CHAPTER II.

ROME--THE GERMAN BROTHERHOOD.

The biographies of artists, proverbially picturesque, present few scenes

more pleasant to look on than the early years in Rome of the Brotherhood

of German Painters, of whom Overbeck and his friend Cornelius were the

leaders. Exiles in some sort from their native land, they entered Italy

as pilgrims, and were not far from suffering as martyrs. They were

devout, hard-working, and withal poor. They had been drawn from distant

cities to Rome as a common focus, and there they severed themselves from

ignoble present times, and abiding quietly amid ancient monuments and

sacred shrines, sought to make the days of old live anew. So congenial

did Rome prove to Overbeck, that he could hardly be induced to sever

himself from the city or its neighbourhood over a space of more than

fifty years. The task he assigned to himself was arduous: how he went to

work and accomplished his mission I shall try to show.

Overbeck, in company with his brother artists, Pforr, Vogel and

Hottinger, having in Vienna cast off all fetters, entered Rome as

freemen in 1810. A year later Cornelius, as a young Hercules, came upon

the scene; he had fought his way from Düsseldorf; like Overbeck, he had

found the Academy a burden and a snare, and he betook himself to Italy

for deliverance. Then began that closest friendship between the two

painters which, lasting for more than half a century, was severed only

by death. Cornelius, writing to his friend Mosler, describes the German

Brotherhood in Rome, and adds: "Overbeck from Lübeck is the one who by

the gentleness and nobility of his soul draws all around him; he

inspires them to everything true and beautiful. May be he is the

greatest artist now living: you would be astonished if you could see him

at his work. Yet he is the most humble and retiring of men." If Overbeck

were as a lamb, surely Cornelius was a lion, each indeed supplied what

was lacking in the other. Cornelius in after years said to Rudolf

Lehmann, "I am the man, he is the woman." And it may strike the mind as

a singular coincidence, or rather as a benignant disposition of

Providence, that at sundry turning-points in the world's history, two

men the opposites the one of the other have been conjoined, as if for

the better accomplishment of the work to be done. We may recall, in art,

Raphael and Michelangelo; in religion, St. John and St. Peter,

Melanchthon and Luther; and in philosophy, Plato and Aristotle. At the

risk of pushing the analogy too far, it may be added that Cornelius was

positive as Aristotle, impetuous as St. Peter and Luther, defiant as

Michelangelo; while in contrast, Overbeck shared with Plato idealism,

with St. John love, with Melanchthon gentleness, and with Raphael grace.

The German colony of pre-Raphaelite painters in Rome grew, and in after

years came accessions almost unintermittingly.[1] Within the first

twelve months were gathered together, as we have seen, Overbeck,

Cornelius, Pforr, Vogel and Hottinger. Soon followed the brothers

Wilhelm and Rudolf Schadow: to these must be added Koch, Wintergerst,

Sutter, Mosler, Veit, Schnorr, Eggers, Platner, and others. Later came

Joseph Führich, who literally worshipped the ground on which Overbeck

stood. Edward Steinle, of a younger generation, was also a bosom friend

of the painter. Later still arrived young zealots from Düsseldorf, where

Schadow had established the renowned school of religious art. The best

known of these disciples are Ernst Deger, Franz Ittenbach, and the

brothers Andreas and Carl Müller. After sitting at the feet of Overbeck

in Rome, it was their privilege to paint the chapel at Remagen on the

Rhine: these frescoes are accepted as among the most beauteous

manifestations of the master's teachings. This brief epitome anticipates

the story of years. In the course of a long life it was the good fortune

of Overbeck to witness the growth into a large tree of the grain of

mustard-seed he had cast into the earth.

The Brethren found congenial habitation in the old Franciscan convent of

Sant' Isidoro on the Pincian Hill. The picturesque monks having been

turned out by Napoleon, the German colony became tenants at a yearly

rental, and held in quietude the dormitories, also larger rooms which

served as studios, until the fall of the First Empire, when the

monastery once more reverted to the Mendicant Friars, by whom it is

still occupied. A few years since, the Superior of the Order politely

showed the present writer over the ecclesiastical establishment, now, as

formerly, devoted to charitable works. Time has brought little change in

the cells, the refectory, or in the large hall used for religious

teaching. Other rooms, great and small, are ranged round a cloister

enclosing a garden still fragrant with orange-blossoms as in the days of

Overbeck and Cornelius. Here, amid sacred associations and venerable

monuments, did these devoted students build up the new art, and when the

day's work was ended, they mounted at eventide the lofty Belvedere,

commanding a panorama of which, even in Rome, are few equals. From

neighbouring campanili, vesper bells sound a chorus in the bright

Italian sky, and beneath the eye stretches, as a prairie of the old

world, the wide Campagna, spanned by broken viaducts and bounded by the

blue Alban hills. Through the panorama winds the golden Tiber, guarded

by the Castle of St. Angelo and St. Peter's, and around and below lie

Monte Mario, the pine-clad Pincian, the Villa Medici, and the ilex

groves of the Ludovisi. The scene was inspiring, yet not without shadow

of melancholy; the Capitol had fallen into the hands of the stranger,

but the spirit of Dante fired the dauntless young men; they turned from

the present to the past, "imagination restored the empire that had been

lost," and though "calamity afflicted the country, they believed that

God had not forsaken the people."

Overbeck is known to have been deeply penetrated by the beauties of the

Italian sky and landscape. After sufferance of the rigours of northern

winters, mind and body expanded under the sun of the genial south. In

spring-time came days serene as his own spirit, giving to nature the

re-birth he sought for art; the clear horizon carried thought to a world

beyond; and in the deep blue above floated such clouds as had served the

old pre-Raphaelites with the thrones and footstools of saints and

angels. Overbeck did not, as the masters of the decadence, shroud his

compositions in backgrounds of impenetrable darkness, but flooded the

canvas with the light of the Italian heavens, and like the early

painters, placed holy people in the midst of such beauties of nature as

tranquillise and elevate the mind. And his sympathetic eye was not only

open to scenes which served as distances, he watched in the gardens of

the Roman villas the springing flowers, and made careful studies of

mossy, jewelled foregrounds which served as carpeting for the feet of

his Madonnas. Having turned his back on the Fatherland, his pictures

bear no memories of black forests or frowning Harzburg mountains, and he

became so thoroughly Italianised that he seated Holy Families on the

borders of the Thrasymene Lake, and placed saints within sight of Mount

Soracte! Like all true artists, he painted what he saw; as his

predecessors, he gathered in daily walks the accessories he needed. Fra

Angelico had painted at Fiesole, Francia at Bologna, Perugino at

Perugia, Pinturicchio at Spello and Siena, and each in turn, like

Overbeck, made the surrounding scenery serve as accompaniments to figure

compositions. Nature was to all these painters a great teacher; her

presences were healing powers, and they left out all the storms and

discords, and like our poet Wordsworth, brought her forms and aspects

into harmony with tranquil living. Yet the Brethren from their monastic

abode in Sant' Isidoro looked upon the outer world with sympathies as

diverse as their individual characters. When Cornelius took his walks

abroad, he crossed the Tiber to visit the _Last Judgment_ of

Michelangelo. Overbeck's steps lay in an opposite direction; he passed

by the church of Sta. Maria Maggiore, looked in for the sake of the old

mosaics, and then wended his solitary way to Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme,

to pay his devotions before the frescoes commemorative of the discovery

by St. Helena of the true Cross. Here, in lovely surroundings, nature

blended in unison with art, he looked on the blue hills and the calm

sky, and thanked God Italy was his home.

The mode of living adopted within the cells and refectory of Sant'

Isidoro naturally savoured of the monastic: it combined appropriately

society with solitude. The habit of the Brethren was to take meals

together at a common table, and to work separately each in his private

painting-room. The refectory served as a common hall for study and for

drawing from the model. The rule obtained in the establishment that the

provisioning and housekeeping should be taken in rotation by each, one

week at a time, and it is said that Overbeck had so far a sense of

creature comforts that he complained that one of the Brothers was

accustomed to put too much water into the broth! On Sundays the work

relaxed or ceased wholly, and the wholesome practice prevailed of

bringing together the products of the week for criticism with the end to

mutual improvement: many grave observations and lively pleasantries

passed from one to the other, Overbeck usually in his modest way acting

the part of mentor. "No one," writes Schadow, "who saw or heard him

speak, could question his purity of motive, his deep insight and

abounding knowledge: he is a treasury of art and poetry and a saintly

man." Overbeck had stoutly defended the adopted course of study which

others condemned. "What," he asked, "has been our crime? It is in great

measure that we have striven after a severe outline, in opposition to

the loose, cloudy, washed-out manner of the day. Is not this an

endeavour after truth?" But such studies, while filling portfolios,

brought no grist to the mill. And the historian Niebuhr, an anxious

friend, confesses that these devoted men "were hard put to it for their

daily bread," yet never has a confraternity of artists more nearly

approached an ideal. No vow was actually taken, the bond was simply

voluntary; thus Overbeck expressly states, "with the greatest concord

among us as to the fundamental principles of art, each goes on his own

way."

The attitude assumed almost of necessity provoked opposition, even

ridicule. The assumption was made of superiority, the tone grew even

assailant; Correggio, Guido, Guercino, and Domenichino, with all

post-Raphaelites, were denounced, and not only was it declared, "We are

right," but it was added, "You are wrong." The Brethren personally laid

themselves open to attack; they were not free from the affectations of

youth, they made themselves conspicuous by long hair and strange

costume, and through their exclusiveness and sanctity won as their

nickname the epithet of "Nazarites." Other designations were less

characteristic; simply descriptive are such terms as "pre-Raphaelites,"

"the new-old School," "the German-Roman artists," "the Church-Romantic

painters," "the German patriotic and religious painters." But all

trivial imputations weigh lightly when set in the balance against solid

work and holy living. The earnest devotees in the long run silenced evil

tongues and won respect and a good name. Niebuhr, ambassador and

historian, by no means a blind apologist, describing the art society of

the day, writes: "The painters in Rome are divided by a broad line of

demarcation into two parties--the one consisting of our friends and

their adherents, the other of the united phalanx of those who are of the

world, a set who intrigue and lie and backbite; they intend there shall

not be light, come what will. The former are exemplary in their lives;

the latter display the old licentiousness which characterised the German

artists in Rome thirty years ago. Happily, at the present moment, the

more talented of the newcomers are ranged on the side of our friends. It

is a hopeful sign that some foreigners, and even Italians, are beginning

to pay attention to their works." Overbeck and his more immediate

associates were indeed, in the best sense of the term, "purists" and

"pietists," and held vitally to the maxim that they who would know of a

doctrine must live out the doctrine. On no other conditions was it

possible to accomplish their mission--the regeneration of art. The

schools around them had fallen in great measure through lack of

sincerity and truth; they in contrast believed as our English Bishop

Butler taught, that conscience is the ruling faculty in the human mind.

The style of art dominant in Rome during Overbeck's early residence did

not materially differ from that which he had left behind him in Vienna.

The Director, in fact, of the Viennese Academy had in youth won the

prize of Rome, and there became the representative of the prevailing

decadence. Among the Italians, Battoni, following in the footsteps of

Carlo Maratti, was not without the grace and the beauty of Correggio and

Guido. Descending a generation later, Overbeck found among his

contemporaries Pietro Benvenuto, one of the most distinguished adherents

of the school of David: whose masterpiece in Arezzo Cathedral has justly

been designated "one of the finest productions of modern art." These

were not men to be wholly despised. Furthermore it is to be remembered,

as before indicated, that the Germans, in a generation only just passed

away, had here in Rome formed a learned school based on the antique;

Lessing, in his treatise, the 'Laocoon,' and Winckelmann, by his

criticisms on the marbles of the Vatican, had induced a new Classic

Renaissance. The painter Raphael Mengs, thus guided, appropriately

executed in the Villa Albani the famous fresco of _Apollo and the Nine

Muses on Mount Parnassus_. Again, here are men and manifestations not to

be disdained. But for such art Overbeck, as we have seen, cherished

inveterate antipathy: whether he was absolutely right, impartial

critics, founding a judgment on a wide historic basis, will hesitate to

determine. The correct verdict probably is that each school is good of

its kind, that the one possesses merits distinctive of the other, and

that it is well for the world that every mode of thought should in turn

obtain the fullest and highest manifestation. But Overbeck's vision was

too intently focussed on one point to perceive that his sphere was but a

segment, a part, though by no means an unimportant part, of the greater

whole. The classic movement, against which he set his face steadily, was

not to be easily annihilated; it survived in Rome in such illustrious

representatives as Canova, Thorwaldsen and Gibson. But Overbeck grew

more and more the recluse; he shortly became a proselyte to the Romish

Church, shut himself out from other associations, and thus after a time

devoted his pencil exclusively to Christian Art.

The early pictures and drawings executed in Rome carry out the painter's

resolve. To this first period belong: _The Adoration of the Kings_

(1811), _Jesus in the House of Martha and Mary_ (1812), _The Preaching

of St. John_, _The Raising of Lazarus_, _The Entombment_, _Christ

Blessing Little Children_, _The Holy Family_, _Ave Maria, Blessed art

thou among Women_, also a portrait of Vittoria Caldoni.[2] The first

commission received by the struggling painter came from Queen Caroline

of Bavaria for _The Adoration of the Kings_, in oils. The Queen had

written to Rome saying that she wished for a picture by the young

artist; that as to the price, a hard bargain need not be driven, for

when one gains a beautiful work, the cost cannot be regretted. Overbeck,

on receiving the good news, writes, December 16, 1811, "I was so

overpowered with joy that I could not bring out a syllable. The affair

moves me all the more because I had not dreamt of it. What can be the

cause of my good fortune? Happy day! I shall think of it as long as I

live: to the Lord be the praise." Four days later he writes to

Lübeck:--"What joy! I can now relieve my parents from further burden.

This is the moment so long wished for. Henceforth and for ever I am a

man and an independent artist in the workshop, free as a king over the

boundless domain of fantasy to create a beautiful world."

The maxim that correct drawing lies at the foundation of all true art

was maintained by the Brotherhood through both precept and example.

Overbeck first mastered form, he trained his hand to outline; next he

learnt the principles of composition, that is the power of combining

separate parts into a connected whole; lastly, he added colour, but

rather as an accessory than an essential. Hence his water-colours and

even his oil-pictures are often little more than tinted drawings. In the

first Roman period, that is up to about the year 1820, when the age of

thirty had been reached, we find the artist in full possession of the

faculty of expressing his ideas at the point of his pencil. Of this

happy facility many examples have come before me: one especially, at

Stift Neuburg, _The Raising of Jairus's Daughter_ (1814); another,

almost a replica of the last, delicately washed with colour, in the

private collection of Herr Malss, of the Städel Institute, Frankfort. I

note with admiration the precision and subtlety of the form, especially

in the hands and feet. The work, though small in scale (1 ft. 3 in. by

1 ft.), is large in manner, the treatment being that of the Great

Masters as distinguished from the Small Masters. Overbeck, who was on

intimate terms with the family of Director Malss, said that he wished

they should have a work as perfect as he could make it: verily he

realised his endeavour. Belonging to the same period, I find in another

private collection in Frankfort a portrait in delicate pencilling of a

young girl of about eighteen; the hair is in close curls all round the

head, the necklace is marked with utmost detail. Perhaps I have not laid

sufficient stress on the truth and rectitude of Overbeck's work, as

seen, for instance, in the _Head of an Old Monk_ among the drawings of

the National Gallery, Berlin. This is so close to nature that a

deformity in one ear has been conscientiously registered. The handling

here is masterly, the touch firm and strong; the play of lines in the

hatchings proves a free hand and a facile turn of the wrist. Also may be

mentioned, for incidents taken from the life, a remarkable composition

at Stift Neuburg, _The Feeding of the Hungry_. Close to nature are these

transcripts of the poor, the needy, and aged, one advancing on crutches

to receive bounty; and over all presides the spirit of beauty and

charity. Also in the same collection is a triptych, wherein angels and

cherubs appear: this is among the earliest examples of the intervention

of the supernatural. Overbeck was not the man to rush in where angels

fear to tread. Likewise among Biblical subjects, I find in the National

Gallery, Berlin, _The Creation of Adam and Eve_, and _The Expulsion from

Paradise_. Here the delineation of the undraped figure proves absolute

knowledge, and shows, as before said, that the usual course of drawing

from the nude had been gone through. The point indeed need not be

discussed further, as Schadow expressly states that Overbeck's drawings

from the nude as well as from the draped figure were, for subtlety and

truth to nature, the admiration of every one. The _Creation_ and

_Expulsion_ are of exceptional value, because the artist for once

borrows from Michelangelo: also it will be seen that Overbeck gave

himself from the outset to the illustration of the Biblical narrative,

and thus fondly trod in the footsteps of Giotto and Fra Angelico.

An Exhibition of the works of the German painters in Rome was held in

1819, in a room of the Palazzo Caffarelli, which, as the official

residence of Niebuhr and Bunsen, had often been a spot of kindly meeting

and hospitality. The collection Frederick Schlegel pronounced

unsurpassed in richness, variety, and intrinsic value. Public interest

was awakened, and attention centred round the contributions of Overbeck,

Schadow, Veit and Cornelius. Overbeck sent a _Madonna_ and a _Flight

into Egypt_; and Schlegel specially names the cartoon of _Jerusalem

Delivered_, for the frescoes then in progress at the Villa Massimo, as

proof of the artist's power of expression and faculty of invention. He

adds: "The struggle of the German artists in Rome daily excites more and

more observation, and their progress is watched with cordial sympathy by

men of all nations."

A very serious topic must now be considered. Overbeck in 1813

relinquished the Protestant faith of his forefathers and joined the

Roman Catholic Church. Obviously in these pages polemics are out of

place, and the step which the conscientious painter thought fit to take

has to be here noted so far only as it serves as an index to character

and as an interpretation of art. Rightly to judge the case, it were well

correctly to estimate Overbeck as a man: his strength lay within his

art, outside which he had infirmities; his bodily health was feeble, his

mind to the extreme refined and to the last degree sensitive; he shrank

from the conflict of life; common people he could not associate with;

for the ordinary world he was wholly unfit, and sought refuge in some

ideal not yet reached. Niebuhr truly reads the character when he writes:

"Overbeck is an enthusiast and quite illiberal; he is a very amiable man

and endowed with a magnificent imagination, but incapable by nature of

standing alone, and by no means so clear-headed as he is poetical. He

bends easily and naturally under the yoke of the Catholic faith."

Overbeck doubtless felt all the more need of safe anchorage from the sea

of troubles on which many minds were cast through the controversy and

scepticism which agitated Protestant Europe. In Lübeck, as we have seen,

the phases of faith were philosophic and æsthetic, and the divinities of

Olympus and Parnassus shared equal favour with the saints of the Church.

The young painter was cast in a severer mould, and needed that the

infinite and eternal should be circumscribed by definite form. It is

reported of a certain German philosopher that, when addressing his

class, he ended with the words:--"In the next lecture we shall proceed

to construct God!" Overbeck preferred to such speculation the authority

of the Church. The painter Joseph Führich puts the case strongly:[3] he

declares that his friend had to take the choice between Pantheism and

Catholicism. Overbeck felt that art was a religious question, and he

determined that all his work should be a protest against the

indifferentism and latitudinarianism which account all religions equal.

He conceded that secular writings and mundane arts were not without

their value and charm; in the arts may be permitted divers

manifestations, such as landscape, animal, and flower painting. The

Church is tolerant of all that is good, but on the highest pinnacle

stands the Christian painter. Over these matters he had pondered long,

and was accustomed to say to himself, "Let not my Christ be ever robbed

of my love; the true home of art is within the soul before the altar of

the Church; the tabernacle of art has its foundations in the worship of

God."

Early Christian Art naturally drew Overbeck towards the Roman Catholic

Church. Frederick Schlegel, Rio, Pugin severally fell under the same

spell. The old mosaics, frescoes, and easel pictures which came down

through unbroken ecclesiastical descent, were for the Christian artist

of the nineteenth century means of grace, and served as revelations of

the Divine. Fra Angelico was taken as a pattern; through living and

loving, watching and praying, believing and working, the High Priesthood

of Art was to be established. And the actual experiences of modern Rome

brought no disillusion; the frivolity and the hollowness which so often

disgust newcomers were either not seen or were turned aside from. The

painter was too pure and childlike to realise the evil, he turned only

to the good: for him the world shone as a land of light; from art he

would exorcise the passions; the true art-life blended heaven with

earth, the ideal could be attained only through the Church: her

teachings were the education of humanity.

The decisive step ultimately taken is recorded as follows: "Overbeck at

Whitsuntide in the year 1813 joined the Catholic Faith, and with joy

entered into the family of the world's Church. His spiritual guide and

confessor was Professor, afterwards Cardinal, Ostini; and the poet

Zacharias Werner, of Königsberg, as a fellow-countryman from the shores

of the northern sea, acted as godfather at the ceremony. The poet, in

writing at the time to the Prince Primate of Dalberg, said that he

recognised in the young painter 'a true seraphic character of the

Fatherland.'"[4]

A veritable mental epidemic seized on the German artists, and when one

after another of Overbeck's friends followed his example, Niebuhr took

alarm, and bethought himself of what measures could be taken. It appears

that a pamphlet had been published intended expressly for the conversion

of the young Germans, and Niebuhr, feeling the emergency of the

situation, requested a friend to bring or send Luther's works with other

writings against Popery. He adds: "It cannot be expressed how disgusting

these proceedings become the more you see of them. At this moment the

proselytes have Schadow, one of the ablest of the young artists, on

their bait." At a later date he writes: "I like Overbeck and the two

Schadows much, and they are estimable both as artists and as men; but

the Catholicism of Overbeck and one of the Schadows excludes entirely

many topics of conversation." Overbeck is elsewhere described as of

"very prepossessing physiognomy, taciturn and melancholy," with a

"proselyting spirit." Bunsen, who no less than Niebuhr deplored these

conversions, writes in 1817 that Overbeck had been for a fortnight in

August a welcome guest at Frascati, that he had finished a water-colour

drawing--a very lovely Madonna with the infant Jesus--"of which he

permitted a copy to be taken, still extant, and valued as a record of

the time and of the short-lived intimacy with the gentle and

heavenly-minded artist, who soon after this period withdrew from all

companions of a different religious persuasion from that which he had

adopted." Among the chief converts are numbered the brothers Schadow,

Veit, Platner, and the critic Frederick Schlegel. Cornelius is not

included, because he was born into Catholicism. He is described as of

"an open and powerful intellect, free from all limitations," "with

habits and convictions rooted as the facts of his existence." He thus

looked on coolly while the new converts were at fever-heat. Yet it is

pleasant to know that these controversies were, in the main, preserved

from personal bitterness, and that whatever might be the difference in

creeds, the broad union of religion and humanity was never torn asunder.

Thus in 1817 Niebuhr, a Protestant and possibly something more, was able

to write: "I associate chiefly, indeed almost exclusively, with the

artists who belong to the religious party, because those who are

decidedly pious, or who strive after piety, are by far the noblest and

best men, and also the most intellectual, and this gives me an

opportunity of hearing a good deal on faith and its true nature." And

the faith of these men we know to have brought forth good works; as were

their belief and their practice, such were their pictures, and it is

scarcely here the place to discuss whether larger views might have given

to their art wider extension.

By a curious coincidence, about the time when these conversions to Roman

Catholicism were going on in Rome the third jubilee of the Reformation

was celebrated at Lübeck. The pietist father of the painter made himself

champion of the cause, and delivered a speech at a meeting of the Bible

Society, wherein he proclaimed Luther the great witness of truth.

"Luther," he declared, "spoke, wrote, thundered, and the power of

darkness was overturned; thus conscience became free, doctrines were

purified, and the precious Bible, as a heavenly treasure, was given back

to the people."[5] It has been assigned as a reason why Overbeck never

returned home, that he could not bear to see the city of Lübeck with her

old walls thrown down; but a less fanciful cause was that other walls

than those of brick and mortar had been set up, dividing kindred and

friends.

Let us now turn from polemics to the pleasing descriptions given by

Niebuhr and Bunsen of the daily lives of the German Brotherhood. It is

not always that archæologists and literary men are the soundest

counsellors of artists; they place overmuch stress on the inward

conception and motive; they lay down, like Coleridge, the axiom that "a

picture is an intermediate something between a thought and a thing," and

in exalting the "thought" they subordinate the "thing." This was the

last teaching that Overbeck needed. He and his fellows were already only

too prone to ignore technique, to neglect colour, chiaroscuro, texture.

They deemed it all-sufficient to perfect form as the language of

thought; consequently while their works instruct and elevate, they fail

to please or to gain wide popularity.

Nevertheless, taken for all in all, Overbeck and Cornelius must be

accounted most fortunate in their intellectual companionship. The habit

was, when gathered socially together at the Embassy in the Palazzo

Caffarelli, to read books, talk of pictures, and to consort together

generally for the furtherance of the great art revival in which Niebuhr

and Bunsen believed fervently. The attachment became mutual, the

intercourse was prized on both sides. Niebuhr writes of Cornelius and

his wife: "They are, strictly speaking, intimate family friends;" and

again he says: "The society of Cornelius and Overbeck gives an inspiring

variety to the day's occupations, and one or other of these intellectual

companions seldom fails to join our evening walks." In another letter we

read: "Cornelius of Düsseldorf, Platner from Leipzig, Koch from the

Tyrol, Overbeck from Lübeck, Mosler from Coblentz, and William Schadow

from Berlin, were assembled at Bunsen's in the apartments of the painter

Brandis: in different ways and degrees we are attached to them all, and

we think them men of talent. Their society is the only pleasure we

derive from human beings in Rome." The young artists are found to be

wholly without worldly wisdom, a charge to which at least Overbeck might

readily plead guilty. Niebuhr further declares: "I confidently believe

we are on the eve of a new era of Art in Germany, similar to the sudden

bloom of our literature in the eighteenth century." He discerned in the

movement an unaccustomed spiritual phenomenon--one of those

manifestations of the national mind from time to time found in the

history of humanity. He felt once more an outburst of the intellectual

life of Germany, a rising again of the force of genius which had

impelled Lessing, Kant, and Goethe, which had given birth to profound

philosophy and science, and had animated a whole people with patriotism

and a spirit of self-sacrifice to do battle amid national songs and

hymns, even to the death, in the cause of the King and the Fatherland.

Bunsen testifies how Niebuhr showed his affection and care for the

Prussian and German disciples of art; he considered it an agreeable part

of his duty and vocation to render them assistance, to encourage them in

their studies, to give them the time of which he was so sparing to men

of mere show and fashion, also to render them pecuniary assistance when

necessary. To Niebuhr belongs the honour of having been the first to

recognise the new school at the moment when it was "despised, derided,

and vituperated." He befriended the men who had to fight their way

against shallowness and wickedness, against the low and false taste of

connoisseurs and patrons, till the day came when the martyrs of an

exalted aspiration gained the attention and admiration of the world.

Nor in numbering friends must be forgotten Frederick Schlegel, the

avowed champion of the new school. The critic was not without connecting

links and antecedents; he had made himself son-in-law of the Jewish

philosopher Moses Mendelssohn, and stepfather of the painter Philip

Veit; and he further qualified himself for his critical duties by

joining the Roman Catholic Church. Overbeck and this rhapsodist on

Christian Art were naturally close allies; each was of use to the other,

and gave and received in turns. The artist strove, it is said, to embody

in pictorial form his friend's teachings; the two, in fact, moved in

parallel lines. Schlegel urged that the new style must be emulative and

aspiring, ever possessed of lofty ideas. Believe not, he writes, that

the glory of art has passed away. The hope is not vain that there comes

a rekindling of former fires; art uprising from the dark night breaks as

the morning's dawn; "a new life can spring only from the depths of a new

love." Let us hold that Art like Nature renews her youth. The soul alone

can comprehend the truly beautiful; the eye gazes but on the material

veil--the union of the inner soul with the outward form constitutes the

noblest art. Nowhere are to be found more eloquent utterances on "the

Bond between Art and the Church," but in all is overlooked the simple

fact that "the Celestial light" cannot be made appreciable to mortal eye

otherwise than through the medium of matter, and according to the laws

of vision. And to such oversight is greatly to be ascribed the

infirmities of Overbeck and his school. It is forgotten that the most

holy of motives cannot save a picture which is not good as a picture.

Schlegel discusses the question, What is needed by the Christian

painter? The following phrenzy, though wordy, is worth reading:--

"The answer is that the beautiful truths of the Christian faith should

not be received into the mind as merely lifeless forms, in passive

acquiescence to the teaching of others: they must be embraced with an

earnest conviction of their truth and reality, and bound up with each

individual feeling of the painter's soul. Still even the influence of

devotion is not alone sufficient; for however entirely religion may be

felt to compensate for all that is wanting to our earthly happiness,

much more is required to form a painter. I know not how better to

designate that other element, without which mere technical skill, and

even correct ideas, will be unavailing, than by calling it the inborn

light of inspiration. It is something quite distinct from fertility of

invention, or magic of colouring, rare and valuable as is the latter

quality in painting. It is no less distinct from skill in the

technicalities of design and from the natural feeling for beauty

inherent in some susceptible minds. The poet and the musician should

also be inspired, but their inspiration is more the offspring of human

emotion; the painter's inspiration must be an emanation of celestial

light: his very soul must, so to speak, become itself illumined, a

glowing centre of holy radiance, in whose bright beams every material

object should be reflected; and even his inmost conceptions and daily

thoughts must be interpenetrated by its brightness and remodelled by its

power. This indwelling light of the soul should be recognised in every

creation of his pencil, expressive as a spoken word; and in this lies

the peculiar vitality of Christian beauty, and the cause of the

remarkable difference between Classic and Christian art." "Physical

beauty is employed by the Christian painter but as a material veil, from

beneath which the hidden divinity of the soul shines forth, illuminating

all mortal life with the higher spirituality of love."

A kindly and timely commission came to the masters of the German

Brotherhood--Overbeck, Cornelius, Veit, and Schadow--from the Prussian

Consul, Bartholdi. Personal relations, with the desire of giving the

untried painters an opportunity of proving what good was in them,

prompted the charge to decorate with frescoes a room in the Casa

Bartholdi, situated on the brow of the Pincian Hill.[6] The Prussian

Consul was in a roundabout way connected with Philip Veit and Frederick

Schlegel, whose mutual relationship has been already recounted; his wife

was sister of the philosopher Moses Mendelssohn, and aunt of the

illustrious musician, and sundry intermarriages had made, as it were, a

compact in literature and art between the families of Bartholdi,

Mendelssohn, Veit, and Schlegel.[7] The chosen sphere of operations was

comparatively narrow; the small room in an upper story, now of historic

interest, is not more than twenty-four feet square. The situation is

inviting; the beauties of nature are usually found proximate with the

beauties of art, and here the windows command a panorama sweeping from

the Pincian to the Tiber, and embracing St. Peter's, the Vatican, St.

Angelo, and the Capitol. The topic chosen for these wall pictures was

the _Story of Joseph and his Brethren_--a theme conveniently

accommodating to any existing diversities in creeds or styles. The

technical process adopted was fresco, a monumental art, the revival of

which formed part of the mission of the German fraternity. The arduous

undertaking was commenced and carried out in strict accordance with

historic precedents. Preliminary studies were made, and well-matured

cartoons on the scale of the ultimate pictures were perfected. To the

lot of Overbeck fell _Joseph sold by his Brethren_,[8] and _The Seven

Years of Famine_.

It has been my pleasure to visit and revisit these wall-paintings over a

period of a quarter of a century, and growing experience does but

enhance my admiration. They fulfil the first requirements of wall

decoration: the story is told lucidly and concisely; the style is

simple, noble; accidents are held subordinate to essentials; the

compositions are distributed symmetrically; the colour, though a little

crude, is brought into somewhat agreeable unity; the light and shade are

not focussed at one point, but carried evenly over the whole surface;

and the treatment inclines sufficiently to the flat to keep the

compositions down on the wall. The finished pictures of the four masters

vary in dimensions. The lengths range from eight to seventeen feet, the

height is mostly about eight feet; the figures do not exceed five feet.

The lines bounding the figures and draperies are firm and incisive.

Accordant with the practice of the old fresco-painters, each day's work

is marked and discernible by the joinings in the plaster, and the

junctions between the dry plaster of one day and the wet plaster of the

next are appropriately fixed at the points where the subject breaks off

readily and can be resumed most easily. The technique is thoroughly

mastered, and, barring some surface cracks, the paintings are in as

perfect condition as when they came from the artists' hands. The chief

defect is a somewhat crude opacity of pigments, a characteristic

belonging to the debased period of wall-painting rather than to the

"_fresco buono et puro_" of Giotto, Luini, and Pinturicchio.

Another point to be remarked is that the frescoes in the Casa Bartholdi

show that the four painters--Overbeck, Cornelius, Veit, and

Schadow--worked here at the outset of their career in remarkable unison.

In the course of years they diverged widely, but as yet the school

collectively dominates over the artist individually. The Brethren had

formed themselves equally on the same originals, and had scarcely found

time to take their several departures from nature. Indeed, the actual

presence of nature comes almost as a surprise in these compositions.

Overbeck's figures are manifestly more or less studied from the life,

only, according to his habitual practice, he has taken pains to

eliminate from his models any individual accidents which marred the

generic form, softening down angularity and ruggedness into pervading

grace and beauty. Here and there are traces of affectation, together

with a feebleness incident to the painter's weak physique which stands

in utmost contrast with the force of Cornelius. Overbeck mostly shunned

action and dramatic intensity, and here the figures in their movements

depart but slightly from the equilibrium of repose. As a religious

artist, the New Testament was more within his sphere than the Old. Thus

the outrage committed against Joseph by his brethren is toned down into

a calm, orderly transaction; placidity reigns throughout; all is brought

into keeping with the painter's spirit of gentleness.

The Casa Bartholdi frescoes,[9] when finished, produced a most

favourable impression in Rome; the cause of the Germans was greatly

strengthened, and the opposite party felt the defeat. The Italians, too,

were taken by surprise to find themselves beaten by foreigners on their

own ground. A natural consequence of the success was further

commissions, and the fortune no less than the fame of the revivalists

was made. Singularly enough the modern Romans came forward as the next

patrons. Niebuhr, writing from Rome in 1817, says: "It is a significant

fact that some foreigners, even Italians, are beginning to pay attention

to the works of our friends." It is well known that the Romans had been

addicted for centuries to mural painting in palaces, villas and

garden-houses: Raphael was employed to decorate the Farnesina; Guido and

Annibale Carracci painted the ceilings of the Farnese and of the

Rospigliosi Palaces. Emulating these illustrious examples, Prince

Massimo commissioned Overbeck, Cornelius, Veit, and Schnorr to cover the

walls and ceilings of his Garden Pavilion near St. John Lateran with

frescoes illustrative of Tasso, Dante, and Ariosto. Not only the themes,

but the local surroundings were inspiring. The Villa Massimo is a site

only possible in Rome. When the artists in the morning came to work,

before their view opened a panorama embracing the Claudian Aqueduct, St.

John Lateran, the Church of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, the old Walls of

Rome, with cypresses and stone pines around, and the Alban Hills beyond.

The Pavilion assigned to the painters stands in the Villa garden, with

the accustomed growth and fragrance of orange-trees, magnolias, azaleas,

roses, and violets. Overbeck entered on the work with poetic ardour.

The Massimo Pavilion is little more than three rooms standing on the

ground; the first, indeed, is an Entrance Hall, and therein Schnorr

painted copiously from Ariosto. On the left a door leads to the room

assigned to Cornelius for the illustration of Dante: the ceiling fell to

the lot of Veit. On the right another door opens to a corresponding room

of like dimensions, set apart to Overbeck and Tasso's _Jerusalem

Delivered_.[10] This small interior is not more than fifteen feet

square, and the wall-spaces are much broken up by doors and windows, so

that only one of the four sides remained disencumbered. The compositions

are eleven in number, and are unequal alike in size and merit. The

largest and most noteworthy is fifteen feet long by ten feet high,

representing the _Meeting of Godfrey de Bouillon and Peter the Hermit_.

The narrative is lucidly told, the picture well put together, and the

successive planes of distance are duly marked. Altogether the

fundamental principles of wall-decoration are clearly understood in this

the most complex composition yet attempted by the painter. Another

thoroughly studied design is _Sophronio and Olindo on the Funeral Pyre

delivered by Clorinda_.[11] The action has more than usual force and

movement, and the undraped figures are drawn with severe exactitude.

Presiding over the whole series, in the middle of the ceiling, is an

allegorical figure of _Jerusalem Delivered_.[12] An angel on either side

unlooses the fetters of an innocent placid maiden crowned with thorns.

These frescoes, notwithstanding their situation in a cold, damp

garden-house, remained, when I saw them last, in January, 1878, in sound

condition: thus once more we find Overbeck, equally with Cornelius, to

have been solidly grounded in the method of wall-painting.

I must confess that I have always been disappointed with this Tasso

Room.[13] One reason is that the carrying out of the original designs

was delegated to an inferior brush. Overbeck was not in strong health;

he worked slowly, and when other commissions came in, some more to his

liking, such as that for the church picture at Assisi, he felt

overburdened, and wished to be released from a task that had grown

wearisome. The work, began about 1817, had dragged on for ten years,

till at last Overbeck made a deliberate call on good and friendly Joseph

Führich, and requested that he would complete the unfinished frescoes.

The proposal, naturally felt as an honour, was gratefully acceded to.

After this distance of time it becomes difficult to determine how far

this worthy substitute must be held responsible for much that is to be

regretted on these walls. For some of the compositions the master had

made nothing more than sketches or indications, and at least three must

be laid to the charge of the scholar. Führich was for Overbeck what

Giulio Romano had been for Raphael, and the Tasso Room suffered the same

degradation as the latest stanza in the Vatican.

The Tasso Room may be taken as a measure of Overbeck's capacity. This

"cyclus," or series, shows the painter's power of sustained thought and

faculty of invention. Much, doubtless, is compilation, yet something

remains of originality. The best passages are those not borrowed from

old pictures, but taken from life, which makes the regret all the

greater that here and in the sequel nature was not trusted more

implicitly. On the whole, these compositions leave the impression that

Overbeck had not mental force or physical stamina sufficient for the

task. It is true that the presence of a lyrical spirit is felt; but

scenes of Romance need more fire and passion; the deeds of Chivalry were

not enacted in a cloister. Perhaps self-knowledge wisely counselled

Overbeck to quit the regions of creative imagination. With greater peace

of mind he trod in the future, the safer paths of Christian Art, wherein

precedent and authority served as his guide and support.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: See among other authorities: 'Die Deutsche Kunst in

unserem Jahrhundert, von Dr. Hagen,' vol. ix. Berlin, 1857.]

[Footnote 2: The above compositions suggest the following observations.

Overbeck was in the habit of making over many years replicas with

variations and improvements of favourite themes, and the dates of the

successive stages are not always easily determined. Of the _Preaching of

St. John_, the Düsseldorf Academy possesses an example dated 1831. Also

in the same collection is a mature and almost faultless drawing, fit

companion for Raphael, of _The Raising of Lazarus_; the figure of Christ

is 9 inches high. Overbeck made several renderings of the

universally-beloved composition, _Christ Blessing Little Children_: the

most deliberate is that given in these pages. The replica in the Meyer

Collection, Hamburg, is of the last decade of the artist's life, and

betrays infirmity of hand. _The Entombment_, classed above among works

of the first Roman period, is probably that now in the choice collection

at Stift Neuburg, near Heidelberg, dated 1814, and obviously suggested

by Raphael's _Entombment_ in the Borghese Palace. No drawings have

better pedigree than those in this old family mansion: a predecessor of

the present possessor was the artist's personal friend. The version of

_The Bearing to the Sepulchre_ given in these pages is from one of the

forty well-known drawings of the Gospels, and dates 1844. At Stift

Neuburg I also saw in the autumn of 1880, by the courtesy of the owner,

Graf von Bernus, the drawing for the _Holy Family_, chosen as an

illustration to this volume; it is of utmost delicacy and beauty--the

motive has evidently been borrowed from Raphael; the measurement is 1

foot 3 inches by 1 foot 8 inches.]

[Footnote 3: See 'Autobiography of Joseph Führich,' published in Vienna

and Pesth, 1875.]

[Footnote 4: See 'Historisch-Politische Blätter für das Katholische

Deutschland,' vol. lvi., part 8. Munich, 1870.]

[Footnote 5: See 'Erinnerung an Christian Adolph Overbeck;' Lübeck,

1830.]

[Footnote 6: The Casa Bartholdi has for some years been let as lodgings

to a superior class of travellers, and is much favoured by the English.

The rooms are not always accessible; the servants have been known to

name, as the most convenient time for seeing the frescoes, Sunday

mornings, when the tenants are attending the English Church. The Painted

Chamber is suitably furnished for daily uses; _The History of Joseph_,

which covers the walls, is not too serious a theme to mingle with the

common avocations of domestic life: fresco-painting, in fact, is not

only a national and an ecclesiastic, but likewise a domestic art.]

[Footnote 7: The Royal Academy Exhibition, Berlin, 1880, contained a

large coloured design for the decoration of the ceiling of the Villa

Mendelssohn-Bartholdy. Thus the joint names over a period of more than

half a century stand conspicuous among art-patrons.]

[Footnote 8: Overbeck's cartoon in charcoal on paper of _Joseph sold by

his Brethren_ is carefully preserved under glass in the Städel

Institute, Frankfort, where I examined it in 1880: the width is 11 feet,

the height 8 feet, the figures are about 5 feet. The outlines are firmly

accentuated; the details sufficient without being elaborate; the figure,

as proved specially in the arms, hands, legs, and feet, is perfectly

understood; the draperies are cast simply and broadly; the heads of

noble type are impressed with thought. Not a false touch appears

throughout; the crayon is guided by knowledge; evidently preliminary

studies and tentative drawings must have preceded this consummated

product. No wonder that this cartoon made a deep impression; nothing had

been seen at all like it in Rome for very many years.]

[Footnote 9: Many are the authors who have written on the Casa Bartholdi

frescoes, the chief authorities are Hagen, Förster, Reber, and Riegel.]

[Footnote 10: See among authorities before named, 'Geschichte des

Wiederauflebens der deutschen Kunst zu Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19.

Jahrhunderts, von Hermann Riegel.' Hannover, 1876.]

[Footnote 11: The cartoon for this fresco is in the Leipzig Museum,

where I examined it in 1880. It is in chalk on whity-brown paper, in

squares and mounted on canvas; length 15 feet by 7 feet. As a mature

study of form and composition it is just what a cartoon should be, but

the touch is feeble and poor. Like most of Overbeck's designs, it has

received the tribute of engraving.]

[Footnote 12: The cartoon was acquired for the National Gallery, Berlin,

in 1878, at the price of 37_l_. 10_s_. 0_d_.; measurement 6 feet by 4

feet: it has been engraved.]

[Footnote 13: Persistent difficulties are placed in the way of even

students who desire to visit these frescoes; the public are

systematically excluded from the Villa Massimo, and on two occasions,

when after much trouble I gained orders for admission, the attendant, in

accordance with instructions, forbade the taking of notes.]

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