CHAPTER VI

COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL STAFF AND ITS DISTRIBUTION THROUGH THE ARMY

The Prussian general staff forms a corps by itself. The officers

belonging to it wear a special uniform, and their names do not appear

in any regimental lists. The proposals for their promotion are made by

the chief of the staff of the army,[1] and advancement in its ranks is

quicker than in the army generally.

The corps thus constituted is, however, not a close corporation. By

the rule that regimental service must alternate with employment on the

general staff, the connection between the army and the staff is

maintained, and the practical competence of the staff officers is

secured. The first appointment to the staff and the subsequent return

to it are alike dependent upon selection, or, in other words, upon

special merit.

A captain on the staff after four or five years' work is transferred to

a regiment. A year or two later he may be again selected for the staff

as major. After a further term he will receive the command of a

battalion, then return to work on the staff, and afterwards be promoted

to the command of a regiment. From this post he may again be chosen to

the staff, returning eventually as a major-general to the command of a

brigade.

Those officers who are selected for the purely scientific work of the

general staff, such, for instance, as the geographical and

topographical surveys, are considered to have embraced a special career

and to have given up the prospect of command in the field. They are

placed on an auxiliary establishment or side list of the general staff.

As a rule they are students rather than fighting men, or officers of

distinguished scientific attainments who have not the bodily activity

required for service in the field. They remain on the auxiliary

establishment, and do not revert to the wider field of active service

among the combatants.

The Prussian general staff numbers altogether about 200 officers, 90 of

whom are distributed among the divisions and army corps,[2] whilst

about 100, half of whom belong to the auxiliary establishment, form the

great general staff at Berlin. Service in the staff office of a

division or army corps alternates with employment on the great general

staff, so that the officer whose diligence and ability have opened for

him the staff career, and whose performance secures his periodical

return to it, passes through the various stages of regimental service,

of service on the general staff of the great constituent units of the

army, and of employment in the great central agency of direction.

Thus the general staff is not merely the intellectual spring which

gives the impulse to the whole army, but it forms also a medium of

circulation by which all the parts are kept in uninterrupted

communication with the centre. At the great general staff the art of

command is studied with special reference to the employment of the

German army as a weapon against France, Russia, or any other probable

adversary, and in conjunction with the Austrian, Italian, or any other

allied army. The wide views thus acquired are applied to the handling

of the several units of which the army is composed, while the central

office in all its general studies has the benefit of the practical

experience obtained in the management of the company, the squadron, and

the battery, as well as of every unit up to the division and the army

corps.

The influence of the general staff is not limited to the work of the

200 officers who comprise it at any given time. Many of the commanders

of regiments and battalions have been members of the general staff, and

are taking their turn of practice with the troops. Nearly all the

higher commanders have passed through the various stages of duty in the

general staff. The great general staff is perpetually training fresh

generations. Some sixty junior officers are temporarily attached to it

without being incorporated, that is, without ceasing to belong to their

regiments. They are the pick of the 100 lieutenants who every year

leave the Kriegsakademie, or Staff College, at Berlin. They work for a

year at the central general staff office, under the personal

supervision of the chief of the general staff of the army, who thus

acquires an intimate knowledge of their ability and character. At the

end of their year they rejoin their regiments. After a term of

regimental work the best of them will be chosen as captains to the

general staff to fill up vacancies caused by promotions. In this way

the general staff keeps up its numbers by the continual selection of

the fittest.

[1] In the case of regimental officers these proposals are made by the

commander of the regiment; cf. Cabinet order of March 22, 1864.

[2] Four of the German army corps--those of Saxony, Würtemberg, and

Bavaria (two corps)--do not belong to the Prussian army.

PART III

_THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF_

CHAPTER I

AN INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT

The chief of the general staff of the army, assisted by the great

general staff, which is his special organ, and which has its permanent

abode in Berlin, is occupied during peace with preparations for the

conduct of the army in war. The work undertaken with this object

divides itself naturally into three branches, according as it consists

in actual arrangements for particular wars regarded as probable, in the

training of officers to the art of command, or in the scientific study

of war as a means of forming and exercising the faculty of generalship.

The direct preparation for probable wars consists in arranging, in

anticipation of each of the various possible complications, the most

suitable distribution of the forces available, their concentration on

the frontier, and their transport from the peace quarters to the

districts selected for this purpose.[1] These matters require for

their decision a thorough knowledge of the countries forming the

theatre of war and of the armies of all the probable combatants.

The great general staff in time of peace is constantly engaged in the

collection and digestion of such information. For this purpose it is

organized into three divisions,[2] to each of which a portion of Europe

is assigned. The first division deals with Sweden, Norway, Russia,

Turkey, and Austria; the second with Germany, Denmark, Italy, and

Switzerland; the third with the western states of Europe and with

America. Of the thoroughness with which the work is done some idea may

be formed by an examination of the reference index,[3] which was for

many years (1869-1883) annually printed and published. The reader who

opens one of these volumes at the chapter headed "British Empire" will

find there a mass of ordered information such as is hardly anywhere

else accessible. It begins with a detailed account of the progress of

the Ordnance survey during the year, dealing separately with England,

Scotland, and Ireland, and with the Admiralty surveys. Then under the

heading land and people, comes a list of new statistical publications,

an abstract of the census and of the Registrar-General's reports, and a

note of any works that illustrate the subjects. Succeeding headings,

worked out with great minuteness, are: constitution, administration,

and finance, intellectual culture, emigration, mining, agriculture,

forestry, and marine economy, industry and trade. Communications are

subdivided into railways, post, telegraphs, and inland navigation.

Several pages are devoted to an exhaustive catalogue of every

publication issued during the year, English or foreign, bearing upon

the British army, including official publications, controversial

pamphlets, and magazine and newspaper articles. The navy is treated in

a similar manner, though less space is devoted to it; and lastly, there

is a review of all new guide-books, books of travel, and maps relating

to Great Britain, especially of county guides, histories, maps and

plans. The progress of the British colonies is followed in the same

fashion.

The minute systematic study which is thus devoted to the resources of

every European country gives a basis for judging of its fighting power

far more certain than the collection of mere military statistics. For

the reference index is only a groundwork upon which the military study

of the countries can be founded. It is not the product of the three

divisions, but of the geographical and statistical section, which

belongs to the auxiliary establishment, and in this way it prepares the

materials upon which the three divisions are to work.

The index is no longer given to the world; but the volumes already

published are a monument of systematic research, and reveal the depth

and breadth of the foundation upon which the great general staff

builds, in other words, the accuracy and fulness of the knowledge at

the disposal of its chief when he frames a plan of operations. It is

therefore not a matter of surprise that in 1866 the chief of the

Prussian general staff was well informed concerning the position and

condition of every part of the Austrian army up to the time when the

special preparations for the war began; was able to gauge very fairly

the time that would be required for its mobilization and transport, and

knew perhaps as well as any one in Austria the difficulties in which

that empire would be placed by an effort to continue the struggle. A

still more complete knowledge of the adversary's military and other

resources was revealed by the German general staff at the opening of

the campaign of 1870.

The German staff has now no longer a monopoly of these studies, as may

be seen by a glance at the _Revue Militaire de l'Étranger_, published

fortnightly (since 1872) by the second bureau of the French general

staff. The intelligence division[4] of our own War Office performs

somewhat similar duties of geographical and statistical research.

The transport of the portions of the army from their peace quarters to

the places of assembly selected for the commencement of operations has

been referred to in the account of the campaign of 1866. It was then

effected partly by marching, partly by railway. Immediately after that

campaign the veteran critic Jomini, in an essay upon its lessons, urged

the importance of "the serious study of the modifications which

railways will cause from this time onwards in the general direction of

the operations of war, _i.e._ in strategy," and spoke of the want of

this study as "the gap at present existing in the theory of the art of

war."[5] The gap, one would think, had been pretty well filled up

already by a staff which in twenty-one days had moved 197,000 men,

55,000 horses, and 5,300 military vehicles over distances varying from

120 to 360 miles without a single accident, and without any serious

departure from the pre-arranged time-tables.

The great general staff has a special division devoted to the

manipulation of railways in war, and the attempt is made to give every

officer of the general staff the benefit of a period of service in this

particular branch.

The production of maps for the army is so closely connected with the

study of the various probable theatres of war that the two duties

cannot safely be entrusted to different institutions. In Germany the

principal government geographical establishment is a branch of the

great general staff, the officers employed in it being on the auxiliary

list. This service is arranged in three departments, the

trigonometric, the topographic, and the cartographic, all of which are

under the supervision of the chief of the National Survey, who is

himself a subordinate of the chief of the general staff of the army.

[1] See Part I. Chap. IV.

[2] The details of this organization have been modified in recent years.

[3] _Registrande der Geographisch-Statistischen Abtheilung des Grossen

Generalstabes_. Berlin, 1869-83.

[4] See a lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution in

1875 by the late Major-General, then Major C. B. Brackenbury, R.A.,

entitled "The Intelligence Duties of the Staff at Home and Abroad," in

reading which, however, the date of its production should be remembered.

[5] Jomini, _Troisième Appendice au Précis de l'Art de la Guerre_.

Paris, 1866.

CHAPTER II

A MILITARY UNIVERSITY

The distinctive feature of the regeneration by which modern Prussia was

raised up, after the Prussia of Frederick the Great had been shattered

in the first conflict with Napoleon, was the effort to lay a solid

foundation in healthy institutions and especially in a sound education.

The work which was done for Prussian institutions by Stein and for

liberal education by Humboldt, was done for the army by Scharnhorst, to

whom military education was the corner-stone of army reform. The

University of Berlin began its work on October 15th, 1810, and on the

same day[1] was opened the War School for officers, the great military

high school of Germany, now known as the War Academy. It was the

creation of Scharnhorst, whose greatness is nowhere more conspicuous

than in his educational work.

As early as 1792, before he had ever seen a battle, he had published a

_Soldier's Pocket-book_, in which the principles and details of field

service were explained and illustrated by examples from then recent

wars. The experiences of his first campaigns in 1793 and 1794 led him

during his last years in the Hanoverian service to draw up a series of

memoirs in which military education occupies a prominent place, and

when in 1801 he joined the Prussian service, one of his first

appointments was that of lecturer to the classes of young officers

which had been instituted by Frederick the Great and still continued to

be held. Scharnhorst rearranged and extended the courses of

instruction, and himself as "Director of the Academy" taught to the

higher class the important subjects of tactics and strategy. The

lectures which he gave between 1801 and 1805 have been preserved in a

fragmentary state, and show that he was the first to concentrate the

attention of his pupils on the conduct of the operations of war,

instead of merely busying them with the details of the several

technical arts and sciences which subserve that end. The regulations

for the Academy which he drafted in 1805 contain the outlines of the

system which in a more developed form is still characteristic of the

highest Prussian military education. Scharnhorst's best pupil at this

time was Carl von Clausewitz, who in after years attributed to these

early lessons the intellectual impulse which produced his masterly

essays, and the historical method in which all his theory has its

roots. Lectures and classes were abruptly ended by the mobilization of

1805, which was followed in 1806 by the great catastrophe.

The War School of 1810 aimed at the higher training of selected

officers whose ability gave promise of a career in the superior ranks.

It was distinct from the lower schools intended to give a professional

training to young men preparing to become officers, and was closely

connected with the general staff, in which Scharnhorst, at this time

its chief, paid great attention to the instruction of the younger

members. One of the first professors appointed was Clausewitz.

The wars of liberation practically dissolved the War School, which,

however, after the peace of 1815 was re-established without substantial

modification, though it was placed in the department, not of the chief

of the staff, but of the inspector-general of military education.

During the subsequent long period of peace, the Academy had the

services of many distinguished men. From 1818 to 1830 Clausewitz was

its director. The great geographer Karl Ritter was from 1820 to 1859

one of its professors. In 1859 the title of War Academy was definitely

adopted, and in 1872 the institution was again placed under the

superintendence of the chief of the general staff.

The regulations at present in force, though of recent date, are little

more than a codification of the system which has been gradually

developed on the foundations laid by Scharnhorst, and their value and

the authority which attaches to them are in great measure due to the

long and unbroken tradition which they represent.

They are embodied in two short codes entitled respectively "Order of

Service," and "Order of Teaching of the War Academy." A concise

account of these documents will best explain the workings of this

institution.

The Order of Service is one of the few results of the brief reign of

the lamented Emperor Frederick, whose signature it bears. It begins in

true German fashion with a definition: "The object of the War Academy

is to initiate into the higher branches of the military sciences a

number of officers of the necessary capacity belonging to the various

arms, and thus to enlarge and extend their military knowledge and to

clear and quicken their military judgment.

"Side by side with this direct training for their profession, they are

to endeavour, in proportion to the requirements of the army, to

penetrate deeper into certain departments of formal science, and to

acquire mastery in speaking and writing one or two modern foreign

languages."

The Academy in its scientific working--as an institution for teaching

and study--is under the chief of the general staff of the army, who is

responsible for the appointment of the teachers, for the selection of

officers as students ("the call to the Academy"), for their dismissal

in case of need, and for the permission to attend a particular course

occasionally granted to officers not "called." For the discipline and

management of the Academy, the director, a general, is responsible. He

is assisted by one or two deputies and by a Board of Studies, over

whose nomination the chief of the staff has a controlling influence.

The duties of the board are to approve of the programmes of the several

professors' courses, and to conduct the examinations at the beginning

and at the end of the course. The complete course lasts three years,

with a long vacation of three months each summer. The appointment or

"call" of students is in each case only for a year, its renewal

depending upon diligence and good conduct. Any officer of five years'

service not yet within four years from his turn of promotion to captain

may apply for admission to the Academy, which is regulated by

examination.

"The object of the entrance examination is to ascertain whether the

candidate possesses the degree of general education and the knowledge

requisite for a profitable attendance at the lectures of the Academy.

The examination is also to determine whether the candidates have the

power of judgment, without which there could be no hope of their

further progress." The questions set are to be such as cannot be

answered merely from knowledge stored up in the memory, and should test

the capacity for clear, collected, and consistent expression. The

military subjects required are tactics, formal and applied, the nature

and construction of firearms, fortification and surveying. The general

subjects are history, geography, mathematics, and French. The paper in

applied tactics must be as simple as possible. It must consist of a

problem for solution, so as to oblige the candidate to make a decision

and give his reasons for it. Each candidate must send in an essay

written at home on one of a list of subjects announced some months

beforehand. This is particularly intended to test his power of

judgment and the degree of general education he has attained. It may

be either in German or French. "Of those officers whose work is judged

the best (by the Board of Studies) the director may submit to the chief

of the general staff of the army, with a view to their being called to

the Academy, the names of any number not exceeding a hundred. The

chief of the staff communicates his decisions to the generals

commanding army corps, who inform the officers concerned."

The _Order of Service_ lays down that in the instruction given at the

Academy certain practical applications shall never be omitted:--

"As a continuous commentary on the lectures, the students, under the

guidance of their professors, are to visit the military workshops,

technical institutions, and exercising grounds at Berlin and Spandau,

and the fortifications of Spandau. They are to attend the exercises of

the railway regiment, and make journeys of instruction on the military

railway.

"The lessons in tactics, fortification, and transport are to be

supplemented by practical exercises. Moreover, during a portion of the

holidays after the first and the second year, each officer is attached

for instruction to a regiment of one of the two arms to which he does

not properly belong. Lastly, the third year's course is always to

conclude with a three weeks' tour, for practical instruction in staff

duties."

The _Order of Service_ concerns itself no further with the scope and

method of teaching, but decrees that these shall be determined by the

order of teaching to be issued by the chief of the general staff of the

army.

The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy at present in force was

issued by Count Moltke at the close of his career at the head of the

Prussian staff.[2] Its value can be made clear only by a reproduction

of its principal clauses. But a true judgment of an educational

institution must be based upon the existence of a standard of

comparison, an ideal which may be readily accepted as the measure of

perfection. Such a normal type may be sought in the best University

training of the present day, of which the spirit may perhaps be

expressed in a few sentences.

A system of instruction, intended not for children but for men, which

is not an attempt to make good the defects of early education, but

addresses itself to minds already trained and disciplined, cannot be

regulated mechanically. In all intelligent education the order of

teaching is at once natural and rational. The subjects group

themselves by their relation to the end in view, and the necessity of

each new advance is evident to the student as soon as he is prepared

for it. Such a course of study has a unity, and a completeness, which

is of great significance in view of the formation of a type of

character. The highest education, however, has features peculiarly its

own. It is founded in the conception of science, not as a department

of knowledge, but as "the proper method of knowing and apprehending the

facts in any department whatever."[3] From this idea of method flow

practical consequences. The student, as soon as maturity is

approached, abandons the general realm of knowledge, and concentrates

himself upon a single province,[4] in which, however, he becomes not

merely a follower, but an independent worker, seeing and judging for

himself and co-operating with his teacher in advancing the bounds of

knowledge. Above all, "it is not the substance of what is

communicated, but the act of communication between the older and the

younger mind, which is the important matter."[5]

From this educational standpoint, Count Moltke's _Order of Teaching_

deserves a close examination. Its opening paragraphs must be given in

full:--

"THE COURSE OF STUDY.

"In accordance with the objects for which the Military Academy is

instituted, its course of study must aim at a thorough professional

education; it must not lose itself in the wide field of general

scientific studies.

"A sound formal education is the indispensable pre-requisite of a

thorough military professional education. The deepening of the formal

training, of the general intelligence and judgment, must therefore

never be lost sight of during, and side by side with, the professional

studies. Accordingly the course will be based upon the knowledge

gained in the cadet corps, the military schools, the school for

artillery and engineers, and, as regards general knowledge, in the

gymnasia. But a simple repetition of things already known, by way of

refreshing the memory, cannot be sufficient. As the whole course aims

at a higher culture, it must proceed independently, entirely free from

the constraint of a school.

"The practical abilities of the officers, acquired during five years'

service, offer in many respects a foundation upon which the teachers

can build.

"METHOD OF INSTRUCTION.

"The instruction at the Military Academy begins with the elements of

the various subjects, the object being, in the first instance, to

strengthen and enlarge the grasp of what has already been learned. It

proceeds, as the subjects develop, to more difficult matters, aiming,

as its ultimate goal, at the thorough preparation of the officer for

the modern requirements of war. The instruction in the formal sciences

must for this purpose proceed in a different manner from that adopted

in the military subjects. The scientific teaching may take the form of

lectures, which appeal merely to the comprehension and the memory of

the hearer, while in the military subjects, everything depends upon the

pupil learning to apply and to make the most of the knowledge which he

acquires. It is, moreover, essential to bring about an active process

of mental give and take between teacher and pupils, so as to stimulate

the pupils to become fellow-workers. The awakening effects of

co-operation like this will never be seen where the one only expounds,

and the other only listens. But it will naturally be produced by the

combination of clear exposition, with practice in the application to

specific concrete cases of the knowledge gained. (The so-called

'applicatory method' of teaching. Cp. p. 187, note.)

"Accordingly, in the purely military subjects the lectures are, as far

as possible, to be interspersed with practical examples, in which the

details are explained upon the map. Moreover, in this department,

there will be opportunities of encouraging the pupils from time to time

to deliver original addresses, the preparation of which should lead to

the formation of independent opinions. The subjects of these addresses

are to be military, and never merely scientific.

"If the teacher succeeds by the force of his word and his person in

developing the mental powers of his pupils so that they eagerly look

forward to the next year's course and are thoroughly roused to work for

themselves, he has accomplished his task. For the Academy is not to

give fragments of disconnected knowledge; in its course of teaching the

necessity of every new subject must rest upon truths which the pupils

have already perceived and made their own."

The general framework being thus erected, the _Order of Teaching_

proceeds to review the several subjects[6] taught in the Academy,

indicating in each case the reason why the particular subject is to be

taken up, and the manner in which it is to be treated.

The following paragraphs, which deal with the four principal subjects

of instruction, give a sufficient insight into the system:--

"TACTICS.

"The object of the tactical instruction, to which, above all,

pre-eminent importance must be attached, is (1) to give the officers a

thorough knowledge of the tactical regulations in force in our army and

those of our great neighbours, and (2) by teaching and by setting

problems to make them familiar with the endless diversity of the

conditions of modern battle.

"The first year's course comprises (_a_) the outlines of the historical

growth of our army organization and of our tactical forms; (_b_) our

drill-books, order of field service and musketry instruction, so far as

they are important for the use of the troops in the field; (_c_)

thorough explanation of the forms of battle of the great European

armies of to-day.

"Hand in hand with this formal instruction, the German regulations

dealing with march, combat, and rest must be illustrated by problems

involving a small detachment of all arms. In these problems the

principal stress is to be laid on the co-operation and mutual support

of the various arms.

"In the second and third years' course only applied tactics will be

taught. During the second year the duties of the infantry and cavalry

division, with special regard to the issue of orders and the conduct of

battle, must be thoroughly studied. The third year's course embraces

the functions of an army corps acting as a portion of an army.

"The teacher must throughout endeavour to make his instruction

suggestive by examples and by exercises on the map and in the open air.

In this he will be successful in proportion as he makes use of the

experiences of modern and of recent wars.

"MILITARY HISTORY.

"The lectures upon military history offer the most effective means of

teaching war during peace, and of awakening a genuine interest in the

study of important campaigns. These lectures should bring into relief

the unchangeable fundamental conditions of good generalship in their

relation to changeable tactical forms, and should place in a true light

the influence of eminent characters upon the course of events and the

weight of moral forces in contrast to that of mere material instruments.

"These lectures must not degenerate into a mere succession of

unconnected descriptions of military occurrences. They must regard

events in their causal connections, must concern themselves with the

leadership, and must at the same time bring out the ideas of war

peculiar to each age. They will acquire a high value if the teacher

succeeds in bringing into exercise the judgment of his pupils.

"This judgment, however, must never degenerate into mere negative

criticism, but must clothe itself in the form of distinct suggestions

as to what ought to have been done and decided.

"The lectures in the first year's course will treat of one or more of

the campaigns of Frederick the Great; in the second year's course,

campaigns of the Revolution or of Napoleon I.; and in the third year's

course, campaigns of the period since Napoleon, especially those of the

time of the Emperor William I.

"HISTORY.

"A thorough historical knowledge is a necessary part of general

scientific education, and is also of manifold value in the professional

life of an officer. Accordingly, the lectures which are to lay the

foundations for it are continued throughout the three years' course.

Their object is to show consecutively the general development of the

human race in the successive stages of religious conceptions, of

political and social forms, and in the results of science, art, and

philosophy. All these phases of human progress are to be illustrated

in the history of representative nations and individuals. Growing

forms are to be explained in connection with previous conditions, and

finally the exposition must reach the present time, the ground upon

which the officer's work is founded, and of which therefore he must

understand the gradual historical growth.

"GENERAL STAFF DUTIES AND PRACTICE TOUR.

"This course is to deal with the functions of the general staff, and

with the service of the general staff officer in peace and war. It

includes, in any order preferred by the teacher--

"The historical development of our general staff.

"The corresponding arrangements of the other Great Powers.

"The subdivision of our army as based upon the Imperial Constitution,

the military laws, and the conventions.[7]

"The office work of the general staff officer in its general outlines;

the preparations for the manoeuvres and for mobilization; the various

constituent parts of the mobile army.

"Railways and transport.

"The duties of the general staff officer in the field, especially his

position and functions in relation to the general command.

"The principles of the supply of armies in peace and war, the resources

and means available for the purpose, and the methods employed.

"The war strength and composition of the armies of our great neighbours.

"The practice tour[8] with which the course terminates offers the

opportunity of testing the capacity, knowledge, and endurance of each

officer--of finding what he can do. Upon the basis of simple general

and special ideas, usually framed by the teacher who conducts the

exercise, the decisions of the general commanding and the general staff

officer's share in the measures adopted will be illustrated. For this

purpose it will be useful to form two sides, neither of which should,

as a rule, exceed the strength of an imaginary infantry division on a

war footing. The exercise should be so arranged as to occasion in turn

practice in formal work such as may promote facility in the issue of

orders and a knowledge of the arrangements of our army, discussions

upon the spot of tactical situations, analyses of the effects upon the

troops of dispositions given, and lastly, comprehensive examinations of

the situation presented by the campaign or battle. Each officer who

joins the tour should have the opportunity of grappling with as many as

possible of these various kinds of difficulties."

The advocates of original research as the true instrument of higher

education may not at first sight recognise their ideal in Moltke's

_Order of Teaching_. They may smile at an academy where natural

science and history are taught in lectures appealing only to the

intelligence and the memory. But the school at Berlin has a practical

aim. It is a school of war, and in all that relates to war the German

staff officer learns to apply that science which consists in the true

method of apprehending. Moreover, the _Order of Teaching_, like all

other German military regulations, does not fully reveal the

thoroughness of the work executed in obedience to its precepts. In

military history, for instance, it lays down that the third year's

course is to deal with "campaigns of the time of William I." This

phrase would be met by very superficial work. The letter would be

fulfilled by a perusal of a _précis_ of the campaigns of 1866 or of

1870. A study of one of these campaigns in the official history might

seem completely to fulfil the requirements. But in practice the

students at the Academy work out the selected campaign on a still wider

basis. In the probationary year which follows the Academy course they

are allowed access to the materials from which the staff histories were

written, and are expected to form their own judgment on the campaign

from the study of the original documents themselves. This is the very

ideal of the ideal professor of history.

There is no doubt another point of view from which the War Academy may

be differently judged. A University, strictly speaking, is a school of

free thought, and should give to those who have lived its life and

breathed its spirit a view of the world, of nature and of humanity, of

which the characteristic is freedom, spontaneity, independence. The

man who in this sense has had a liberal education may be reactionary or

progressive in his sympathies, may be democratic or authoritative in

his leanings, but in any case if the University has done its work he

will choose his own way. He will take his bearings for himself, and

his thought will be conditioned by no ordinances and limited by no

authority. At this intellectual freedom the War Academy does not aim.

Its business is not with the progress of humanity, but with the

training of good servants for the King of Prussia. Whether this

immediate object is a means to the higher end is a question for the

historian in some future century.

[1] Schwartz, _Leben des Generals Carl von Clausewitz_, etc., vol. i.

p. 151.

[2] It is dated August 12th, 1888; Count Moltke's resignation as chief

of the general staff of the army is dated in the _Gazette_, August

10th, 1888.

[3] Mark Pattison's _Suggestions on Academical Organisation, with

Especial Reference to Oxford_, p. 307.

[4] Cp. Pattison's _Suggestions_, p. 262.

[5] Cp. Paulson's _Suggestions_, p. 165.

[6] List of the subjects taught in the Academy, with number of hours

per week in each year's course devoted to each:--

1st 2nd 3rd

MILITARY SUBJECTS. year's year's year's

course. course. course.

Tactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4 2

Military history . . . . . . . . 3 4 4

Early history of armies . . . . . 1 -- --

Construction and nature of weapons 3 -- --

Fortification . . . . . . . . . . 3 -- --

Means of communication . . . . . -- 2 --

Military surveying . . . . . . . -- 2 --

Military law . . . . . . . . . . -- 1 --

Military hygiene . . . . . . . . -- 1 --

Military geography . . . . . . . -- 2 --

Duties of the general staff . . . -- -- 4

Siege warfare . . . . . . . . . . -- -- 3

NON-MILITARY SUBJECTS.

History . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 3 3

General geography . . . . . . . . 2 -- --

Administration and law, including

international law . . . . . . . -- -- 2

Mathematics (Mathematical ) 4 3 2

Physical Geography (sciences as ) 2 -- --

Physics . . . . . (alternatives ) -- 3 --

Geodesy . . . . . (for language.) -- -- 3

Chemistry . . . . ( ) -- -- 2

French . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6

or . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Russian . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6

Every candidate for admission to the Academy is required to say whether

he proposes to take up the subjects grouped as mathematical sciences,

or a language, and if a language whether French or Russian.

[7] The conventions are the agreements with Prussia by which the armies

of Saxony, Bavaria, and Würtemberg are regulated.

[8] The practice tour (_Uebungsreise_) is a sham fight, or rather a

sham campaign, carried out in the district chosen for the purpose by

officers without men. The troops are imaginary, but the officers

taking part in the exercise are assigned to the several posts of

command, and upon the basis of the imaginary situation, communicated by

the umpire, work out all the necessary orders and dispositions.

CHAPTER III

THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING

The condition of success in the higher education is that the teacher

should be himself a student. He should have in his subject that vital

interest which comes of the endeavour to extend his mastery and to

widen in his own particular branch the existing bounds of knowledge and

achievement. The true teacher does not study his subject in order to

be able to teach, but teaches because he is possessed by his subject.

The benefits of teaching in the higher stages are therefore never

one-sided. The pupil returns in a different form the help which he

receives. For while the elucidation of principles acquires a peculiar

freshness and force in the hands of an active pioneer of knowledge, the

necessities of exposition compel the investigator to keep his

researches in contact with the system or body of doctrine which he

expounds. This fundamental relation between teaching and research is

realized in the connection between the War Academy and the great

general staff.

It has already been shown how the great general staff is the organ by

which during peace its chief collects and sifts the information upon

which he bases his plan for the opening of a campaign, and how, when

the operations have begun, the general staff, through its several

ramifications, keeps him supplied with the data concerning his own army

and that of the enemy which he requires from time to time in order to

shape his further decisions.

All this is but preliminary or preparatory work. The decisive act is

that by which the chief of the staff, from the information he has thus

acquired, constructs a problem and designs its solution--puts to

himself the question, What is now to be done? and answers it. Thus in

the last analysis the soul of the organism resides in the chief of the

staff, and is manifested in the exercise of his peculiar faculties. It

therefore becomes necessary to investigate the nature and origin of the

qualities in virtue of which he is fitted for his post.

The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy explains the method by

which, in an elementary stage, the intellectual faculties requisite for

command are developed and trained. The mental outfit of the ideal

general is there analyzed into its constituent parts, which are

classified according to their importance. The highest place is

assigned to military history as "the most effective means of teaching

war during peace."[1] Accordingly the study of military history, to

which so large a space is assigned in the course of the War Academy, is

pursued on a higher plane by the great general staff, which has a

special department for its cultivation. In this historical work, and

in the method on which it is conducted, lies the secret of Prussian

generalship.

The leading ideas of the school must be sought in the writings of

Clausewitz,[2] the great exponent of the lessons learned in Prussia

from the wars against Napoleon. Clausewitz distinguishes the mere

narration of events, which gives at most the superficial relations of

cause and effect, from their critical examination. In the critical

method applied to military history he defines[3] three stages or

operations. There is first the historical process proper, which has

for its object the ascertainment of the facts so far as this is

possible with the existing materials. Upon the basis thus furnished

the military student will proceed to seek to understand the events in

their relations as cause and effect, and then when their real

historical connection[4] has thus been determined will undertake to

form a judgment as to the fitness of the means employed for the ends

which it was sought to attain.

It is in this last process that the educational value of military

history is to be sought. The Prussian School aims not only at

developing the power of comprehension, but also at forming the

character.[5] Accordingly it requires that the student should not

merely make himself acquainted with the facts of a campaign, and with

the general bearings of theory upon its events. He is expected in

every case to form a definite conclusion as to what ought to have been

done. He must clearly make up his mind what course he would himself

have adopted in the circumstances which confronted the general whose

operations he is studying.

The influence of the ideas of Clausewitz upon the historical studies of

the general staff is clearly marked. In 1862 was published "The

Italian Campaign of the year 1859, compiled by the Historical

Department of the General Staff of the Royal Prussian Army." It is an

open secret that this work was written by Moltke himself; and therefore

it is worth noting that the preface describes the object of the book

almost in the words of Clausewitz: "to ascertain as accurately as

possible the nature of the events in Northern Italy during those few

eventful weeks, to deduce them from their causes--in short, to exercise

that objective criticism without which the facts themselves do not

afford effective instruction for our own benefit." The history of the

Italian campaign is a model of this positive criticism. At, every

stage the writer places himself in turn in the position of the

commander of each side, and sketches clearly and concisely the measures

which at that moment would, in his opinion, have been the most

appropriate. This is undoubtedly the true method of teaching the

general's art, and the best exercise in peace that can be devised for

those who have acquired its mastery.

In 1867 appeared "The Campaign of 1866 in Germany, compiled by the

Department for Military History of the Great General Staff." This work

is described in its preface as "drawn from the official reports of the

Prussian troops, and intended in the first instance for their use. The

description," the writer goes on to say, "is one-sided, because

hitherto our late antagonists have not made disclosures such as would

suffice to explain the motives of their action." A similar

qualification may be applied to the account of the Franco-German war

published by the great general staff. But both works supply, within

the limits laid down by their authors, precisely the kind of history

which is of the greatest value to the military student. The utmost

pains have been taken to secure a true statement of facts, and a clear

exposition of the guiding motives on the Prussian or German side.

Accordingly these works, and the account published more recently of the

campaign of 1864 in Denmark, form rich storehouses of material for that

"objective criticism" in the exercise of which lies the principal means

of maturing the military judgment.

The great general staff began in 1883 to publish a series of historical

monographs, of which the object is, in the case of subjects chosen from

recent campaigns, "to throw light upon important questions relating to

the art of command, in particular the mode of employing, and the

performance possible to, the several arms; the service of security;

minor warfare; fortification; the composition and preservation of

armies." Those of the essays which take their subjects from earlier

campaigns are intended "to enrich our insight into the nature of war,

and to make possible a profounder and more correct judgment of events,

and of the persons concerned in them."

The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy describes the purpose of all

these studies in military history. They are to lead to a knowledge of

"the unchanging conditions upon which good generalship depends, in

their connection with changing tactical forms." Before there can be

good practice there must be a true theory, and a true theory can be

acquired only from historical study pursued according to a sound

method. Moreover, the theory can never have an independent existence;

it must always derive its sustenance from fresh contact with the

historical reality of which it is the abstract. It is like the giant

Antasus, whose strength fails whenever he is lifted up from the touch

of his mother Earth. On the other hand, historical study which did not

yield a theory would be barren and useless.

This connection between history and theory finds expression in the

tradition of the Prussian service. The general staff has been no less

active in the production of theoretical works than in that of

historical studies. But in the department of theory each work is

published on the responsibility of its author. There is no official

theory;[6] only the theories of individual officers. A short account

of the principal works which in this way emanated from the general

staff during the reign of King William I. will show that the accepted

body of military doctrine is almost entirely due to this one source.

In 1865 appeared as a supplement to a military newspaper an anonymous

memorandum of eight pages, headed "Remarks on the Influence of the

Improved Firearms upon Battle." This short essay, of which the

authorship was afterwards acknowledged by Moltke, gave a searching

analysis, based upon exact historical data, of the modifications in the

handling of troops on the battlefield to be looked for from the

adoption of rifled cannon and breechloading rifles. The writer drew

with a master's hand in a few strokes the characteristics of the

physiology and psychology of the modern battlefield, as results of the

new arms. The rifled gun can change its target without changing its

position. Its long range and its accuracy, where the distance is known

and the target visible, must prevent the enemy from employing large

columns within a mile. The breech-loading rifle requires soldiers

carefully taught to shoot. But sharpshooting must be the exception.

Decisive results on a large scale must be sought by reserving the fire

for those short ranges at which errors in estimating the distance are

immaterial. A strict control of the fire by the officers must prevent

the waste of ammunition. The formation for firing will be the line two

deep; that for manoeuvring in the range of the enemy's rifled guns will

be a line of small columns, which can rapidly deploy, are easily

handled, and admit of the full use of the ground for protection and

concealment when in motion. The new firearms produce their full effect

only on open ground. Accordingly the defender will seek positions such

as are formed by a gentle slope of the ground offering a free and

extensive field of fire. The attacker will seek for his advance the

protection afforded by broken ground or by woods and villages. Though

in the abstract the new weapons are favourable to the defence, so that

a general on the defensive will try to force the enemy to attack him in

a good position, the breechloading rifle, if it can be brought within

effective range of the defender, will quickly bring about a decision.

The defenders will not be able to sustain the hail of bullets, and if

they attempt to charge with the bayonet will be effectually stopped by

the rapid fire of the needle-gun.[7]

The views here expressed were put into practice, and proved to be

sound, on the battlefields of 1866. The battle of Nachod, in which the

Crown Prince's left column, emerging from the mountains, defeated the

Austrian corps which tried to prevent its debouching, illustrated the

leading ideas of Moltke's essay. The position was on the crest of a

long slope, up which the Austrians attacked. The Prussian troops were

handled in small columns, which deployed to resist by steady and rapid

fire at short ranges the advance of the Austrian masses. After the

war, a younger officer of the general staff, Major, afterwards

Lieutenant-General Kühne, published a critical history of these early

battles of the Crown Prince; and it is worth noting that he found the

chief cause of success on the actual battlefields to have lain in the

thoroughness with which the men had been taught to handle the

needle-gun, and in the judgment with which the officers applied the

small column for manoeuvre and the deployed formations for firing. At

Königgrätz itself was illustrated the view that the attack would find

its advantage in broken or covered ground, for the decisive blow was

prepared essentially by Fransecky's hard fighting in the wood of

Maslowed.

After the war of 1870, the Prussian staff was for many years engaged

upon its history, which was not complete until 1881. During this

period the main business of military criticism was the sifting of that

war, with a view to the improvement of theory, in other words to the

better management of future wars. It has always been thought

remarkable that this criticism should have been undertaken by the

Germans themselves. The bulk of this work also was done by the general

staff, in the shape of unofficial publications by members of that body.

Between 1870 and 1875 appeared the studies of Verdy du Vernois in _The

Art of Command_, works which have exercised the profoundest influence

on the military literature of our time, and which recall the efforts of

Scharnhorst to teach, not a series of disconnected sciences, but a

doctrine of the conduct of war.[8] Verdy's studies were based on his

work in the historical department of the staff, where he was engaged on

the records of both the great campaigns. In 1882 appeared the essay on

_Strategy_ of Blume, who had prepared for it by a strategical history,

published in 1872, of the campaign of 1870 from the battle of Sedan

onwards. In 1883 was published the brilliant popular work of Von der

Goltz, _The Nation in Arms_, also the outcome of extensive historical

studies.[9] All these writers were members of the Prussian general

staff.

The tactical discussions which immediately followed the war were

conducted in the main by writers whose experience had been gained, not

on the staff, but in the actual command of fighting units.

Boguslawski, Laymann, Tellenbach, and May had been company leaders on

the French or Bohemian battlefields. But even here the influence of

the staff was considerable. Bronsart von Schellendorf, who wrote the

reply to May's _Tactical Retrospect_, Von Scherff, whose essays on

formal tactics were very widely read at the time of their publication

(1873), and Meckel, whose treatise on tactics in 1881 condensed into a

systematic shape the substantial results of the ten years' controversy,

were all officers of the general staff. Thus it is hardly too much to

say that for more than twenty years the Prussian general staff has done

a great part of the military thinking of Europe.

The school through which a Prussian officer must pass before he can

become a general has now been described, at least in its most striking

features. After five years' service as a lieutenant he has mastered

the elementary duties, and assimilated the spirit of his class, with

its ideals of work and intelligent but absolute obedience. In three

years at the War Academy he has learned the nature of war, and acquired

an insight into the conduct of the armies. At the same time he has

been taught to deal in a practical way with practical questions, never

allowing himself to shrink from the effort of forming a decision. He

has now arrived at full maturity in frame, intelligence, and character,

and spends the more active years of manhood in the higher studies of

the great general staff, the executive and practical activities of

command, and the comprehensive and instructive functions of the general

staff of the division or the army corps. During these years and in all

these varied occupations his energies are put forth to their full

extent, for advancement can only be secured by valuable work in each

successive sphere. By the time he attains to general rank he has

acquired a vast and varied experience; a practised eye, whose rapid and

penetrating glance on the march and in the field seems to the layman

almost miraculous; and a sureness and swiftness of judgment which

decides without fail in an instant nine-tenths of the questions which

arise in the exercise of command.

It is not contended that the system here described is perfect. Every

system has its failures, and there is no possibility of entirely

excluding the influences of favour or prejudice. But it may be

asserted with confidence that the high average of practical ability

secured in the superior officers of the Prussian army is due in the

main to the practice of selection, the careful inspection by the

superiors, at every stage, and to the mature wisdom by which the higher

education of the general staff is directed. The intellectual

advancement of the officers of every army is confronted by a peculiar

difficulty. The foundations of all military institutions are authority

and obedience--principles which appear to be directly opposed to the

free movement of intelligence. Every army is constantly in danger of

decay from mental stagnation. Free criticism is liable to undermine

discipline, and the habit of unconditional obedience too often destroys

the independence of judgment without which moral and intellectual

progress is impossible. The Prussian general staff has escaped from

this dilemma by itself taking the lead in scientific progress, and

organizing itself, in regard to all that concerns the business of

national defence, as an institution for the advancement of learning.

[1] Cf. Colonel Maurice in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_ article "War,"

p. 345: "There does not exist, and never has existed ... an 'art of

war' which was something other than the methodic study of military

history."

[2] It is interesting to note that Moltke was a pupil at the War

Academy from 1823 to 1826, while Clausewitz was its director. The

director, however, is not a teacher, and Clausewitz did not publish any

of his principal works during his lifetime, so that the evidence does

not prove a personal influence of Clausewitz upon Moltke.

[3] See Vom Kriege, _Hinterlassenes Werk des Generals Carl von

Clausewitz_, Zweites Buch, Fünftes Capitel.

[4] Clausewitz is fully aware of the difficulty with which this

critical study has to contend, that the real causes, the motives which

led to the adoption of a particular measure, are in many cases unknown.

[5] It may be interesting to compare with what follows Foster's _Essay

on Decision of Character_, Letter VI., in which the value of a

"conclusive manner of thinking" is discussed.

[6] The drill-books and regulations for field service embody an

official theory, and it is, of course, indispensable that they should.

But these books are not prepared under the responsibility of the

general staff. The usual practice is to appoint a committee composed

of a number of combatant officers of all ranks,--a general commanding

an army corps, commanders of divisions, brigades, regiments, and

battalions. They will, as a rule, have had the general staff training,

but it is as experienced commanders that their judgment is asked. They

prepare a draft code of regulations, which is first issued

experimentally, and only adopted after full criticism and revision.

[7] The précis given in the text needs only the alteration of two words

to bring it perfectly up to date. For "a mile" substitute "two miles,"

and for a "line two deep" substitute "line in single rank"="line of

skirmishers." For a recent and interesting but heterodox discussion of

tactical questions the reader may be referred to _Ein

Sommernachtstraum_ (_Midsummer Night's Dream_), which is by a

well-known officer, long a member of the general staff.

[8] Verdy's practice is to use the history of a campaign real or

imaginary as a series of problems set to the student. This is called

in Germany "the applicatory method," and its introduction is ascribed

to General von Peucker, who was Director of Military Education in

Prussia from 1854 to 1872.

[9] Von der Goltz's papers on Rossbach and Jena appeared in 1882.

CHAPTER IV

THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF

In the best work the man is more than the school. An ordinary man

gives out no more than has been put into him. All his performances can

be explained by his antecedents. But the best workers contribute from

themselves an element which no analysis can adequately explain. A

Newton or a Columbus, a Stanley or a Whitworth, has some unseen spring

of force and insight.

A man of this stamp is required at the head of an army, and above all

at the head of the organization entrusted with the design of operations.

The eve of a war is always accompanied by a great outburst of feeling,

which in ninety-nine men out of a hundred manifests itself as an

excitement, a disturbance, interfering with the action of the judgment

and distorting the view of persons and events. But this is the very

time when the weightiest decisions must be taken. The provisional plan

of concentration, the result of careful preparation in quieter times,

has to be reconsidered in relation to the circumstances of the moment,

and definitely settled and adopted. The judgment of the strategist

must therefore be perfectly clear, uninfluenced by the emotions which

he shares with the rest of his countrymen.

When the concentration has been ordered, and while the armies are in

movement, come the first collisions, following one another in quick

succession. Every day brings its surprises, even to the best informed

and best prepared headquarters. The strategist's equilibrium must be

disturbed as little by unexpected events as by the throbs of national

emotion. He must prepare the way for a decisive battle. No one knows

better than he the terrible nature of the sacrifices which it will

involve, and the stakes which are risked upon its issue. The lives of

thousands will be lost; many thousands will be wounded; a mistake,

miscalculation, or mishap may lead to defeat, with far-reaching,

perhaps disastrous, consequences to his country. But under the weight

of this vast responsibility the strategist's judgment must work

smoothly and easily, like the compass in a storm, with no derangement

of its delicate equipoise.

The man whose insight remains clear, whose judgment retains its even

balance, when the greater part of mankind are stunned with the awe of

great events, who remains true to himself while others are carried away

by what seems an irresistible current, is not cast in the common mould.

Ordinary men shrink into insignificance beside him. He is separated

from the average officer by a gulf which no system of training can

bridge. The inner calm which neither great occurrences, nor danger,

nor responsibility can disturb cannot be imparted, and no method can be

prescribed for its acquisition.

The natural place for a leader of men is in the supreme command. Where

a general of this type is at the head of an army he will himself

superintend the work of strategical preparation such as is carried on

in the office of the great general staff at Berlin. His chief of the

staff will be a confidential assistant, whose main function will be to

lighten for him the burden of detail, and the two men will stand to one

another in the same relation as that which subsists between the general

commanding an army corps and the chief of the general staff of the

corps.

In Prussia the king is the head of the army, and there are good reasons

why he should take the field in person--reasons which have not been

weakened by his becoming also German Emperor. A king who keeps in his

own hands the general direction of the Government cannot very well work

out for himself the problems involved in the strategical preparation of

a campaign. His chief of the staff becomes his strategical adviser,

alike during peace and war, and occupies a position of far greater

importance than the assistant to a professional commander-in-chief.

King William I., in the two great wars in which he took the field,

reposed entire confidence in his chosen chief of the staff; and to the

fine character which could do this without loss of dignity, as well as

to the genius of Moltke, must be attributed the success with which in

these wars the armies were directed. Moltke always attributed to the

king the responsibility for the strategical decisions, and that quite

correctly; but the king equally correctly regarded Moltke as their

source, and attributed the success of the army to Moltke's "conduct of

the operations."[1] The victories of Prussia in 1866, and of Germany

under Prussian guidance in 1870, were due to the perfect understanding

between the king and Moltke, a relation equally creditable to them

both. It must not be forgotten, moreover, that the king exercised the

supreme political as well as the supreme military authority, and that

in the political department, too, he had in Bismarck a trusted adviser,

the counterpart of Moltke. Thus was secured the harmony between the

political and the military direction which is essential to great

success in war. From the exceptional characters of the king, of

Bismarck, and of Moltke, and from the equally exceptional relation

between them, it would be rash to deduce a system, which in any case

could be applicable only to the case of a king wielding the entire

executive power.

The relation between the Commander-in-Chief and his chief of the staff

must thus be regarded as a personal one, which will vary in its nature

according to the characters and gifts of the two men. If the commander

has in himself the necessary intellectual power, the chief of the staff

should be of subordinate mould; if the commander requires help in the

conception of the operations, his assistant must be able to supply the

initiative required. It is evident that the case in which the

subordinate is the source of inspiration implies on the part of the

commander a magnanimity far from common, and that, therefore, this

arrangement must be considered to be rather the exception than the rule.

The element of permanent value in the Prussian system is the

classification of duties according to which it regulates the division

of labour. The whole authority of the Government is concentrated in

the person of the king who is the head of the army. The king does

nothing himself; every part of the work is done for him. The whole of

the business of the army is divided up into compartments, so as to

leave nothing over, and at the head of each compartment is an officer,

who within it exercises the king's authority. The king's supervision

does not appear to consist in his doing over again the work of these

officers. They submit to him any important new decisions which they

propose, for they are responsible to him. But in case the king is

unable to agree with the course proposed, there is reason to believe

that the officer who suggests it retires, his place being filled by a

successor who shares the king's view. In this way the authority of the

king is maintained without impairing the initiative of his chosen and

authorized assistants.

The actual command of the troops is in the hands of the generals

commanding army corps and of the governors of fortresses; they account

directly to the king, and all their subordinates to or through them.

The general concerns of the army pass through one of three departments.

Personal matters, such as the appointment and promotion of officers,

retirements, rewards, and decorations go to the king's military

cabinet, which has its own chief. Administrative affairs, that is

questions of organization, equipment, armament, and fortification,

belong to the ministry of war. The third department, that of the

general staff, is principally occupied with the strategical and

tactical rather than with the administrative direction of the army.

These various departments communicate directly with one another, a

process which is facilitated by regulations leaving no doubt which of

them upon any given point has the power to decide.

It thus appears that the institution of a general staff as one of the

organs of the management of an army is based upon a true analysis

applying equally to all civilized armies, and to all ordered warfare.

Military success requires primarily the intelligent direction against

the enemy of the forces employed. The general staff originated as the

auxiliary instrument of this direction, and as such is found, at least

in a rudimentary form, in every army. In Prussia alone its full

importance was understood, and it received an organization peculiarly

suited to its purpose. The distinction was steadily kept in view

between the all-important conduct of the operations against an enemy

and the subordinate though necessary business of administration.[2]

Every function directly bearing upon the conception or design of the

action of the army or of its principal parts against the enemy was

assigned to the general staff, which thus became an enlargement of the

commander's mind, serving to facilitate his performance of his most

characteristic and most difficult duty. To the command thus

strengthened the army was rendered pliable partly by means of a

suitable subdivision into permanent autonomous bodies, and partly

through the organization of the administrative side by side with the

military services.

The army corps--managing its own internal affairs--having its

adjutancy, its auditoriat, and its intendancy to supply its needs with

the assistance of and in connection with the ministry of war--is a body

easily amenable to the strategical direction proceeding from a general

centre. Thus the growth of the organ of strategical direction was

necessarily accompanied by a corresponding development of other

military institutions by which the perfect adaptability of the organism

to the directing agency was attained and preserved.

The importance of the office of chief of the general staff of the army

led to its being filled by selection. The confidence reposed in a

chosen chief implied that he should be unhampered in the means of

fulfilling his duties. He was therefore entrusted with the selection,

and eventually with the training, of the officers for his own

department.

The design of military operation involves the most complete knowledge

of the military sciences, and the most perfect mastery of the military

art. Accordingly the great general staff has become a school of

generalship, from which have emanated a series of masterpieces of

military history and historical criticism, while its individual members

have produced valuable works dealing with the various branches of the

theory of the art of war.

The attachment of the War Academy to the general staff for which it is

the training school is the means of raising to the highest level the

standard of military education.

The common devotion of the general staff in all its branches to that

portion of military activity which makes the most exacting demands upon

the intellectual faculties as well as upon the will, finds its

expression in the unity of the general staff through all the branches

of the army. A consequence of the selection by which the corps is

composed, and of the requirement of practical familiarity with the

duties of leadership and with the life and spirit of the troops, is the

constant passage of officers to and fro between regimental and general

staff service, and their alternate employment in the various branches

of the general staff itself.

The general staff, in short, is the brain, and something more than the

brain, of the army.

"Its chief and his 200 officers prepare beforehand for all probable

campaigns; they follow the progress of the armies of their neighbours

at the same time that they study the several theatres of war; they work

out together the methods of war; they familiarize themselves with the

machinery of the army, bringing their influence to bear upon all

questions of organization and training; they form an organism whose

arteries spread all through the army, gathering practical experience

and carrying wherever they go the same continuous stream of principles

and of doctrines."[3]

[1] See the king's letters to Moltke of Oct. 28, 1870: "Ihrer ...

weisen Führung der Operationen," and of March 22, 1871: "Die

unübertreffliche Leitung der Kriegsoperationen." Moltke, _Gesammelte

Schriften_, i., 268, 9.

[2] The function of the military administrator is to transform into

military force so much of the resources of the State as the Government

thinks proper. The process is continuous, and goes on during war as

well as during peace. In Prussia it is conducted by the ministry of

war, the channel or instrument by which the resources of the country

are rendered available for employment against the enemy. Cp. p. 61.

[3] _Revue militaire de l'Étranger_, vol. xxxii. p. 261.

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End of Project Gutenberg's The Brain of an Army, by Spenser Wilkinson

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