en Icarie” (2d ed., Paris, 1842, 1 vol. 8vo, pp. 566).
[27] Ibid. p. 3.
[28] Page 335.
[29] Mr. Albert Shaw, late graduate student in the Johns Hopkins
University.
[30] After the death of Cabet a few of his adherents, in the quarrel at
Nauvoo, founded a short-lived colony at Cheltenham.
[31] “The community adopt the institutions of marriage and the family
purified from everything which injures and debases them. Voluntary
celibacy, when not induced by any physiological reason, is regarded
as a transgression of natural laws” (Arts. 32 and 33 of the “Icarian
Constitution”).
[32] Cf. “Voyage en Icarie,” p. 137.
[33] Quoted by B. Malon, in his “Exposé des Écoles Socialistes
Françaises” (Paris, 1872), pp. 104, 105.
[34] “Voyage to Icaria,” p. 563.
[35] Page 358.
[36] _Vide_ p. 37 _et seqq._
[37] An interesting account of his life and teaching is given in A. J.
Booth’s “Saint-Simon and Saint-Simonism” (London, 1871).
[38] It is so stated in the “Encyclopædia Britannica” and elsewhere.
[39] _Vide_ Lettres à un Américain, deuxième Lettre in his “L’Industrie
ou Discussions Politiques, Morales, et Philosophiques,” tome ii. pp. 33,
34 (Paris, 1817). Interesting comparisons between America and Europe are
also to be found in the letters.
[40] One finds in the writings of Saint-Simon all the fundamental
ideas of Comte’s philosophy: the oneness of science; its progress
from the theological stage to positivism—called by Saint-Simon
physicism—accompanying the transition from the military to the industrial
_régime_; the present crisis of society due to the fact that this is a
transitional period, or disharmony in the material world accompanying
the disharmony in the world of thought; the belief that a restoration of
harmony is dependent upon the advancement of science, and that social
regeneration must be physico-political; the subordination of knowledge to
feeling; finally, the view that religion of some kind is indispensable
to social progress, and that the priests of this religion must be the
rulers of the world. Indeed, Comte did not hesitate to acknowledge more
than once his indebtedness to Saint-Simon for his scientific impulse,
although in later years he seems to have become embittered towards the
Saint-Simonians and refused all credit to his former teacher. Comte was
original in so far as he expanded and developed what he received from his
master, but this does not lessen his obligation. This whole question,
which has been much debated, is discussed in a masterly way by John
Morley in his article on Comte in the last edition of the “Encyclopædia
Britannica.” Consult also Karl Hillebrand’s essay on “Die Anfänge des
Socialismus in Frankreich” in _Deutsche Rundschau_, Bd. xvii., 1878, and
Booth’s “Saint-Simon and Saint-Simonism,” pp. 61-81.
[41] “Première Année” (1828-29, 2d ed., Paris, 1830), pp. 72, 73.
[42] “Études sur les Réformateurs” (7th ed., Paris, 1864), vol. i. pp.
83, 84.
[43] _Vide_ “Du Système Industriel” (Paris, 1821), preface.
[44] _Vide_ “Chartism, Past and Present” (Harper’s ed.), pp. 320 and 345.
[45] “L’Industrie,” tome ii. p. 9 (Paris, 1817).
[46] Saint-Simon again and again protests against revolution, _vide_
“Catéchisme des Industriels” (ed. 1832), pp. 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 13, 69, 70.
[47] _Vide_ “Catéchisme des Industriels” (ed. 1832), pp. 38, 44, 62, 63,
74, 75.
[48] _Vide_ Kaufmann’s “Socialism,” p. 115.
[49] “Political Economy,” bk. ii. chap. xiii. sec. 1.
[50] _Loc. cit._ bk. ii. chap. 1. sec. 3.
[51] Quoted by A. J. Booth.
[52] _Vide_ “Catéchisme des Industriels,” p. 2.
[53] Reybaud, vol. i. pp. 82, 83.
[54] Taken from Reybaud, _loc. cit._ vol. i. pp. 105-7. The translation
is abridged in places.
[55] _i.e._ one unit—man-woman.
[56] Perhaps there is no better authority than Louis Blanc concerning the
activity of the Saint-Simonians at this time. Cf. his “Histoire de Dix
Ans,” tome vii. ch. xxv. (ed. Bruxelles, 1843-44).
[57] His principal work is “De L’Humanité,” published in 1840.
[58] Pages 102, 103.
[59] Quoted by Booth.
[60] Ibid.
[61] Quoted by Booth, p. 170.
[62] Isaiah ii. 4.
[63] _Vide_ Lorenz von Stein, “Geschichte der Socialen Bewegung in
Frankreich” (Leipzig, 1850), Bd. ii. SS. 226, 227. The translation is
abridged and is rather free in places.
[64] Bd. ii. S. 228.
[65] That is, of so much importance to one writing or studying the
history of social movements.
[66] In 1808.
[67] _Vide_ Introduction to the “Théorie,” tome i. of Œuvres Complètes.
[68] _Vide_ Preface of editors to second edition (Paris, 1841).
[69] Tomes ii.-v. of Œuvres Complètes (1841-43).
[70] _Vide_ “Théorie des Quatre Mouvements,” Œuvres, tome i. p. 50.
These phases are subdivided into thirty-two periods, of which a table
accompanies p. 52.
[71] He seems finally to have been inclined to believe that they were so.
[72] Third edition, as vol. vi. of Collected Works (Paris, 1848).
[73] _Vide_ Fourier’s Œuvres, tome ii. pp. 142-147, and references there
given. Lorenz von Stein sets a high value on the philosophical value of
this classification, as compared with similar efforts of Pythagoras and
Bossuet. Although appreciative, he criticises Fourier vigorously, and
shows the contradictions involved in his classification (_vide_ Stein,
“Sociale Bewegung,” Bd. ii. SS. 276-285).
[74] Always thus designated by Fourier. He attaches such a reproachful
meaning to it that the word has an ugly sound to one immediately after
reading his works.
[75] _Vide_ “Fourier et son Système,” par Madame Gatti de Gammond (3d ed.
1839), p. 86.
[76] “Vices de Nos Procédés Industriels” (1824; 2d ed., with the title
“Aperçus sur les Procédés Industriels,” 1840) and “Nouvelles Transactions
Sociales, Religieuses et Politiques de Virtomnius” (1832).
[77] “Fourier et son Système” (1st ed. 1838; 3d ed. 1839, pp. 384).
Madame de Gammond modifies Fourier’s views concerning the relations of
the sexes in her presentation, as would naturally be expected of a lady
of culture.
[78] Wrote “Paroles de Providence” (1835).
[79] “Fourier, Sa Vie et sa Théorie” (5th ed. 1872).
[80] “Études sur la Science Sociale” (2 vols. 1831-34).
[81] 1832, _La Réforme Industrielle, ou le Phalanstère_; _La Phalange_,
whose mottoes were “Social Reform without Revolutions,” “Realization
of Order, of Justice, and of Liberty,” “Organization of Industry;” _La
Démocratie Pacifique_, the daily, suppressed in 1850.
[82] Arthur Booth, in article on Fourier in _Fortnightly Review_, vol.
xii. N. S. (July-Dec. 1, 1872).
[83] Godin’s “Solutions Sociales” (Paris, 1871), p. 529.
[84] “Association of Capital with Labor” (translated by Louis Bristol;
published by the “New York Woman’s Social Science Society,” Room 24,
Cooper Institute, 1881).
[85] The exercises at the former of these celebrations is described
in the _Overland Monthly_ for March, 1883, by Marie Howland; in the
_Californian_ for January, 1881, a description of the latter festival may
be found.
[86] “Association of Capital with Labor,” pp. 5, 6.
[87] This enterprise is admirably described in an article entitled “The
Social Palace at Guise” (_Harper’s Monthly_, April, 1872).
[88] Wrote “The Social Destiny of Man,” founded on Considerant’s
“Destinée Sociale.”
[89] Published in the “American Men of Letters Series,” and _vide_ also
Noyes’s “History of American Socialisms,” ch. xi.
[90] Small 12mo.
[91] 8vo.
[92] G. W. Smalley, _New York Tribune_, Feb. 4, 1883.
[93] C. K. Adams’s “Manual of Historical Literature,” p. 332.
[94] For a satisfactory description of the true import of this measure,
_vide_ John Stuart Mill’s essay, “The French Revolution of 1848 and its
Assailants;” “Dissertations and Discussions” (Am. ed.), vol. iii. pp.
54-58.
[95] _Vide_ “Lorenz von Stein,” iii. S. 292.
[96] There was once some doubt about the case, but the publication
of official documents and later testimony has settled the question
conclusively, _vide_ article on Louis Blanc in “Nouvelle Biographie
Générale,” vol. vi.; Roscher’s “Political Economy,” sec. 81, note 6;
E. Thomas, “Histoire des Ateliers Nationaux;” Louis Blanc, “Historical
Revelations,” and “La Révolution de 1848,” vol. i. ch. xi.
[97] “Lettres sur l’Angleterre” (Paris, 1866-67); “Letters on England,”
translated from the French by James Hutton and revised by the author
(London, 1866, 2 vols.). “Letters on England,” second series, translated
by James Hutton and L. J. Trotter (London, 1867, 2 vols. in one).
[98] Paris, 1873.
[99] The vote was 380 to 85.
[100] Edward King in _Evening Post_, Dec. 28, 1882.
[101] In the letter in the _New York Tribune_ already referred to.
[102] _Die Gegenwart_, 6. Januar, 1883.
[103] “Organisation du Travail,” 9th ed. p. 9.
[104] Quoted from Louis Blanc, by H. Baudrillart in his “Publicistes
Modernes” (Paris, 1863), p. 308.
[105] Quoted in Baudrillart, ibid. Cf. “Droit au Travail,” pp. 9, 10.
[106] “Organisation du Travail,” p. 4. Cf. “Histoire de la Révolution de
1848,” pp. 265, 266.
[107] “Organisation du Travail,” p. 13.
[108] “Droit au Travail” (Paris, 1849), pp. 65-67; “Organisation du
Travail,” pp. 18, 19.
[109] Ibid. pp. 13, 14, 17, 18, 199.
[110] Ibid. p. 71.
[111] Article 3 on p. 120 of “Organisation du Travail.”
[112] “Organisation du Travail,” pp. 72, 114, 120.
[113] _Loc. cit._ pp. 18, 19.
[114] “We then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the
weak.”—Rom. xv. 1.
[115] “Histoire de la Révolution de 1848,” vol. i. pp. 147, 148.
[116] “Organisation du Travail,” p. 72.
[117] Cf. _loc. cit._ pp. 72, 73, 77, 187, 188, 195, 196, 207, 208, _et
passim_.
[118] Quoted from Sainte-Beuve’s “P.-J. Proudhon, Sa Vie et sa
Correspondance” (1872), by H. Baudrillart, in his article on Proudhon in
the _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1873.
[119] New edition (Paris, 1873, tome i.) of “Œuvres Complètes.”
[120] Preface to “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” p. 5.
[121] Chap. iv. 2d Proposition. I do not mean to assert positively that
Marx borrowed his ideas from Proudhon. He was more indebted to Rodbertus,
who, contemporaneously with Proudhon, but probably independently of him,
was carrying on similar investigation and arriving at similar results. It
is, however, true that Proudhon was the first of the three to publish an
extensive presentation of his ideas.
[122] Vols. iv. and v. of “Œuvres Complètes.”
[123] Details given in “Œuvres Complètes,” vol. vii. pp. 263-313.
[124] New edition (Paris, 1864) of “Œuvres Complètes,” tome vii.
[125] “Œuvres Complètes,” vols. xxi.-xxvi.
[126] The formula of Roman law is “Res nullius cedit primo occupanti.”
[127] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” pp. 133-137.
[128] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” p. 204; cf. pp. 205, 206.
[129] Henry George and others might get some useful hints from him.
[130] “Œuvres Complètes,” tome i. pp. 214, 216, 217.
[131] “Œuvres Complètes,” tome vii. p. 271.
[132] Ibid. p. 290.
[133] This name is frequently given to Proudhon’s plans by the socialists.
[134] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” chap. v. 2e partie, sec. 2.
[135] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” chap. v. 2e partie, sec. 3. Cf. also
his speech in the National Assembly on 31st of July, 1848, in “Œuvres,”
vol. vii. pp. 268, 269.
[136] Ibid. chap. iv. 5e “Prop. et Appendice.”
[137] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” p. 157.
[138] “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” pp. 222-224.
[139] “Œuvres Complètes,” tome i. pp. 224, 225.
[140] Bd. i. S. 42.
[141] _Fortnightly Review_, May, 1878.
[142] “Exposé des Écoles Socialistes Françaises,” par B. Malon (2d ed.
Paris, 1872). “Avant-Propos,” p. iii.
[143] Frederic Harrison, in article in _Fortnightly Review_, already
referred to.
[144] For this, as well as a few other facts, I am indebted to an article
on “French Socialists” which appeared in the weekly edition of the
_London Times_, March 30, 1883.
[145] _Vide_ B. Malon’s “Exposé,” etc., p. 230.
[146] Consult, on this point, Stepniak’s “Underground Russia” (London,
1883). Careful inquiry of a large number of Russians, young and old, rich
and poor, convinced me long since that the views this book expresses
concerning the condition of Russia are substantially correct.
[147] Cf. Rudolf Meyer, Bd. i. SS. 42, 43, and two articles on Michael
Bakunin, in the _Deutsche Rundschau_ (1877), Bde. 11 u. 12.
[148] This was copied in the February (1883) number of the _Journal des
Économistes_ from the _Révolté_. I take it from the _Journal_.
[149] “Exposé,” etc., p. 260.
[150] April, 1883.
[151] _Vide_ Malon’s “Exposé,” etc., p. 183. A further account of
Colins’s ideas is given in a very interesting manner in an article
already referred to—viz., De Laveleye’s “European Terror” (_Fortnightly
Review_, April, 1883).
[152] A little book which a workman is compelled to keep and exhibit to
each employer, in order that the latter may know who have employed him
before, the new employer in turn signing his name in the book when the
laborer enters his service and when he leaves it, and expressing his
opinion of the laborer’s conduct.
[153] Quoted from _Journal des Économistes_ for March, 1883, pp. 450-452.
[154] “Exposé des Écoles Socialistes Françaises,” pp. iii., iv.
[155] “Emancipationskampf,” etc., Bd. i. S. 43.
[156] Free-trader is used here, as often in Germany, not to denote simply
an advocate of free-trade, but a supporter of the entire abstract and
theoretical system of the _English_ free-traders.
[157] Page 1023.
[158] “Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England” (1845).
[159] “System der Weltökonomie, oder Untersuchungen über die Organisation
der Arbeit.”
[160] As this German custom is not generally understood in America and
often leads to confusion, it may be well to state that it is customary
to affix the name of a man’s estate or native village or even his wife’s
name to his own to distinguish him from others of the same name. Thus,
the founder of the people’s banks is called Schulze-Delitzsch, because
he lived formerly in a little place called Delitzsch. He afterwards
lived in Potsdam, but was still called Schulze-Delitzsch. Delitzsch
is, however, really no part of his name. In speaking to him you would
generally have addressed him as Mr. Schulze, never Mr. Delitzsch. In
reading a book recently written by a learned American, I was amused to
see him spoken of seriously as Mr. Schulze von Delitzsch. It originated
undoubtedly in Lassalle’s calling him in contempt for his admiration for
the _bourgeoisie_ Mr. Bastiat-Schulze von Delitzsch.
[161] Cf. Wagner, in _Tübinger Zeitschrift_ (1878), SS. 211, 212.
[162] “Zur Beleuchtung,” etc., SS. 23, 24.
[163] That is, the labor of man in economic society.
[164] “Zur Beleuchtung,” S. 24.
[165] The Fourteenth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of
Statistics of Labor for 1883 goes to substantiate this theory. In 1875
the “percentage of wages paid of value of product” in over two thousand
establishments was 24.68; in 1880 only 20.33. _Vide_ p. 371; cf. also
other statistics on the same page and on p. 370.
[166] “Normal Arbeitstag;” _Tübinger Zeitschrift_, S. 361.
[167] “Offener Brief,” etc., in Lassalle’s “Reden,” Bd. i. S. 270.
[168] Cf. Lassalle’s “Reden,” Bd. i. SS. 40-42, where this thought is
brought out clearly and forcibly.
[169] I do not mean by this to state that I consider the explanation
correct.
[170] “Hülfstafeln zu Preisberechnungen für Zimmerarbeiten, auf
Grundlage der durchschnittlichen Leistung der Arbeiter,” von H. Peters.
Schwerin i. M., and “Hülfsbuch zur Aufstellung von Lohnregulativen und
Preisberechnungen für Bautischlerarbeiten, mit Angabe des Materialbedarfs
und des durchschnittlichen Arbeitswerths nach Stunden und Minuten,” von
H. Peters (Berlin, 1877).
[171] For these and other facts, _vide_ Mehring’s “Die Deutsche
Social-Demokratie,” ch. v.
[172] This translation, by Ernest Jones, appeared in John Rae’s “The
Socialism of Karl Marx and the Young Hegelians” (_Contemporary Review_,
October, 1881).
[173] Second edition (Hamburg, 1872).
[174] “Wochenausgabe,” 23. März, 1883.
[175] “Das Kapital,” 2te Aufl. S. 793.
[176] “Das Kapital,” S. 158.
[177] Quoted by Knies in “Das Geld,” S. 53.
[178] “Das Kapital,” SS. 656, 657.
[179] A good account is given in Rudolf Meyer’s “Emancipationskampf,”
etc., Bd. i. SS. 93-174. The Frenchman Villetard has written a “History
of the International,” which was translated into English by Susan M. Day,
and published in New Haven in 1874.
[180] _Vide_ De Laveleye’s “European Terror” (_Fortnightly Review_,
April, 1883).
[181] “Die Philosophie Heracleitos des Dunkeln,” 2 Bde. On account of his
absorption in the celebrated Hatzfeldt case for eight years, it was not
published until 1858.
[182] _Vide_ “Briefe von Lassalle und Carl Rodbertus-Jagetzow, mit einer
Einleitung von Adolf Wagner” (Berlin, 1878), SS. 44, 67, 71, 72.
[183] This matter was referred by Louis Blanc to Karl Blind, who advised
him to not grant the request, as he had no faith in Lassalle, believing
that he intended from the start to “sell out” to Bismarck. _Vide_ article
on Louis Blanc, in _Die Gegenwart_, 6. Januar, 1883.
[184] Quoted from my article on “Bismarck’s Plan for Insuring German
Laborers” (_International Review_, May, 1882).
[185] _Vide_ Lassalle’s “Ronsdorfer Rede,” held May 22, 1864, and
published in Berlin.
[186] See first note above.
[187] On the 17th of September, 1878. I translate Bismarck’s words as
given in his “Ausgewählte Reden,” Bd. iii. SS. 131, 132.
[188] “Political Economy,” bk. ii. chap. xi. sec. 2.
[189] Bk. i. ch. viii.
[190] _Beamtenfamilie_ is a common expression.
[191] John Rae (_Contemporary Review_, June, 1881).
[192] One candidate was elected in two districts which required a new
election in one of them, in which the social democrats lost. This reduced
the number of their members to twelve.
[193] The leading organ of the social democrats, the _Sozial-demokrat_,
of Zurich, gave a fair report of the proceedings, which was reprinted in
the _Vorbote_ of Chicago, May 5, 1883.
[194] This quotation is taken from my article in the _International
Review_ on “Bismarck’s Plan,” etc., May, 1882. The remaining quotations
in this chapter are taken from the same article when no other reference
is given.
[195] _Vide_ a description of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Employees’
Relief Association, by B. J. Ramage, in the Johns Hopkins University
Studies in Historical and Political Science.
[196] The first four conditions are taken from the American translation
of Roscher; the fifth is translated by the author from a subsequent
German edition.
[197] Mehring, S. 80.
[198] Born in 1833.
[199] The Rev. Samuel A. Barnett mentions the following as socialistic
laws on the statute-book of England: “The Poor Law,” “The Education Act,”
“The Established Church,” “The Land Act,” and “The Libraries Act;” _vide_
his article on “Practicable Socialism” (_Nineteenth Century Magazine_,
April, 1883).
[200] Cf. Lev. xxv. and Deut. xv.
[201] “Munera Pulveris” (New York, 1872), pp. 141, 142.
[202] Cf. Wagner’s celebrated “Rede über die sociale Frage” (Berlin,
1872).
[203] _Vide_ Macaulay, “History of England.” Cf. article “Budget,” by
Spofford, in “Cyclopædia of Political Science,” in regard to increase of
expenses of various states.
[204] “Ueber einige Grundfragen des Rechts und der Volkswirthschaft”
(Jena, 1875).
[205] Quoted by Kaufmann in “Lamennais and Kingsley,” _Contemporary
Review_, April, 1882.
[206] “Paroles d’ un Croyant,” pp. 16-18.
[207] Alton Locke, ch. xli.
[208] Quoted from Kaufmann’s article.
[209] Dated Chester, October 6, 1882.
[210] “Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christenthum” (Mainz, 1864), Seite 112.
[211] He attributes the abolition of slavery to the Church.
[212] The Catholic Church in Germany has been instrumental in
establishing a large number of _Gesellenvereine_, or bachelors’ unions.
They resemble in many respects our Young Men’s Christian Associations.
[213] De Laveleye.
[214] Quoted by Kaufmann in his article on Lamennais and Kingsley, in the
_Contemporary Review_, April, 1882.
INDEX.
Adams, C. K., criticism on Louis Blanc’s “Histoire de la Révolution
Française,” 111.
Albert, colleague of Louis Blanc, 111.
Anarchists, Proudhon avows himself one of them, 135;
their prominent representatives in France, 146;
equality their doctrine, 147;
declaration of principles, 148;
separation from the International Workingmen’s Association, 185.
Antonelle, member of the Committee of Insurrection, 32.
Aristotle, defence of slavery, 176.
Association, to be established by leadership (Saint-Simon), 64;
the central idea of Fourierism, 91-99.
Babœuf, opposed to the _laissez-faire_ system, 12;
sketch of his career, 31;
connection with the Reign of Terror, 32;
execution, 33;
equality the leading idea of his system, 34;
equality be obtained by degrees, 36;
his scheme, 37;
a cheerless scheme, 38.
Bakounine, pessimist, leader of the Anarchists, 147;
leads the opposition to the old Internationalists at the Hague, 185.
Barnett, S. A., socialistic laws on the statute-book of England, _note_,
236.
Barrault, a Saint-Simonian, 72;
lectures in Alexandria, 78.
Baudet-Dulary, offers an estate for a trial of Fourierism, 101.
Bazard, separates from Enfantin, 65, 75;
a leader of the Saint-Simonians, 71.
Bebel, a supporter of Bismarck’s Insurance Bill, 220;
a disciple of Liebknecht, 230;
historical importance, 231.
Becker, president of the Laborers’ Union, 225, 226.
Bismarck, admiration for Lassalle, 196;
plans for universal suffrage, 212;
checks to social democrats, 216;
his determination, 217;
his Accident Insurance Bill, 218;
his plan to conquer social democracy, 219;
concessions, 219, 228;
his schemes in behalf of labor viewed with distrust, 220;
a member of an economic school, 235;
appreciation of Wagner, 243.
Black Hand of Spain, members of the International, 186.
Blanc, Charles, affection of Louis Blanc for, 115.
Blanc, Louis, an authority on the times of Louis Philippe, 34, _note_;
first state socialist, 109;
life, 109 _et seqq._;
“Organisation du Travail,” 110;
“Histoire de Dix Ans,” 110;
perceived the widening separation between the _bourgeoisie_ and the
fourth estate, 110;
“Histoire de la Révolution Française,” 111;
_droit au travail_, 112;
_ateliers sociaux_, 112, 119;
experiments, 112;
flight from France, 114;
character, 115;
social philosophy, 116;
evils of present society according to, 117;
suppression of misery by fraternity, 118;
his formula for the distribution of functions, 121;
of products, 122;
not an _égalitaire_, 122;
correspondence with Lassalle, 192 and _note_.
Blanqui, Adolphe, a Saint-Simonian, 72.
Blanqui, Auguste, founder of Blanquism, 145.
Blind, Karl, description of the appearance of Louis Blanc, 116;
no faith in Lassalle, 192, _note_.
Booth, A. J., criticism on Enfantin, 73;
statement regarding the Society for the Propagation, etc., of the
Theory of Fourier, 102 and _note_.
_Bourgeoisie_, the third estate, 4;
rise of, 7;
enmity of the poor against, 10;
separation from the fourth estate, 110;
growth of, inimical to feudalism, 177;
Lassalle’s indictment of, 195.
Brentano, a professorial socialist, 237.
Bright, his schemes called narrow by Kingsley, 249.
Brisbane, Albert, head of Fourierism in America, 107.
Brissot de Warville declares private property theft, but afterwards
defends it, 3.
Brook Farm, a Fourieristic experiment in America, 107.
Bucher, L., edits Lassalle’s “System of Acquired Rights,” 197.
Buchez, a Saint-Simonian, 72.
Buonarroti, connection with Babœuf, member of the committee of
insurrection, 32;
escapes to Switzerland, 33;
his history of the conspiracy of Babœuf, 33 and _note_, 34;
preaches Babouvism, 34.
Cabet, Étienne, career of, 39-42;
“Voyage en Icarie,” 40;
the Icarians at Nauvoo, 41;
division among the Icarians, 42;
letter of Albert Shaw concerning present condition of Icarians, 42-48;
the New Icarian Community, 44;
the Icarian Community, 46;
government and marriage among the Icarians, 48 and _note_, 51;
education, 49;
success, 49;
fraternity the principle of the Icarians, 50.
Carlyle, necessity of sympathy, 15;
the laborers need a leader, 63;
“History of the French Revolution,” 144.
Chevalier, Michel, a Saint-Simonian, 72;
imprisoned, 77;
proposal about the armies of Europe, 79.
Church, relation to people before the French Revolution, 6;
the Catholic before the Reformation, 62;
restraint of, 63;
duty of, 66;
Proudhon’s work on justice in, 132;
views of Malon, 154, 155;
an organizing power, 245;
remedies offered to laborers by, 260.
Civil service, in Prussia, 207;
need of reform in the United States; possible future dangers arising
from its prostitution, 223.
Cobden, Kingsley’s dislike of the plans of, 249.
Colins, an advocate of the nationalization of land, 150.
Collectivists, French socialists, and social democrats, 149;
are international, 150;
evolutionists, 150;
revolutionists, 151;
Guesde’s electoral programme, 152.
Commune, its nature explained, 20;
aims of the communists, 21;
the communal government, 22.
Communism, object, 1;
cosmopolitan, 3;
proper method of treatment, 14;
modern hatred of, 16;
modern fallacies about, 19;
not chargeable with the doings of the Commune, 20;
connection with atheism and free-love, 22;
opinions of Noyes and Rylance, 23 and _note_, 24;
not necessarily anti-Christian, 25;
included in socialism, 30;
schemes of, 30;
Babouvism, 34;
Icarians, 40;
to be preferred to the present state of society (Mill), 68;
objected to by Proudhon, 133, 137;
in France, 144;
movement of the social democrats towards, 206.
Comte, A., a pupil of Saint-Simon, 57 and _note_.
Considerant, Victor, presentation of Fourierism, 101, 103.
Co-operation, scheme of Lassalle, 189;
to replace competition, 250;
societies to promote, 251;
efforts of Hughes, 251;
letter of E. V. Neale, 252, 255;
Church can aid, 261.
Crises, one of the evils Rodbertus sought to abolish, 161;
state interference needed, 166;
Marx’s doctrine of, 181;
social democrats to abolish, 208.
Crosby, Dr. Howard, attitude of, towards laboring class, 28 and _note_.
Curtis, George William, 107.
Cuvier, a benefactor of Saint-Simon, 59.
Dana, Charles A., prominent among the Fourierists of America, 107.
Darthé, member of the committee of insurrection with Babœuf, 32.
David, teacher of music at Ménilmontant, 77;
afterwards at Alexandria, 78.
Debon, member of committee of insurrection, 32.
Democratic constitutions, pretence of lower classes in consequence of,
a condition productive of socialism, 224.
Depaepe, presentation of international collectivism, 150.
Diard supports Saint-Simon, 59.
Dickens treats of the laboring class, 11, _note_.
Didier, agent of the committee of insurrection, 32.
Distribution of products, complaints about, 1;
Babœuf favored equal, 36;
Saint-Simonians advocate, according to works, 64, 68, 71, 74, and
reject equal, 70;
Fourier’s doctrine of, 98, 99;
at Guise, 106;
Louis Blanc’s doctrine concerning, 122;
Proudhon’s, 140;
Rodbertus’s, 162;
Marx’s, 180;
social democrats, 205;
Mill’s plea for justice in, 238.
Division of labor, effects of, 8;
implies capital, 201;
extreme, a condition productive of socialistic movements, 222.
Dumas, Alexander, derives the idea of “Les Frères Corses” from Charles
and Louis Blanc, 115.
Dumay, candidate of the collectivists to succeed Gambetta, 151.
Economic programme of Guesde, 153.
Enfantin, leader of Saint-Simonism, 71;
character, 73;
views regarding marriage, 75;
retires to Ménilmontant, 76;
expedition to Egypt, 77;
Suez Canal due to him, 77;
director of Lyons Railway, 79.
Engels, “Condition of the Laboring Classes in England,” 158;
one of the founders of _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_, 171.
Equality, promised by agitators, 2;
Christian idea of underlying communism, 25;
idea of Babouvism, 34;
among Icarians, 50;
Saint-Simonians oppose, 64, 68, 70;
opposed by Louis Blanc, 122;
“community is inequality” (Proudhon), 133;
how obtained by Proudhon, 138;
of anarchists, 147, 149;
_égalité_ and _solidarité_ the watchwords of German social
democrats, 231.
Eudes, leader of the Blanquists, 145.
Feudalism, Thorold Rogers points out certain good features in, 5;
swept away by French Revolution, 6;
makes way for third estate, 177.
Fourier, opposed to _laissez-faire_ system, 12;
compared with Saint-Simon, 81;
life, 82 _et seqq._;
generous and truthful, 83;
influences leading him to a study of political economy, 83, 84;
his social scheme, 84, 91;
“La Théorie des Quatre Mouvements,” 84, 86;
Association at Versailles, 85;
“Traité de l’Association,” etc., 87;
use of figures, 87;
duration of the world, 88;
religious belief, 89;
“Nouveau Monde Industriel,” etc., 91;
classification of the passions, 92;
evils of modern civilization, 93;
phalanxes, 93;
beneficial effects of rivalry, 94;
scheme for paying the English debt with hens’ eggs, 95, 96;
evils of competition, 97;
Fourierism not so pure a socialism as Saint-Simonism, 98;
division of products, 98;
_unitéisme_, 99;
ideas about women, 100;
opposes violence, 100;
criticism of Kaufmann, 100;
adherents, 101;
Fourieristic experiments, 102;
experiment of Jean Godin, 103;
Fourierism in America, 106;
criticism on, 108;
principle of authority, 124.
Fournel, a Saint-Simonian, 72.
Free-trade school, comparison of, with German socialism, 158;
cosmopolitan tendency of, 187.
Freiligrath, one of the founders of the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_, 171;
farewell ode, 172.
French Revolution, chap. i.;
writers immediately preceding, 3;
the war of La Vendée, 5;
sweeps away feudal institutions, 6;
history of, by Louis Blanc, 111.
Fuller, Margaret, a leading spirit in the Brook Farm experiment, 107.
Gammond, Madame de, exposition of Fourierism, 101.
Gneist, Dr., is elected to the Assembly, 213.
Godin’s _Familistère_, 103;
extract from laws, 105.
Government, Babœuf’s idea of, 37;
among the Icarians, 48;
Saint-Simon’s idea of, 64;
Fourier’s, 99;
Louis Blanc’s opinion of, 117, 124;
Proudhon’s contempt for, 130;
anarchy is Proudhon’s ideal of, 134, 141;
opinion of the anarchists about, 148;
Lassalle’s idea, 193;
demands of the social democrats, 205, 208;
Wagner’s law of expenses of, 242.
Greeley, Horace, prominent among the Fourierists of America, 107.
Guesde, Jules, a revolutionary collectivist, 151;
his electoral programme, 152.
Guilds before the French Revolution, 4.
Guise, M. Godin’s experiment at, 103.
Harrison, F., view of existing French socialism, 143.
Hasselmann expelled from Social Democratic Party, 216.
Hatzfeldt, Countess Von, interest of Lassalle in the case of, 190, 197;
controls the Universal German Laborers’ Union, 225.
Held, Adolf, a professorial socialist, 237.
History, theory of, by Marx, 175.
Hughes, Thomas, a Christian socialist, 249;
co-operation to solve the labor question, 251;
letter of, about Christian socialism in England, 252.
Hugues, Clovis, a collectivist deputy, 154.
Humboldt, Von, admiration for Lassalle, 189.
Icarians, _vide_ Cabet.
Individualism, result of French Revolution, 7;
advice to the government, 29;
opinion of Louis Blanc about, 117;
individualistic socialism, 125;
attacked by Proudhon, 127.
Inheritance, rejected by Saint-Simonians, 69, 70, 80;
retained by Fourier, 98;
allowed by Proudhon, 134;
abolished by collectivists, 151;
doctrine of social democrats regarding, 207.
International Workingmen’s Association, members of the communal
government, 21;
law against, 114;
separation of Bakounine from, 146;
Guesde’s political programme demands the abolition of the law
against, 151;
based on social democratic principles, 188;
statutes, 183;
congresses, 184;
at the Hague, 185;
importance, 186;
possibilities of, 187.
Joffrin, a revolutionary collectivist, 152;
refuses to attend Louis Blanc’s funeral, 154.
Kaufmann, Schäffle’s socialism, 2;
on Lamennais, 12;
definition of socialism proper, 66;
merits of Fourierism, 100, 101.
Kayser, a defender of Bismarck’s Insurance Bill, 220.
Ketteler, Baron von, life, 257, 258;
character, 258;
doctrines, 258;
on marriage, 259;
remedies the Church offers to laborers, 260.
King, Edward, describes the affection of Louis Blanc for his brother
Charles, 115.
Kingsley, Charles, a Christian socialist, 249;
opinion of economic liberalism, 249, 250;
competition sinful, 250.
Knies’s opinion of Marx, 174.
Krapotkine, Prince, imprisoned on account of membership in the
International Workingmen’s Association, 114, 186;
a prominent anarchist, 146.
Kretzer, Max, novelist of the fourth estate, 11, _note_.
Laboring class, rise of, 7;
their novelist, 11, _note_;
decay of religion among, 24, _note_;
no permanent, in America as yet, 25;
prophecies of, 26;
Most’s method for the emancipation of, 27;
needs a leader, 63;
scheme of Fourier for, 93;
plans of Louis Blanc for, 112;
sympathy of Proudhon with, 128;
his plan for, 136;
opinion of De Laveleye, 154;
their share of products (Rodbertus), 164;
increasing misery of, 177;
statutes of the International Workingmen’s Association
concerning, 183, 184;
agitation of Lassalle for, 190, 194;
duration of life among, 201;
political influence of, in Germany to-day, 211;
plans of Bismarck for, 219, 220;
lesson taught them by the social democrats, 233;
alliance with the church, 245;
sympathy of Christian socialists for, 249;
legislation in behalf of, favored by Christian socialists, 257;
benefits offered by the Church, 260.
_Laissez-faire_ system, revolt against, 12;
the advice of the individualist, 29;
condemned by Louis Blanc, 117;
effect of, 163;
opinion of Rodbertus, 168.
Lamennais, De, distress at results of the French Revolution, 12;
sketch of his life, 245;
does not satisfy the church authorities, 246;
“Les Paroles d’un Croyant,” 246;
modern employers worse than early slave-owners, 247.
Lange, F. A., warnings of, to the progressists, 18;
his opinion of Marx, 174.
Lassalle, war-cries against capital, 2;
party of progress opposed to, 17;
his success attributed by Mehring to his enemies, 19;
account of the _ateliers sociaux_, 113;
life, 189 _et seqq._;
interest in Countess Von Hatzfeldt, 190;
agitation in favor of the laboring class, 190;
success of his writings, 191;
the “Iron Law of Wages,” 191, 197;
productive co-operative associations, 192;
leader of the Universal German Laborers’ Union, 194;
Bismarck’s appreciation of, 196;
father of social democracy, 210;
nominates Becker as his successor in the presidency of the laborers’
union, 225.
Laurent, a Saint-Simonian, 72.
Laveleye, De, “La Démocratie et l’Économie Politique,” 8, _note_;
“European Terror,” 150;
regards Christianity as the hope of the laboring class, 261.
Le Chevalier, Jules, a Fourierist, 102.
Ledru-Rollin, a colleague of Louis Blanc, 111.
Lepelletier, member of the Committee of Insurrection, 32.
Leroux, exponent of humanitarianism, 72.
Lesseps, De, inspired by Saint-Simonism, 55, 72;
Enfantin associated with, in agitation for the Suez Canal, 77.
Liebknecht moves the expulsion of Becker from the Universal German
Laborers’ Union, 226;
character, 228;
decides not to enter civil service, 229;
takes part in the revolution of 1848, 229;
interpreter of Marx, 230;
an extremist, 230.
Louis Philippe criticised by Louis Blanc, 110.
Ludlow, J. M,, describes causes of decay of religion among the
working-men, 24, _note_;
assists in forming co-operative societies in England, 251.
Luther accused of heresy by Saint-Simon, 64.
Mably compared with Babœuf, 31.
Macaulay mentions growth of state business in England, 242, _note_.
Malon, B., a collectivist, 150;
description of present tendencies of French socialism, 154.
Manchester school, sympathy of the party of progress with, 17;
attacked by professorial socialists, 240;
indignation of Christian socialists at, 249.
Maréchal, member of the Committee of Insurrection, 32;
prepared the “Manifesto of the Equals,” 33.
Marie, M., wishes to discredit Louis Blanc with the laborers, 112.
Marlo, “System of World Economy,” 158.
Marriage, absence of, among the Shakers, 23, _note_;
among the Icarians, 48 and _note_, 51;
among the Saint-Simonians, 71;
Enfantin’s views regarding, 75;
Fourier’s, 100;
Von Ketteler’s, 259.
Marx, Karl, indictment against liberalism, 13;
indebtedness to Proudhon and Rodbertus, 129, _note_;
his views adopted by the collectivists, 140;
life, 170 _et seqq._;
“Das Kapital,” the Bible of the social democrats, 172, 173;
his ability, 174;
meetings after his death, 174, 175;
theory of history, 175;
doctrine of value, 178;
labor-time the measure of value, 179;
head of the International, 185;
enmity of Becker for, 226.
Maurice, Frederick, a Christian socialist, 249;
takes part in the formation of co-operative societies in England, 251.
Mehring, on the misery of the poor, 10;
“History of Social Democracy in Germany,” 17;
on the relations between Progressists and the social democrats, 18;
his opinion of Liebknecht, 228.
Meyer, R., on socialism in France since Proudhon, 143;
estimate of German socialists, 157.
Mill, John Stuart, objects to present method of distributing economic
goods, 67;
exposition of Ricardo’s law of wages, 199;
a professorial socialist, 238.
Morality, state of, after French Revolution, 10;
to be derived from principle of fraternity, according to
Saint-Simon, 65;
decay of among laboring class as productive of socialistic
movements, 224.
More, Sir Thomas, his “Utopia” socialistic, 3;
character of, 20;
inspired Cabet, 40.
Morelly, “Code de la Nature” the inspiration of Babœuf, 34.
Morley on Rousseau’s social ideas, 4;
on Comte’s relation to Saint-Simon, 57, _note_.
Most, lecture in Baltimore, 27, 232;
expelled from the social democratic convention, 216.
Muiron, adherent of Fourier, 101.
Müller, Adam, head of the romantic party, against liberalism, 12, 13.
Mutualism, Proudhon’s scheme, 136.
Neale, E. V., letter about the Christian social efforts of Maurice,
Kingsley, Hughes, etc., and co-operation in England, 252-258.
Nordhoff criticises Cabet, 41.
Noyes thinks “familism” and communism antagonistic, 23, _note_;
on Fourieristic experiments in America, 107.
Nuremberg contains magnificent remains of mediæval civilization, 6.
Owen, Robert, character of, 20;
representative of English communism, 31, _note_;
does not encourage Fourier, 85.
Parisian mob of 1871, 20.
Pauperism one of the evils Rodbertus sought to abolish, 161;
abolition of requires state interference, according to Rodbertus, 166.
Pellarin, Charles, biographer of Fourier, 102 and _note_.
Peron, one of the Icarians, 46, 48.
Peters, H., values the average work of a laborer in the building
trade, 167.
Plato, his “Republic” socialistic, 3;
not a demagogue, 20;
idea of slavery, 176.
Political programme of Guesde, 153.
Progressists, their contest with Lassalle; defection of laborers
from, 18.
Proletarians, men without property, 4;
Saint-Simonism first expression of, 80;
mentioned in Guesde’s electoral programme, 152;
Malon’s opinion about, 154;
call of Marx to the, 171;
growing importance of, 177;
will return to Christianity when they understand its true mission
(De Laveleye), 261.
Proudhon, life, 125-130;
study of theology, 125;
his work on the observation of Sunday, 126;
studies political economy, 127;
importance of “Qu’est-ce que la Propriété?” 127-129;
hatred of rich, 128;
discouraged visionary projects, 129;
“Système des Contradictions Économiques,” etc., 130;
a destroyer, 130;
combats other systems, 129, 131;
failure of his bank designed for the benefit of the laborers, 131, 136;
ideas on property, 132;
anarchy his ideal of government, 134;
mutualism, 136;
rejects communism, 137;
how equality is to be obtained, 138;
anarchic equality, 139;
_résumé_ of his system, 140;
his honesty of purpose, 141.
Reybaud introduces the word socialist, 29, _note_;
“Études sur les Réformateurs,” 34, _note_;
description of the death of Saint-Simon, 61.
Ricardo, estimation of, by German socialists, 157;
law of wages, 191, 197, 199.
Rich, confrontation of, by poor productive of socialistic movements, 221.
Ripley, George, one of the leading spirits in the Brook Farm
experiment, 107.
Rochdale, co-operative experiment at, 253.
Rodbertus, Karl, life, 159;
representative of pure theoretical socialism, 159;
compared with Ricardo, 160;
his writings, 160;
describes pauperism and crises as the great social evils, 161;
his starting-point is his conception of labor, 161;
the cause of pauperism and crises, 162;
evils of the _laissez-faire_ system, 163;
division of products, 164;
pauperism and panics to be banished by state interference, 166;
his influence, 169;
correspondence with Lassalle, 192.
Rodrigues chosen by Saint-Simon as his successor, 71.
Rogers, Thorold, points out certain good features in feudalism, 5.
Roscher, criticism on German socialism, 158;
offenses punishable with death in the army, 209;
conditions productive of socialistic movements, 221;
elevates man to the central position in economic science, 244.
Rossi, Pellegrino, instructor of Proudhon, 127.
Rothschild, his refutation of communism, 35.
Rousseau, opinions about property, 3.
Ruskin, complains of a lack of patriotism in money matters, 239.
Rylance, Dr. J. H., “Lectures on Social Questions,” 17;
relation between socialism and Christianity, 24.
Sacred College of Apostles founded by Saint-Simonians, 74.
Saint-Simon, opposed to the _laissez-faire_ system, 12;
life, 53 _et seqq._;
in America, 54;
life purpose, 55;
Mexico, Panama Canal scheme, 55;
president of the commune, 56;
imprisonment, 56;
teacher of Comte, 57;
destitution, 58;
writings, 59;
obtains a pension, 60;
“Nouveau Christianisme,” 60;
doctrines, 62;
teaches the need of authority, 63;
association, 64;
revolution injurious, 64;
economic and social organizations, 66;
a representative of pure socialism, 66;
state property _versus_ private property, 68;
society to be organized as an army, 68;
his followers, the Saint-Simonians, accused of advocating communism of
wives and property, 69;
they reject inheritance, 69;
their views regarding women, 71;
their costume, 75;
schism among them, 75;
Ménilmontant, 76;
beneficial results of Saint-Simonism, 79;
Saint-Simon compared with Fourier, 81;
contempt of Saint-Simonians for Fourier, 85;
Saint-Simon’s rank among French socialists, 108.
Savigny, opinion concerning “Das System der erworbenen Rechte” of
Lassalle, 190.
Schäffle, his “Socialism as Presented by Kaufmann,” describes war-cries
against capital as modern, 2;
considers communists as not necessarily anti-Christian, 25;
criticism on Fourier, 100;
his “Quintessence of Socialism,” 150;
took him years to understand German socialism, 156.
Schmoller, a professorial socialist, 237;
definition of state, 241;
his open letter to Professor von Treitschke, 243.
Schweitzer, Von, president of the Universal German Laborers’ Union, 226;
his life, 226, 227;
withdrawal from the social democrats, 227.
Shakers referred to by Noyes in the question of “familism” _versus_
socialism, 23, _note_.
Shaw, Albert, his letter on present condition of the Icarians, 42-48.
Sismondi, purpose of the poor and rich in labor, 9.
Slaney introduces in Parliament a bill which becomes the law of
industrial societies in England, 254.
Smalley, G. W., eulogy on Louis Blanc’s character, 116.
Smith, Adam, regards economic goods only as products of labor, 161;
the wages of labor, 202.
Social democrats, views of, concerning the crimes of the rich, 11;
Mehring’s history of, in Germany, 17;
irreligious attitude of, 23;
one of the divisions of communism and socialism, 30, 169;
the collectivists are social democrats, 149;
are international, 150;
admit the necessity of land and capital, 168;
Marx their leading theoretician, 170;
“Das Kapital” the Bible of, 173;
Lassalle their leading agitator, 189;
rise of, 194, 203;
doctrines, 197;
extremists, 204;
characteristics, 204;
demands, 205;
some beneficial doctrines, 205;
movement towards communism, 206;
their programme involves army discipline, 209;
since the death of Lassalle, 211;
universal suffrage, 211;
number of their votes for the members of the Reichstag, 213;
blamed for attempts on the life of the emperor, 214;
congress at Wyden, 1880, 215;
at Copenhagen, 1883, 216;
grounds of their discontent, 216;
internal history of the party after Lassalle’s death, 225;
the Laborers’ Union, 225;
Social Democratic Labor Party, 227;
change in since Lassalle, 231;
violence thought necessary, 232;
connection with attempts on the life of the emperor, 233;
compared with early Christians, 233.
Socialism, object, 1;
peculiarities of modern schemes, 2;
cosmopolitan, 3;
older schemes, 4;
before the French Revolution, 4;
taught the necessity of new forms of society after the French
Revolution, 13;
proper method of treatment, 14;
hatred of most authors for, 16;
opposed to individualism, 29;
distinguished from communism, 30;
modern schemes of, 30;
Saint-Simonism _vide_ Saint-Simon, Fourierism _vide_ Fourier,
connection with politics, 109;
principle of authority, 124;
Proudhon, 124;
in France since Proudhon, 143;
cause of French, 143;
existing French, 144;
Blanquists, 145;
anarchists, 146;
nihilism, 146;
anarchists believe in collectivism, 149;
collectivists, 150;
classical epoch-making is to-day German, 156;
vitality of German, 156;
German, like French, is negative, 157;
adherents of German school of, 158;
Rodbertus, 159;
classification of German, 169;
Marx, 170;
International Workingmen’s Association, 183;
Lassalle, 189;
conditions productive of, 221;
Bismarck’s measures, 235;
professorial, 236;
belief of professorial, 236, 241;
mosaic legislation, 237;
formation of party of professorial socialists, 237;
Mill’s statement of doctrines of professorial, 238;
convention at Eisenach in 1872, 240;
questions discussed, 240;
exaltation of the state by professorial, 241;
Wagner’s law of expenditures of government, 242;
accomplishment of Wagner’s ideal, 243;
professorial repudiates self-interest, 243;
De Lamennais and Christian, 245;
Christian, in England, 249;
co-operative societies, 251;
letter of Mr. Neale, 252-255;
two divisions of Christian, 256;
Protestant Christian, 256;
Catholic Christian, 257.
Stein, Von, describes Saint-Simon’s historical importance, 79, 80;
comparison between Fourier and Saint-Simon, 81;
comparison between the classification of the passions by Fourier
and that by Pythagoras and Bossuet, 92, _note_.
Stöcker, a leader of Protestant Christian Socialism in Germany, 256.
Strikes, to be reported to the congresses of the International
Workingmen’s Association, 184;
to be abolished by the Social Democrats, 209.
Sumner, Charles, opinion of Louis Blanc’s “Histoire de la Révolution
Française,” 111.
Sybel, Von, History of the French Revolution, 6, _note_, 33, _note_.
Taine, “Ancient Régime,” 6, _note_.
Thomas, Émile, manager of the _ateliers nationaux_, 112.
Todt, Dr., a leader of Protestant Christian Socialism, 256.
Treitschke, Von, attacks the professorial socialists, 243.
Union for social politics, formation of, 240.
Universal German Laborers’ Union, formation of, 194;
demanded universal and equal suffrage, 212;
since Lassalle, 225;
its presidents, 226;
presidency of Von Schweitzer, 227.
Value, Marx’s doctrine of, presented by Proudhon, 129;
is found in “Das Kapital,” 178.
Vigoureux, Madame Clarisse, a Fourierist, 102.
Wages, Iron Law of, significance of, 191;
Lassalle’s statement of, 197;
Mill’s statement of, 199;
accepted by Von Ketteler, 258.
Wagner, opinion of Rodbertus, 159;
a professorial socialist, 169;
leader of the professorial socialists, 237;
his law of expenditures of government, 242.
Walker, F. A., proper method of dealing with social questions, 16.
Weitling, alleged dependence of Lassalle upon, 19.
Wolff, one of the founders of _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_, 171.
Workshops, Louis Blanc’s system of, 112, 113, 119-122, 192.
THE END.
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