THE INTERNATIONAL WORKINGMEN’S ASSOCIATION.
The International Workingmen’s Association (_Internationale
Arbeiterassociation_) is a society based on social democratic
principles, and intended to embrace all the laborers of Christendom. The
Internationalists believe that working-men, having nothing to hope from
the higher classes, must fight out their own emancipation. They hold,
also, that the interests of labor throughout the civilized world are so
vitally connected, that it is necessary for all lands to march together.
They are thoroughgoing cosmopolitans.
The following permanent “statutes” (by-laws) were adopted at its first
meeting in London, September, 1864, and confirmed at its congress in
Geneva in 1866:
“In consideration that the emancipation of the laboring classes
must be accomplished by the laboring classes, that the battle
for the emancipation of the laboring classes does not signify
a battle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal
rights and duties, and the abolition of class rule;
“That the economic dependence of the laboring man upon the
monopolist of the implements of work, the sources of life,
forms the basis of every kind of servitude, of social misery,
of spiritual degradation, and political dependence;
“That, therefore, the economic emancipation of the laboring
classes is the great end to which every political movement must
be subordinated as a simple auxiliary;
“That all exertions which, up to this time, have been directed
towards the attainment of this end, have failed on account of
the want of solidarity between the various branches of labor
in every land, and by reason of the absence of a brotherly bond
of unity between the laboring classes of different countries;
“That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a
national, but a social, problem, which embraces all countries
in which modern society exists, and whose solution depends upon
the practical and theoretical co-operation of the most advanced
lands;
“That the present awakening of the laboring classes in the
industrial lands of Europe gives occasion for new hope, but at
the same time contains a solemn warning not to fall back into
old errors, and demands an immediate union of the movements not
yet united;
“——, in consideration of all these circumstances, the First
International Labor Congress declares that the International
Workingmen’s Association, and all societies and individuals
belonging to it, recognize truth, right, and morality as
the basis of their conduct towards one another and their
fellow-men, without respect to color, creed, or nationality.
This congress regards it as the duty of man to demand the
rights of a man and citizen, not only for himself, but for
every one who does his duty. No rights without duties; no
duties without rights.”
The International resolved to hold yearly congresses. Its members have
met at Geneva at least twice, at Basle, at Lausanne, at the Hague,
and other places. It is not necessary to give the history of these
different meetings, as they were all of one general character.[179] Their
importance consists in the repeated emphasis given to the thought of the
oneness of the interests of laborers in all civilized states. Delegates
at the congresses gave reports of progress, of strikes, reductions in
labor-time, and of all matters likely to interest the working classes.
Measures for continuing the propaganda more successfully were discussed.
The congress at the Hague in 1872 is more important than the others,
as it witnessed a split in the ranks of the Internationalists. The
original International stood under the influence of Marx, who was the
guiding spirit of its general council, with its seat at London. The whole
arrangement was that of a strong government. Some were envious of Marx,
and others—the Anarchists—objected to the principles of the organization.
Bakounine led the opposition, and a new International was formed, based
on anarchic principles. Instead of a General Council, they instituted
a Federal Council. The Internationalists of the country where the next
congress was to be held carried on the correspondence with the various
societies, gathered statistics, etc. Thus, their leading body, their
central organ (not authority), changed from year to year. Each land was
left free to conduct its agitation in its own way, and every individual
atom, _i.e._, local organization, was left free to come and go as it
pleased. The Anarchists, and other adherents of this newer branch, made
strenuous efforts to spread their organization, and were particularly
successful in Spain, where Bakounine was their representative. Both
Internationals held congresses in Geneva in 1873.
It is often supposed that the International is dead. This is a great
mistake. The formal organization of the old International was dissolved
in 1875; but the original spirit survived. I am much inclined to
think that the association founded by Bakounine has still a formal
organization, but, however that may be, the International to all intents
and purposes is stronger to-day than it ever was before.
Membership in the International is one of the conditions of membership
in the revolutionary organization of the Black Hand in Spain.[180]
Prince Krapotkine and others were this year condemned to imprisonment
for belonging to an International Association of Laborers, and to-day
organizations are being formed in America, with the title of Branches
of the International Association of Laborers. At the great mass meeting
held in Cooper Union to honor the memory of Karl Marx, March 19, 1883,
speeches were delivered in English, German, Russian, and other languages,
to illustrate the spirit of the International, and to impress upon
laborers the fact that at such a time no differences existed between
them due to the accident of nationality. One of the speakers declared
triumphantly to the audience that the spectacle they were then witnessing
was conclusive proof that the International still lived. He was right.
The International has caused the governments of Europe no inconsiderable
alarm at various times, and it is likely that its importance has been
overrated. Still it must be acknowledged that the existence of such a
society, presided over by a man of undoubted ability, spreading itself
over Europe and America, was in itself a significant fact. Its importance
must by no means be estimated by the number of its declared adherents or
the attendance at its congresses. Where one laborer avows himself openly
an Internationalist, we may be sure that there are twenty holding like
views who conceal them from motives of policy. Moreover, the society is
still in its infancy. It may yet play a _rôle_ in the world’s history.
At present, the International appears like a little cloud on the
horizon, no larger than a man’s hand, but it is possible that it points
to growths and formations which in the future shall darken the heavens
with black and heavy clouds. It is possible, it foreshadows a tragedy of
world-wide import, which shall make all the cruelty and terror of the
French Revolution sink into utter insignificance. It is possible, it
portends the destruction of old, antiquated institutions, and the birth
of a new civilization in a night of darkness and horror, in which the
roll of thunder shall shake the earth’s foundations, and the vivid glare
of lightning shall reveal a carnival of bloodshed and slaughter.
These are all possibilities, but let us trust that they are not
probabilities. The International Workingmen’s Association is one
of many signs which gives us reason to hope for a continued growth
of international relations; and this growth may terminate in that
longed-for internationalism, which shall lead to the formation of a
world-organization, guaranteeing to the nations of the earth perpetual
peace. There are numerous evidences of this development, of which
the following are a few examples; the international postal union,
international congresses, international courts of arbitration, and the
efforts to establish international factory legislation. It was once hoped
that free-trade would help on the good work by knitting nation to nation
so firmly that they would realize the identity of their interests. In
this people have been disappointed. Free-trade has united, perhaps, a few
great merchants and manufacturers, and led to cosmopolitan feelings among
the wealthier classes. The masses have never been affected by questions
of international commerce. It may be that an international union between
the laborers of all lands will finally force upon men the recognition
of the folly and crime of war, and will bring to pass that peace and
good-will among men prophesied so long ago.